Search Results (27)

Fragmented, sector-by-sector governance is poorly suited to cascading risks that couple climate, food, water, health, biodiversity, soils, energy, and environmental quality. This paper addresses the translation gap between integrative security–sustainability paradigms and the routine machinery of government, including planning, budgeting, procurement, and accountability. We develop the Spheres of Security (SOS) model as a conceptual–operational method organised around four overlapping spheres (biophysical, economic, social, and governance) and a repeatable cycle—diagnose → co-design → deliver → demonstrate → adapt—illustrated through two stylised vignettes (urban heat and health; watershed food–water–energy). SOS introduces an auditable overlap rule and an Overlap Score, supported by lean assurance, to make verified multi-sphere co-benefits commissionable and to surface trade-offs transparently within normal, accountable institutions (consistent with weak securitisation). We provide implementation guidance, including minimum institutional preconditions and staged entry-point options for jurisdictions where pooled budgets and full administrative integration are not immediately feasible. Full article

Energy security crises have historically been turning points for energy systems, exposing vulnerabilities, reshaping policy priorities, and boosting technological change. However, whether—and to what extent—such crises accelerate low-carbon transitions remains contested. This paper examines the effects of the 2022 energy crisis on the European Union (EU)’s energy transition, using policy analysis combined with a quantitative assessment of renewable energy trends, forecasts, and targets. We analyse the ambition, implementation, and outcomes of the REPowerEU plan, the main response to the crisis. In an unprecedented move, REPowerEU securitised renewable energy as a means to reduce dependence on Russian energy imports. However, the plan only moderately increased earlier renewable energy targets and did not reverse declining subsidies despite more forceful implementation measures. Its effects have been uneven across technologies. Already accelerating solar may overshoot its targets, onshore wind might only slightly accelerate beyond its current steady growth, and offshore wind remains constrained by economic and institutional uncertainties. Despite increased subsidies for fossil fuels, coal continued declining, oil remained stable, and natural gas dropped. Overall, REPowerEU sustained rather than transformed the EU’s low-carbon transition, illustrating both the potential and limits of accelerating decarbonisation under security crises. Full article

This article interrogates “enforced silence” in higher education as an active, racialised technology of governance that manages speech, polices dissent, and narrows the horizons of legitimate knowledge. Bringing scholarship on institutional racism, decoloniality, and academic freedom into dialogue with analyses of scholasticide, the systematic destruction of education and intellectual life in Palestine, the paper argues that neutrality and professionalism function as administrative veneers that protect institutional reputation while disciplining racialised scholars and erasing Palestinian epistemologies. Palestine operates here as both an acute site of violence and a diagnostic mirror that illuminates a transnational repertoire of epistemic governance: censorship, securitisation, campus injunctions, and weaponised definitions that chill debate and criminalise solidarity. The article extends the concept of scholasticide beyond material destruction to include ideological and institutional assaults on dissent and critical thought, demonstrating how marketised, securitised universities reproduce racial regimes while disavowing complicity. Against this architecture, the paper advances a praxis-oriented framework drawing on critical pedagogy and the Palestinian ethic of Sumud to envision universities as sites of freedom rather than corporate neutrality. It sets out concrete strategies for scholars and institutions, including protections for dissent, refusal of censorious definitions, divestment from complicit partnerships, cross-border classrooms, and recognition of emotional–political labour, to convert witness into transformative action. The article concludes by insisting that academic responsibility is irreducibly collective: education must commit to liberation, not serve domination. Full article

Migration between Haiti and the Dominican Republic has long reflected Hispaniola’s intertwined histories of grievances, distrust, inequality, and interdependence. Under President Luis Abinader (2020–2025), this relationship gained renewed political significance as regional instability and Haiti’s institutional collapse made migration a central concern of governance. This study examines the Dominican state’s discourse on Haitian migration through a combination of historiographical interpretation and discourse-historical frame analysis. Using the diagnostic–prognostic–motivational triad, this analysis examines 26 official statements, legal documents, and media articles to trace how notions of order, security, and humanitarian responsibility have structured migration policy during this period. The findings identify four interrelated logics—securitisation, nativism, racialisation, and statelessness—that shape how migration is problematised and managed. While overtly xenophobic or racist language has largely disappeared from official discourse, older anti-Haitian hierarchies persist beneath a technocratic and humanitarian surface. Deportations, biometric border management, mass detentions, violence, and preferential bureaucratic practices are presented as neutral governance, even as they disproportionately and unlawfully affect darker-skinned citizens and migrants of Haitian descent. The analysis suggests that Dominican migration governance represents neither rupture nor continuity, but rather a rearticulation of narratives of security, sovereignty, and national identity in a context of contemporary securitising issues in Haiti. Full article

This paper revisits Saudi Arabia’s religious statecraft through the lens of Pax Wahhabica, interrogating the transnational diffusion, strategic reconfiguration, and evolving instrumentalisation of Wahhabism as a modality of imperial theopolitics and a conduit of ideological projection. Tracing Wahhabism from its eighteenth-century roots, through its Cold War entrenchment as a bulwark against secular nationalism, to its post-9/11 fragmentation, this study offers a conceptual re-evaluation of Wahhabism not as a fixed theological doctrine but as a malleable constellation of norms and discourses continuously calibrated to state interest. Theoretically anchored in soft power analysis, constructivist norm diffusion, Gramscian hegemony, and Foucauldian governmentality, this paper examines how religious norms are mobilised through affective discourse, institutional socialisation, and securitised governance to advance regime resilience. Through empirical case studies on Bosnia, Indonesia, and Nigeria, it elucidates how Wahhabi norms were localised, hybridised, and, in some instances, weaponised against their progenitors. Finally, this paper examines the domestic reconfiguration and international repositioning of Wahhabism under Muḥammad bin Salmān, arguing that contemporary Saudi theopolitics marks not the abandonment of Wahhabism but its reconversion into a strategically curated, domesticated ideology. Pax Wahhabica, thus, persists—not as an unbroken theological doctrine but as a hybrid ideational empire in which Islam is strategically retooled as an instrument of hegemonic statecraft. Full article

This paper critically interrogates the French model of secularism (laïcité) and its implications for Muslim women’s rights in contemporary France, particularly within post-colonial and post-secular contexts. It explores how historical legacies of colonial governance continue to inform current regulatory frameworks around religious expression, especially regarding the wearing of Islamic veils in public institutions. While laïcité is officially presented as a principle of neutrality and universalism, its practical enforcement often targets Muslim women, functioning as a mechanism of exclusion that conflates religiosity with political threat. Drawing on intersectional feminist theory and recent debates on post-secularism, the paper examines how dominant feminist movements in France have struggled to incorporate the lived experiences and agency of pious Muslim women, frequently aligning with state-led narratives that instrumentalises gender equality in service of national identity and securitisation. Drawing upon the concept of intersectional post-secularity as discussed in recent scholarship, this article offers a new contextualised framework from within the French system of laïcité for analysing how secular governance, feminist discourse, and colonial legacies converge to regulate Muslim women’s visibility and subjectivity. This approach moves beyond binaries of secularism versus religion and emancipation versus subjugation, offering new insights into the entangled politics of faith, gender, and national identity. Ultimately, the paper calls for feminist and civic discourse that upholds democratic inclusivity, accommodates religious diversity, and resists the racialised governance of Muslim women’s bodies in the name of laïcité. Full article

Utilising Arendt’s ‘right to have rights’ thesis not only as an observation on citizenship but as an intrinsic eligibility and political opportunity for the stateless, this paper outlines how the Nationality and Borders Act 2022 and Illegal Migration Act 2023 do not merely continue the general trend of criminalising migrants but take the further step of socially distancing the securitised migrant object. The recent legislation provides that those who arrive in the UK via ‘irregular means’ (i.e., small boats) will likely have their asylum claims deemed ‘inadmissible’. The lack of a ‘negotiated settlement’ in the asylum complex has been well noted; however, the systematic prejudgement and consequent bureaucratic social distancing inherent in the new legislation now threatens to remove even the prospect of negotiation. The means of arrival instantly proving decisive precludes the possibility for asylum seekers to present evidence that they are genuine refugees, and, with it, the politico-legal space and opportunity for the ‘irregular’ person to generally make themselves seen and heard is maliciously obstructed. The result is not just the denial of humanity and concomitant human dues (rights), but a distinct move towards denial of even the possibility of humanity (the right to have rights). Such works to distance system administrators from issues of vulnerability, assuredly direful consequences, and humanness itself, as is essential for the expansion of a system where basic human rights are so lacking. Full article

There is a debate on the role of education as a tool to challenge or enforce authoritarian attitudes. Many posit that education, particularly higher education, reduces authoritarianism; whereas vast research indicates that education can be used as an authoritarian tool for regime survival. This suggests that there are other intervening factors, such as the curriculum used, the teaching methodology implemented, and the educational administration employed, to securitise the academic space and impose authoritarian attitudes. Informed by the notion of hegemony and the banking concept of education, this article explores the nexus between education and authoritarianism, determining the role of education as an authoritarian tool for regime survival. We use the case of Eritrea, a country that has been under authoritarian government for more than two decades. The article is based on a literature review because it is risky to conduct an objective empirical study on the “politics of education” in Eritrea, given the country’s political sensitivity. The findings suggest that the Eritrean government politicises the curriculum and militarises secondary and higher education levels to create false consciousness and maintain power. The article contributes to advancing knowledge regarding the nexus of authoritarianism and education, helping people understand the state of the politics of education. Full article

This article examines the role of religion in Russia’s national security system through the lens of ontological security, assessing whether contemporary Russia is undergoing a process of desecularisation or, conversely, an intensified form of secularisation. Employing the theoretical framework of ontological security, this study argues that Russia’s securitisation of religion serves as a mechanism for consolidating state control, legitimising authoritarian governance, and constructing a distinct civilisational identity in opposition to Western liberalism. The Russian Orthodox Church, rather than functioning as an autonomous religious institution, has been absorbed into the state apparatus, where it operates as an instrument of state ideology. Religious rhetoric permeates Russian strategic security documents, reinforcing narratives of national exceptionalism, historical continuity, and moral superiority, particularly in justifying Russia’s geopolitical ambitions and military actions, including its war against Ukraine. The analysis challenges prevailing interpretations of religious resurgence in Russia, arguing that the increasing presence of religion in public life does not necessarily signify desecularisation. Instead, the instrumentalisation of religion for political and security purposes suggests a process of extreme secularisation, wherein religious institutions lose their autonomy and doctrinal substance, becoming tools of state power. Full article

The need to decide whether to securitise an issue area that poses an existential threat, and then treat it as a security matter, is often regarded as a choice without positive alternatives. This article introduces an alternative framing: the “peacification” of issue areas that pose existential threats. It also demonstrates that there is variation in the levels of security and peace framing in authoritative speech. By measuring these levels in authoritative US presidential papers and comparing them with levels of success in the US efforts to reduce organised violence, the article falsifies the assumption that securitisation is the only realistic way to frame existential threats. Correlative evidence fails to support the view that the securitisation of organised violence is useful. This finding is highly significant for challenging the naturalness of mainstream security framing, which, due to the very grammar of “security,” is premised on political othering. After all, security is a property of an agent, while security issues traditionally arise from threats posed by another agent. By disaggregating the elements of these two framings, this article offers plausible explanations as to why, in general, peacification may be a better framing for the prevention of organised violence than securitization. Full article

What types of policies has the European Union (EU) implemented to control migration flows in recent decades, and what are their strategies? This paper aims to explore the measures developed by the EU to manage migration flows and identify how they operate. While a securitisation approach, such as activities of border control, has been widely discussed by scholars in this field, it is worth exploring and understanding other kinds of instruments aimed at curbing irregular flows through executing programs such as the Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF), developed in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings to address the “root causes” of the displacement. In light of this, this research conducts a case study and qualitative content and descriptive analysis of documents on the EUTF. Preliminary findings indicate patterns in what motivated the EU to undertake these actions and present the main strategies of the Fund in the North Africa region. However, some factors may have led to disappointing outcomes for the EUTF, such as the increase, in 2019, of nationals leaving the North Africa region towards Europe, as reported by UNDESA. Full article

The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) presents itself as a defender of traditional Christian values. Among these values, representatives of the ROC mention concern for marriage and family. To what extent is the position of the ROC an expression of commitment to the traditional Christian concept of marriage and family? In this article, we analyse the contemporary Orthodox discourse in Russia since Kirill Gundyayev became the Patriarch of Moscow in 2009. From a political science and security studies perspective, we highlight the main ideological elements of this discourse. We contrast these elements with similar content in Russian official documents and Vladimir Putin’s statements. An analysis of what the ROC says about the problems and protection of marriage and family in Russia, against the background of Putin’s statements and the actions of the state authorities, shows that the ROC’s discourse on marriage and family echoes the main themes of the political discourse controlled by the state authorities. In its understanding of marriage and in its efforts on behalf of the family, the ROC represents a conservative doctrinal position. Although, in doctrinal terms, it essentially expresses the traditional Christian teaching on marriage, the strong ideologisation and securitisation of demographic issues in Russia are also reflected in church discourse. Full article

This response to Jason Moralees’ article comes from members and associates of the Êzidi (Yazidi) team working on Sinjar Lives/Shingal Lives, a community-driven oral history project funded by the UK’s Arts and Humanities Research Council. They are all survivors of the Êzidi genocide committed by ISIS in 2014. They explore Moralee’s themes of securitisation, imperialism and violence—especially the ‘village war’, its roots in imperialist thought and its consequences—from the perspective of those who call the village home. Beyond securitisation, they discuss borders both geographical and socio-cultural and the contemporary political significance of the elusive victim voice. Full article

As a growing industry in Iran, the insurance industry has dramatically grasped researchers’ and managers’ attention. Among the various issues in this industry, measuring and evaluating the efficiency and performance of its units and branches has always been considered by relevant experts because such evaluation can help us take adequate steps to improve this area. Through securitisation, insurance companies may mitigate the cost of their capital, increase the return on equity, and improve other metrics that affect their operating performance. Securitisation increases capital productivity in the insurance industry. Therefore, the present study was conducted in 2020 to review and develop a model of insurance securitisation in Iran. The present study is exploratory research. Thus, 13 experts and commentators in insurance securities were interviewed. Second, based on the theme analysis, the content of the interviews was analysed, and a proposed model was developed. Then, according to the obtained model, a questionnaire was designed and distributed among insurance industry experts. Two concepts of validity and reliability were used to validate the questionnaire. Based on the model, 10 main factors were identified as influencing insurance securitisation. Insurance securitisation, management of Iran’s environmental conditions, the role of the capital market in insurance, financing, economic development, optimal risk management, risk transfer process in insurance securitisation, investment culture, support of regulatory bodies and facilities in the securities issuance process, utilisation of technical knowledge and specialised human resources are the factors identified in the research. The results showed that all these factors identified from the interviews were confirmed, and the model was sufficiently valid. Full article

Africa’s security issues have suffered serious attention deficits. This article analyses why a globally accepted health security norm, such as fighting a communicable disease during a pandemic such as the COVID-19 pandemic, was, in Africa, perceived as a security threat emanating from external—foreign—actors importing a ‘foreign virus’ into Africa. This fear-based perception can be explained by West Africa’s ontological security fears, ultimately based on its colonial past and a relationship of exploitation by the West. While this article analyses the case of COVID-19, it also explains the same process with previous epidemics, such as HIV/AIDS and EDV/Ebola. Full article