San Cristóbal de la Laguna as a Trial Colonial City Prior to the Founding of Spanish American Settlements: The Influence of Convent Life on the City-Territory

Abstract

Studies on colonial grid urban planning often use the later examples of cities founded in peninsular Spain towards the end of the 15th century as a basis for understanding the principles applied in new foundations in the Americas. This study proposes that the city of San Cristóbal de la Laguna (1496) functioned as a final urban-planning experiment, an intermediate point in the Canary Islands that enriched the experiences of early colonial urban planning. This first model of a city-territory, which lacked a defensive character due to its insularity, developed a grid adapted to the terrain, organising a new social order inspired by the religious doctrine of the time, in which religious architecture, mainly convents as well as churches, hermitages and hospitals, played a central role in the origin and consolidation of the city’s urban layout. By comparing this case study with the first American examples, Santo Domingo (1502), the first island city, and Panama Viejo (1519), the first city on the mainland, which are all UNESCO World Heritage Sites, we are able to verify the influence of this intermediate urban planning model on the evolutionary process of the early colonial model and confirm the role of convent foundations as structural elements shaping the territory.

1. Introduction

In the 15th century, the European colonisation of the Americas began, a process that not only transformed the continent, but also created a very specific type of urbanism: colonial cities. They served as a tool of political, religious and cultural control, formally established and planned according to Renaissance ideals of order and hierarchy [1]. In the Spanish American context, all of these new settlements were laid out according to a gridiron plan, with a central plaza and streets at right angles, and were designed primarily as an administrative and religious centre [2].

The city and Catholicism are two forces historically linked in the Spanish colonial process. In Iberian society, the city was the fundamental organising unit and the primary carrier of civilisation. It gathered law and religion into a single network, which consisted of institutions such as the Cabildo, schools, hospitals and religious buildings, from which order and Christian doctrine spread into the countryside. This formed an urban model that had been tested in the Iberian Peninsula during the Reconquista, and following its success, was then transferred to the Americas [3].

From Christmas of 1492, many new cities were established by Spaniards in the Americas in the name of the Crown. These settlements followed clear urban planning principles, which were refined and eventually became part of the first urban planning laws in history in 1573 [4]. There have been many studies [5] about what is considered the greatest urban planning project ever undertaken by any nation in history [6], but one of the most outstanding studies classified all the foundations by periods, formal design (more or less regular), fortified or unfortified (since the condition of defence was indispensable in the colonization process), maritime or inland, by their function or activity and by their type of growth [7].

The role of the religious orders in this colonial urban process was not simply transplanting European models onto a blank slate but became progressively embedded within local indigenous and mestizo societies, colonial administrations, and regional economies, emphasizing how this community became deeply rooted in specific territorial, social, and political contexts, shaping urban development through interdependent relationships rather than top-down imposition alone [8]. These orders’ urban and civilizing enterprises reveal a form of embedded governance and territorial ordering similar to European Cities [9], simultaneously constrained by metropolitan directives and transformed through dense, place-specific social relations, producing the distinctive colonial cities and mission territories that would later influence independent Spanish America’s urban trajectory and morphology.

In this paper, we will focus on the beginning of this significant urban process, and on what we consider an important experiment prior to the first Spanish American settlements, namely the city of San Cristóbal de la Laguna on the Canarian island of Tenerife, which was founded in 1496. This city provides one of the best examples of a colonial urban grid, in an unfortified environment and strongly influenced by mendicant religious orders, a key factor that also appears in the American case studies we will examine. We will address how ecclesiastical foundations and religious orders functioned as spatial and social articulators of power by demonstrating that conventual networks structured both the urban grid and the moral order of colonial governance.

2. Methods and Materials

2.1. Colonial Model of the City-Territory: The Selection of La Laguna as a Case Study

Firstly, we will analyse the urban model called “city-territory” that emerged in La Laguna, as a basis for studying this city. We will situate the study at the end of the 15th century, when the Catholic Monarchs were completing the Reconquista of the Iberian Peninsula and were founding the last cities that would later serve as the closest model to be replicated in the New World. We will highlight the cities of Puerto Real (Cádiz) and Santa Fe (Granada) in Lower Andalusia on the Iberian Peninsula, and San Cristóbal de La Laguna (Tenerife) in the Canary Islands, which serve as the case study for this research.

These cities served as precedents and references for the design of colonial cities due to their rational planning, orthogonal layout and strategic function. Below, we will analyse the origin and contribution of each of them to the colonial urban model, and will classify them into two types:

2.1.1. Fortified Cities

Cities founded by the Catholic Monarchs during the Reconquista. In the case of Puerto Real, it was conceived as an urban project centred on a royal port in the Bay of Cádiz, a strategically important area for trade and defence. In the case of Santa Fe, it was established during the siege of Granada as a military camp that quickly evolved into a permanent city. Its purpose was to serve as a base for the conquest of the last Muslim stronghold on the Peninsula. Here, we highlight two examples:

• Puerto Real (Cadiz, founded in 1483): Its design followed an orthogonal layout (grid streets) with a central square where the church is located, a model inspired by medieval bastides and Roman military camps (castrum) whose town charter authorised “towered gates” [10]. This layout supported social and administrative organisation. Puerto Real became a prototype for urban planning in port cities in the Americas, where commercial and defensive functions were key.
• Santa Fe (Granada, founded in 1491): Santa Fe adopted a grid layout with straight streets and a main central square surrounded by administrative and religious buildings. Its design reflected the influence of Renaissance ideals of order and symmetry, as well as the need for territorial control. Santa Fe is regarded as a direct model for colonial cities in the Americas. Its rapid foundation and functional structure were later replicated in the colonies, where cities needed to be founded quickly to establish the Spanish presence.

2.1.2. Unfortified Cities or City-Territories

This is an example that served as a trial run for the grid-based urban model, but without the need for fortification, instead adapting to the existing terrain and designed and built according to a pre-existing map. Here, we have the example of San Cristóbal de La Laguna (Tenerife, founded in 1496, consolidated in 1525). Founded by Alonso Fernández de Lugo after the conquest of the Canary Islands, La Laguna was one of the first grid cities outside of the Iberian Peninsula. The Canary Islands served as a “testing ground” for colonial practices that would later be applied in the Americas. La Laguna adopted a grid layout with a central square, churches and administrative buildings, adapting to the mountainous terrain. Its urban planning combined practical elements with Renaissance ideals of order and beauty. As an early colonial city, La Laguna served as a model for American cities, particularly because of its ability to adapt to a non-peninsular environment. Its urban space was organised according to a new, peaceful social order inspired by the religious doctrine associated with the turn of the millennium around the year 1500, being the first example of a city-territory [11]. The Spanish colonial urban model was fundamentally developed from the experiences of Puerto Real, Santa Fe and La Laguna, which combined medieval tradition, Renaissance ideals and the strategic needs of the monarchy. The three cities shared a grid design, with straight streets converging on a main square, which facilitated social, administrative and religious organisation. The experiences of Puerto Real, Santa Fe and La Laguna were codified in the Laws of the Indies of 1573, which standardised colonial urban design by emphasising the grid, the central square and a hierarchical spatial structure. Each city responded to specific needs (defence, trade, conquest), which was transferred to the colonies, where cities were tools of territorial control. However, there is one issue that distinguishes them, and that is the role of religious institutions in shaping the urban fabric, as demonstrated in La Laguna, which we will use as a case study for comparison with the first American foundations of the early 16th century.

2.2. Methodology

In this study, we will analyse the chronology of the ecclesiastical foundations of La Laguna and, in particular, the urban axes or structures that these buildings generated in the evolution and growth of the city as the main articulators of blocks and streets, which played an essential role in the urban footprint.

We will employ a graphical analysis methodology based on sequential maps, in which we will locate each foundation in stages, analysing the extent of the impact that these buildings had on the urban design of the city. This mapping technique will help to capture the urban process of spatial governance, and, to relate it to the American context, will briefly compare it with the first foundations in the Americas, namely Santo Domingo in the Dominican Republic, the first city founded by the Spaniards in 1502, and Panama Viejo, the first non-insular foundation in 1519. This comparison will add distinct value to this study by providing new knowledge on the subject.

The selected objects of study also have in common the fact that they are historic centres included on the UNESCO World Heritage List (Santo Domingo in 1990 and La Laguna in 1999), with Panama Viejo on the tentative list since 2015 since it possesses exceptional universal values of early colonial urbanism, which have endured to this day, thanks in part to convent establishments, an architectural typology which has significantly influenced the urban footprint of these enclaves.

The conclusions of our study will therefore offer new insights into the role of convents as key urban elements in the structuring of colonial cities. In particular, we will explore how the case of La Laguna served as a testing ground and bridge between Spain and the Americas by providing a direct relationship in time and space with the role of religious orders in these cities and in determining their unique value within the urban fabric. This resilient architectural typology, of exceptional heritage value, played a fundamental role in the emergence and expansion of these historic sites and continues to contribute heritage values relevant to the present and future of the three cities analysed.

3. The Convents in San Cristóbal de la Laguna as Articulating Pieces of the Urban Fabric

The city of San Cristóbal de la Laguna dates back to 1496, when the troops of the Catholic Monarchs, led by D. Alonso Fernández de Lugo, defeated the indigenous people of the island of Tenerife, known as the Guanches, and founded the first strategic city. Initially, the city was established on the upper part of the island next to the old lagoon (which gave the city its name) in an area known as “Villa de Arriba”, where the settlement developed irregularly and without formal planning. A few years later, in 1500, Fernández de Lugo, now bearing the title of Adelantado, returned to the island and founded the definitive city, known as “Villa de Abajo” approximately 1 km to the southeast, with a planned and orderly layout, from which the city’s grid pattern originated [12].

This foundation played an important ecclesiastical role, and it should be remembered that on 13 December 1486, the Catholic Monarchs obtained from Pope Innocent VIII the papal bull Ortodoxae fidei, which granted them Royal Patronage over the churches of the Canary Islands, the Kingdom of Granada and the town of Puerto Real [13], allowing them to build and financially support churches, cathedrals, convents and hospitals. La Laguna was the head of one of the two initial benefices (or churches) on the island and served as the residence of the island’s vicars, which led it to become the ecclesiastical capital of the island of Tenerife [14]. The role of the Cabildo, led by the Adelantado, was very important in the organisation of the parish and in assisting in the foundation of hermitages, churches and convents, with the aim of achieving the highest ecclesiastical rank for the city [15]. In this way, La Laguna became the first capital of the Canary Islands and an administrative, religious and cultural centre.

But what was truly novel about this city was its response to a new peaceful social order or “City of Peace”, inspired by the religious doctrine of the millennium and its expression through urban design, as the first example of an unfortified city or grid-shaped city-territory, which was later replicated in the expansion throughout the Americas [16]. This archetype relied on its own natural borders to delimit itself, employing a grid system with a precise geometric layout that, 500 years later, resulted in its declaration as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO [11].

As explained above, La Laguna is the first example of an unfortified city with an irregular grid design adapted to the terrain, a feature that was later replicated in the first foundations in the Americas. Its straight streets and well-defined blocks reflect the ideals of order and symmetry of the time, and we will examine how the convent foundations influenced this urban design.

According to Leonardo Torriani’s 1588 map (see Figure 1), the first detailed map of La Laguna, more than half of the legend corresponds to ecclesiastical buildings, including four convents (Franciscan, Dominican, Augustinian and Poor Clare), the two main churches (Concepción and Remedios), two hospitals and several hermitages. Preserved in historical archives, this map is fundamental for reconstructing the urban and religious layout of the city’s foundation. We will analyse these foundations chronologically and explore how the city was shaped by these urban articulators.

3.1. East–West Religious Axis Between Villas de Arriba and Villa de Abajo

Firstly, we will identify the first religious foundations that gave rise to the urban centre, forming a main axis around which the city became organised, linking Villas de Arriba and Villas de Abajo [11,17].

3.1.1. Church of Nuestra Señora de la Concepción (1496, Rebuilt in 1511)

Founded by Alonso Fernández de Lugo after the Corpus Christi festival of 1496 [15], it became the mother parish of Tenerife, from which all the other parishes on the island were derived. Originally a small hermitage in Villa de Arriba, where the Council met during the early years of the city [14], it was rebuilt in 1511 with a three-nave Mudejar design by an unknown architect. It was declared a Historic-Artistic Monument in 1948 and served as a temporary cathedral between 2002 and 2014.

3.1.2. Hermitage of San Miguel de los Ángeles (1506)

Founded on 14 May 1506 by Fernández de Lugo, it was dedicated to the archangel Saint Michael due to the Adelantado’s particular devotion to him. It served as the seat of the island’s council until 1526, when no other suitable venue was available. This first building, located in the Plaza del Adelantado, was built by the architect Pedro de Llerena, who came from Seville to work in the archipelago. In 1574, work was undertaken on the hermitage, with its modest bell tower added in 1578 [18]. It is currently occupied by the Convent of Santa Catalina de Siena.

3.1.3. Cathedral of Nuestra Señora de los Remedios (1511, Expanded in 1515)

The second parish in La Laguna was founded in 1515, in a location roughly equidistant between the main square and the Church of La Concepción in Villa de Arriba. In this case, the location was specifically chosen by Fernández de Lugo, reinforcing the religious character of the area [15]. With the expansion in 1515, it became a parish church dedicated to Nuestra Señora de Los Remedios, patron saint of the city, the island and the diocese. Today it functions as a cathedral, Marian shrine and parish church. It was declared a Historic-Artistic Monument in 1983.

As mentioned above, these three religious buildings linked the first two centres with a marked religious character, a connection deliberately planned by the Adelantado; from La Concepción to Los Remedios there are 800 steps, and from Los Remedios to San Miguel a further 800 steps, as recorded in the UNESCO declaration [11].

3.2. North–South Axis Between Franciscans and Dominicans

In addition to the east–west axis, there exists a north–south axis (as shown in Figure 2), at the intersection of which lies the Plaza del Adelantado, linking the Franciscan and Dominican convents, and creating another axis of growth for the city and helping to complete the grid pattern.

3.2.1. Convent of San Miguel de las Victorias, Now San Francisco (1506–1508)

It is said that this convent was founded immediately after the conquest of Tenerife by five Franciscan monks. Its first location was on the hill known as El Bronco. There, they built a hut covered with palm leaves where they celebrated mass. When Don Alonso de Lugo saw them, he gave them new land, on which he personally laid the first stone of the building in 1506 [18]. By 1508, the convent house had been completed, and it was expanded in subsequent decades until the end of the century [15].

3.2.2. Convent of Santo Domingo (1527–1533)

Founded by Dominican monks in 1527, who had been living in the hermitage of San Miguel de las Victorias since 1522 [18], this convent became an important educational and religious centre in La Laguna. It was originally meant to be located closer to the Plaza del Adelantado, the usual site for Dominicans positioned closer to the centre of power, but it was ultimately established further south, near the road to Santa Cruz. Arriving later than the Franciscans and Augustinians, they had to earn the affection of the community [15]. This convent, located on the north–south axis of the city, influenced the urban development of the area. In the 19th century, after the confiscation, it was converted into a diocesan seminary. The building, documented in Torriani’s map (1588), retains a Renaissance cloister and remains of mural paintings. It was declared a Site of Cultural Interest in 1983.

3.2.3. Hermitage of San Cristóbal (1506–1525)

We can also incorporate in this north–south route the Hermitage of San Cristóbal, one of the first ecclesiastical buildings (around 1506) south of Villa de Abajo, situated in a peripheral location surrounded by farmland [14], although it remains relevant to our route as it lies on the southern outskirts of the city, specifically on the road to Santa Cruz. It was not completed until around 1525 [15].

3.2.4. Hospitals of Santa María de la Antigua Misericordia (1507) and San Sebastián (1512)

There are also references to two hospitals in this period, which we mention because of their religious nature and associations. In 1507, the Hospital of Santa María de la Antigua Misericordia was established on what is now Calle San Agustín (a secondary east–west axis), which connected to the Augustinian convent, and the other was the Hospital of San Sebastián, with Franciscan links, built in 1512 near the convent, where there is currently a nursing home [11].

This axis, of great religious significance, remains clearly identifiable today, as all these buildings are still standing.

3.3. San Agustín as a Geometric Centre

Convent of San Agustín or Espíritu Santo (1505–1530)

This convent was founded by the Augustinian monks Fray Pedro de Cea and Frat Andrés de Goles on land donated by the governor, originally intended for a hospital, near the Church of La Concepción [11]. Work began in 1505, but most of the convent was constructed after 1530 [15]. Its Renaissance cloister is one of the finest in the Canary Islands, with red stone columns and wooden supports. In 1964, a fire damaged the church, which remains in ruins, but the convent was restored between 1993 and 1997. It houses the remains of the historian Juan Núñez de la Peña and was declared a Site of Cultural Interest in 1983.

The Convent of San Agustín, as well as being located on another secondary E-W axis, held a very important position in the planning of the city from its origin, as it was conceived as a theoretical centre from which measurements of 1200 steps were taken radially to establish the perimeter of the city, delimiting the location of the rest of the religious foundations, including hermitages and streets, and forming a triangle between the Franciscans, Augustinians and Dominicans.

3.4. North–South Female Axis Between the Poor Clares and the Dominicans

Until 1531, when the city was granted its charter [14], the main period of formation of the urban fabric of La Laguna coincided with the period of foundation of the male convents and main religious buildings in the city. However, it is important to highlight the arrival of female convents, as their location reinforced these urban structures, positioning themselves on the north–south axis defined by the Franciscan and Dominican convents, but situated closer to the centre and to the powerful families who were most interested in the emergence of this type of building.

3.4.1. Convent of Santa Clara (1547)

Since the 1920s, the Cabildo, acting on behalf of the most powerful neighbouring families, had wanted the island to have a female convent. The male orders were approached, first the Dominicans and then the Augustinians, but it was the Franciscans who ultimately reached an agreement in 1540 to establish a convent for the Poor Clares. This was founded in 1547 [15]. This cloistered convent is one of the oldest in La Laguna. Its church and outbuildings reflect Canarian colonial architecture, with Mudejar elements. It continues to be a centre of religious life and remains open to the public for limited visits.

3.4.2. Convent of Santa Catalina de Siena (1611)

The second female foundation in the capital took many years to materialise, with the idea emerging between 1520 and 1530 and its completion not occurring until the 17th century. In 1611, there were only four nuns from Seville, and by 1676, it housed 100 nuns [15]. This cloistered convent is one of the most emblematic in La Laguna. Its Baroque church houses valuable works of art and relics.

Today, these two convents are the only ones that remain active and in excellent condition, offering an outstanding example of the resilience of convent life in the city.

3.5. Other Eccentric Religious Buildings

Although they do not have any particular urban relevance in the areas mentioned above, it is important to mention the rest of the religious buildings in La Laguna, as they are significant in the historical ecclesiastical context.

3.5.1. 16th-Century Hermitages: Nuestra Señora de Gracia, San Benito, San Juan Bautista, San Lázaro and San Roque

Although they do not occupy prominent locations in the urban layout, as they lie beyond the main urban grid, these religious buildings have survived to the present day from the time of the city’s founding.

The Hermitage of Nuestra Señora de Gracia was one of the first, along with the aforementioned San Miguel and San Cristóbal, dating from the period between the late 15th and early 16th centuries, commemorating the battles against the Guanches, although they were rebuilt in 1530. This was followed by San Lázaro, dating from the first decade of the 16th century and rebuilt in 1530–1535 in its current location, San Benito (1532–1554), San Juan Bautista (1582–1584) and San Roque (circa 1600), the latter situated on the hillside near the Plaza del Adelantado [15,18].

3.5.2. Convent of San Diego del Monte (1648)

Founded by the Franciscan Recollects, and located outside the city walls, it is noted for the story of Fray Juan de Jesús, who reported seeing the Virgin de Los Remedios blessing La Laguna from the cathedral tower. The convent played an important spiritual role in the city.

3.6. Summary of Ecclesiastical Foundations and Urban Chronology

Although not all religious constructions have exact foundation dates, we have compiled the dates of establishment of all these buildings in

Table 1. Foundations from the 15th, 16th and 17th centuries. Author’s own work.

Name	Dates	Order
Church of Nuestra Señora de la Concepción	1496–1511	-
Hermitage of Nuestra Señora de Gracia	1498–1530	-
Hermitage of San Miguel de los Ángeles	1506	Dominicans (male) 1
Hermitage of San Cristóbal	1506–1525	-
Convent of San Miguel de las Victorias	1506–1508	Franciscans (male)
Hospital of Santa María de la Antigua Misericordia	1507	-
Cathedral of Nuestra Señora de los Remedios	1511–1515	-
Hermitage of San Lázaro	1510–1535	-
Hospital of San Sebastián	1512	Franciscans (male) 1
Convent of San Agustín	1505–1530	Augustinians (male)
Convent of Santo Domingo	1527–1533	Dominicans (male)
Hermitage of San Benito	1532–1554	-
Convent of Santa Clara	1547	Poor Clares (female)
Hermitage of San Juan Bautista	1582–1584	-
Hermitage of San Roque	1600	-
Convent of Santa Catalina de Siena	1611	Dominican Nuns (female)
Convent of San Diego del Monte	1648	Franciscans (male)

¹ Related to the orders.

, so that we can establish stages of development and represent them on a map.

Based in the city growth and convents foundations, we will define three stages of study (see Figure 2):

• 1496–1515 → Early origins of Villa de Arriba and Villa de Abajo, which remained separate centres. Arrival of mendicant orders and first convent foundations.
• 1515–1530 → Union of both centres, establishing connection axes defined by the convent foundations (E-W and N-S).
• 1530-mid-17th century → Origin of female convent foundations and consolidation of the city.

4. Discussion

There are studies on how the Spanish city was conceptually transferred to the colonies in Americas [19,20], drawing on methods ranging from the medieval to the Renaissance city, in which the urban grid structure of the late 15th century, with the examples of Puerto Real (Cádiz) and Santa Fe (Granada) in Lower Andalusia, served as the principal model for exportation.

From the Capitulations of Santa Fe (1492), where Columbus began his voyage, some commercial settlements were founded in La Española island (now the Dominican Republic), such as La Isabela in 1494 or the original nucleus of Santo Domingo in 1496, but it was not until 1502 that the new governor La Española, Nicolás de Ovando, founded Santo Domingo as the first city in America [20], making it particularly suited to comparative study. Recent studies have compared it to Oaxaca (Mexico), which shares a similar colonial history (also declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO), highlighting how urban planning, religious architecture and spatial governance functioned historically as instruments of control [21]. The authors’ own study compares it to Panama Viejo, the first city founded in the American Pacific, highlighting the role of the territory and the geographical conditions of the environment in establishing the city, as well as the role of mendicant orders in the urban structure [22].

There are many studies about these first examples of early colonial cities have been studied [4,5,20,22]; however, what distinguishes this research is the role of La Laguna as an intermediate point between the Iberian Peninsula and the Americas, offering a preliminary study relevant to early colonial urbanism in the Americas, a subject not previously examined within this chronological framework. It is therefore of interest to compare La Laguna with the first settlements in the Americas, such as Santo Domingo, the first island settlement, and Panama Viejo, the first on the mainland, in order to contextualise this process in the early 16th century.

4.1. Religious Axis Articulating the Grid

As we have seen in San Cristóbal de la Laguna (1496), the city emerged around an east–west axis that linked Villas de Abajo and Villas de Arriba through its religious buildings (La Concepción, Los Remedios and San Miguel), bounded by the existing geographical features (the lagoon to the west and the mountains to the east). Similarly, the northern and southern boundaries are marked by hermitages and convents, such as the Franciscan convent to the north, established on the outskirts as an instrument of urban control. The Plaza Mayor marks the intersection of this cardus–decumanus, following the classical model and becoming the centre of political and social power. This is quite a notable issue if we analyse it in terms of social status, architectural quality, and neighbourhood relevance implied by the presence of religious communities, in line with the most contemporary studies on hedonic economics [23]. The design of this unfortified city was therefore shaped by a grid pattern that was adapted to the existing terrain.

In Figure 3, you can see how this urban feature also applies to the two American cities of Santo Domingo (1502) and Panama Viejo (1519). These two cities established their grid in an “L” shape parallel to the sea, adapting to the existing terrain. They placed their Plaza Mayor and Cabildo in a central position, and from that point, the same E-W and N-S axes along which all the religious buildings were constructed, thereby marking the size of the city blocks.

4.2. The Role of Mendicant Orders

It has been demonstrated how mendicant orders and their foundations in La Laguna played a fundamental role in shaping the urban fabric and its evolution. The presence of friars in La Laguna is as old as its foundation, given that both Franciscans and Augustinians accompanied the conquistadors [14].

These orders and their members participated actively in urban society, rooted in the city and in direct contact with the faithful through their preaching, which required intellectual preparation, a rich inner life and eloquence [19].

Table 2. Male orders in the case study cities. Authors’ own work.

City	Male Orders in Order of Arrival
La Laguna	Franciscans, Augustinians and Dominicans
Santo Domingo	Franciscans, Dominicans and Mercedarians
Panama Viejo	Mercedarians, Dominicans, Franciscans, Jesuits and Augustinians

presents the arrival of the mendicant orders in the cities studied in chronological order.

We can see (Figure 4) that Franciscans and Dominicans were the only two orders to be established in all the cities studied, hence our emphasis on their role in structuring these cities, with clearly differentiated roles:

• Franciscans: They arrived alongside the founders of each city. They were located on the outskirts, where the contact with the indigenous people for evangelisation was most effective. Their large orchards and connection with the rural environment enabled them to function as territorial boundaries and control points within the territory. They were often associated with nearby hospitals, as their doctrine emphasised healing and caring for the most disadvantaged.
• Dominicans: They generally arrived somewhat later, although their role in high society was considerably greater, as they often maintained close relationships with powerful families. In the case of La Laguna, the Dominicans were associated with the Lugo family, the family of the founder. They were located near the Plaza Mayor, which enabled them to exert greater influence over the governmental tasks of the city.

On the other hand, although the female orders, which were established after the male orders (see

Table 3. Female orders in the case study cities. Authors’ own work.

City	Female Orders in Order of Arrival
La Laguna	Poor Clares and Dominicans
Santo Domingo	Poor Clares and Dominicans
Panama Viejo	Conceptionists

) and were therefore less influential in shaping the early urban fabric, they nonetheless played a very important role in ensuring the long-term resilience of the convent typology in these cities.

La Laguna and Santo Domingo follow a similar pattern in terms of female orders. First the Poor Clares, and then the Dominicans (the same orders that were prominent in the case of men), established themselves in these cities and occupied important positions within the urban fabric. They typically settled near the Plaza Mayor, where the noble families resided, as many daughters from these families entered the convents as a mark of honour and prestige.

As can be seen in Figure 5, the case of Panama Viejo is different, as only the nuns of the Convent of La Concepción established themselves in this city.

These buildings (except for Panama Viejo, which is now in ruins following the relocation of the settlement [24]) have survived to the present day thanks to their continuous ecclesiastical activity, in contrast to the male convents. They represent the best examples of heritage conservation and constitute the greatest real estate assets in the designation of these historic centres as UNESCO World Heritage Sites.

4.3. Unique and Exceptional Value Recognised by UNESCO

As already noted, one of the common threads linking the three cities is their status as UNESCO World Heritage Sites. Being included on the list is no easy feat, as it is necessary to demonstrate that a site has outstanding universal value (OUV), unlike other heritage protection measures in individual countries, where the recommendation is to ensure that everything of value is protected. For example, in Spain, according to the Spanish Historical Heritage Law [25], all defensive architecture, such as alcazabas (citadels), castles, fortresses, walls, etc., is classified as cultural property and, as such, is protected, regardless of its number, type or similarity. By contrast, to be included on the UNESCO list, it must be demonstrated that the site is exceptional; no comparable site may already exist on the list. It must represent the best example of its kind [26], much like Noah’s Ark, where only one pair of each species is admitted, with no repetitions. In other words, the focus shifts from exhaustive national or regional protection of all existing assets to representative protection of what is universally significant.

To be included on the list, the property must satisfy at least one of the criteria set out by UNESCO and must also meet key requirements such as integrity and authenticity, as well as protection and management standards.

As we can see in

Table 4. Criteria for the inclusion of the three cities on the World Heritage List and the area covered. Sources: Prepared by the authors based on UNESCO files [11,27,28,29,30].

Nomination/Country	Inscription	Criteria 1	Property/Buffer Zone
Colonial City of Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic)	1990	(ii) (iv) (vi)	106 ha/465.49 ha
Historic District of the Town of Panama with the Salon Bolivar	1997–2003	(ii) (iv) (vi)	29.40 ha
Archaeological Site and Historic Centre of Panama City 2	2015	(ii) (iv) (vi)	28.70 ha/66.60 ha
The Colonial Transisthmian Route of Panama (Panama)	2025	(ii) (iv)	689.88 ha/37,519.43 ha
San Cristóbal de la Laguna (Spain)	1999	(ii) (iv)	60.38 ha/229.77 ha

¹ Criteria defined by UNESCO common for all these cities recognition: (ii) to demonstrate a significant exchange of human values, across generations or within a particular cultural region, as reflected in advances in architecture or technology, monumental art, urban planning, or landscape design. (iv) to serve as an exceptional representation of a building type, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape that exemplifies one or more important phases in human history. (vi) to have a direct or tangible connection with events or living traditions, with ideas or beliefs, or with artistic and literary works of exceptional universal importance. ² For the purposes of this research, Panama’s current situation is not directly relevant, as it does not alter the interpretation of our study. Panama was added to the World Heritage List in 1997 as the Historic District of the Town of Panama with the Salón Bolívar for the values identified at that time, and the designation was expanded in 2003 to include the Archaeological Site of Panama Viejo, with the Salón Bolívar subsequently removed from the title. In 2013, following the construction of the Cinta Costera marine viaduct [31], UNESCO determined that this intervention irreparably affected the elements that supported its outstanding universal value. As a result, a new nomination file was submitted with a different name and delimitation, the Archaeological Site and Historic Centre of Panama City, which has been on the Tentative List since 2015. At the same time, a broader nomination with a different conceptual approach, The Colonial Transisthmian Route of Panama, was presented and was added to the World Heritage List in 2025. This new listing includes, as separate locations, the Archaeological Site of Panamá Viejo as location number 5 and the Historic District of Panama as location number 6 [30].

, two of the six cultural criteria, (ii) and (iv), are shared by all three cities, and the two cities in the Americas also share criterion (vi). Criterion (ii) refers to their urban values, specifically highlighting their grid pattern (Santo Domingo), grid map (San Cristobal de La Laguna) and colonial Spanish town planning (Panama Viejo), as well as some of their most representative buildings which became a reference for the future development of the city (cathedral, churches or convents). Criterion (iv) refers to the architecture, typology or character of the site as an architectural ensemble. In all three cases, the architectural coherence of the same historical period, the 16th century, is mentioned as reflecting a new social order. Criterion (vi), which is recommended as complementary to others, has an intangible component as it refers to beliefs, ideas, traditions or events. In the case of Panama, this relates to the spread of European culture in the region, while in Santo Domingo it concerns the spread of evangelization and the proclamation and enforcement of the first Leyes de Indias (Laws of the Indies). Both examples reflect the promotion of religious culture carried out by the different religious communities.

5. Conclusions

The comparative analysis between La Laguna and the first experiences in the Americas illustrates how this “laboratory” city served as a model for the founding of these early colonies, providing key urban principles for understanding the historical process that would later inform the Laws of the Indies of 1573, thereby consolidating the entire Spanish colonial urban process.

It has been demonstrated that the urban grid model, which first emerged in the Iberian Peninsula, was replicated in the Canary Islands through the example of La Laguna and was later applied in the Spanish Caribbean, following a clearly defined urban pattern. In the cities studied, the main premise was adaptability to the local geography, which in some cases made it slightly more irregular than a strict Roman-style grid. At the same time, this gave each city a distinctive character.

We have highlighted the role of both male and female mendicant orders in the formation of these cities. This process likewise originated in the Iberian Peninsula, as many friars and nuns travelled from the convents of Seville, the capital of the Spanish Empire, to the newly conquered territories in the Canary Islands and the Americas, creating a direct connection between the case studies examined. These cities subsequently became major spiritual centres in their respective regions, with La Laguna becoming the first bishopric in the Canary Islands and Santo Domingo serving as the first bishopric in the Americas.

To distinguish between the different religious congregations, it is important to emphasise the roles of the Franciscan and Dominican orders, which were central in all these cities and throughout the broader expansion across the Americas. By contrast, the Mercedarians and Augustinians were less influential, although they remain present in many Latin American countries today. The Jesuits merit particular mention: although they arrived somewhat later in the Americas and therefore had limited influence on the earliest phase of colonial urbanism, they played a major role in subsequent decades, especially as founders of educational institutions across the region. Their activity represents a valuable line of enquiry for cities established from the mid-16th century onwards.

Finally, it is important to highlight the resilience of this type of building, as the conventual footprint remains clearly visible in each of these cities, a key attribute that has contributed to their recognition by UNESCO as World Heritage Sites. The enduring practical value of this heritage has enabled these monumental structures to survive over the centuries, and, five hundred years after most of them were constructed, they continue to constitute an architectural and urban legacy of exceptional significance that warrants protection.