The Crown Gathers Wealth: The Symbolic Significance of the Crown in Yoruba Personal Naming Practices

Abstract

The crown conveys a rich tapestry of history and deep cultural resonances among the Yoruba people of South-western Nigeria, beyond its representation as an emblem of leadership, royalty, and nobility. This article explores layers of the meaning of crown in the Yoruba personal naming system. It relies on an ethnopragmatic theory to analyse the cultural significance and symbolic impact of crown-related names among the Yoruba. Drawing on a qualitative research approach using participant observation and semi-structured interviews with 25 participants who were purposively sampled in Ikeja, Lagos State, we argue that crown-related names are not mere identifiers or person reference labels, but they provide cultural insights and reflections on the foundation of authority and continuity, and carry the aspirational principles of the Yoruba traditional structure. The names symbolise personal journey; reinforce the hierarchical structure of the Yoruba society; and highlight the people’s deep connection to their ancestral lineage. This study concludes that crown-related names encapsulate the values, beliefs, and social structures of the Yoruba society, serving as enduring markers of dynastic identity and cultural values. In this way, crown-related names represent badges of honour that validate their bearers’ self-worth and dignity.

1. Introduction

Naming in the African cultural context is not merely an act of assigning labels; it resonates deeply with the cultural, spiritual, and traditional systems of the African people. This study explores personal names that are related to the concept of the crown among the Yoruba of South-western Nigeria. Names are fundamental aspects of human communication and an expression of cultural norms and values in every known society. It follows, therefore, that every culture has its own naming standards and conventions. This justifies Mensah’s (2025) assertion that naming is a linguistic universal, and every society uses names to identify, classify, and individuate its members. However, the significance of a name varies from one culture to another and from one civilization to the next. Naming, as argued by Geertz (1973) and more concisely by Haviland et al. (2013), signifies the social transfer of a new-born from a state of nature to a state of culture. This implies that it is the bestowal of names that licences an infant as an authentic member of their family and community. It marks the beginning of an individual’s acceptance as a legitimate member of their family or society. According to Fakuade et al. (2019), naming is a sociolinguistic act that is intrinsically tied to people’s values, traditions, beliefs, hopes, fears, and life events. In other words, names have layers of meaning and referential properties that are useful in the negotiation of everyday experience.

Mensah et al. (2021) assert that naming is a unique system of communicative practice that allows for the expression of emotion in connection with the concepts of personhood, uniqueness, and identity. Certain names are given to children to drive their personality growth based on the belief that names may impact their bearers’ conduct or drive their psychological development. Similarly, Mensah (2023) states that African names are loaded with varied forms of signification and are flexible in terms of locally constitutive meaning. They provide considerable insights into wide-ranging socio-cultural meanings. Agyekum (2006) believes that knowledge of Akan (African) names gives insights into Akan (African) culture, philosophy, environment, religion, and language. He maintains that African names are not arbitrary but are based on socio-cultural and ethnopragmatic contexts. He further argues that while Western names are predictable, African names are generally not predictable. In Africa, names are based on many socio-cultural factors such as circumstances of birth, place of birth, name-giver lived experience, and cultural beliefs. It is only when a child is born that his or her name can be determined with precision. Similarly, studies like that of Nkamigbo (2019) explore other sociolinguistic aspects of names in the Igbo cultural tradition. Their study examines the typology and socio-cultural significance of Igbo names. It also highlights the impact of Judaeo-Christianity, urbanisation, and modernisation on Igbo names. This account shows the shift and changing dynamics of naming in African languages and cultures.

Many aspects of the anthropology of names in Africa have been engaged in the extant literature. Oha (2009), Solomon-Etefia and Ideh (2019), and Mensah et al. (2025) have examined the phenomenon of praise names as they are gendered in the Igbo culture. Oha (2009) highlights how praise names are used in the signification of politics and the politics of signification. The study argues that people use praise names to articulate and express their ideology and boast about their abilities and accomplishments, as well as to criticise and subvert the vision of others. Solomon-Etefia and Ideh (2019) similarly studied men’s praise names as traditional identifying resources to reflect their personalities, aspirations, and social well-being. According to the authors, these names are required to establish bonding, extend social relationships and strengthen feeling of solidarity within the local and translocal spaces they are given and used. Essentially, Mensah et al. (2025) analyse praise names among heterosexual Igbo women as an important aspect of gender socialisation, expression of feminine essence, and tranquil marital union. Names and naming have been engaged from other sociological perspectives in the anthroponomastic literature such as gender (Mensah 2023; Aboh et al. 2023), social and religious ideology (Boluwaduro 2019; Mensah 2025), identity construction (Abubakari 2020; Ansa and Okon 2014; Essien 1986, 2000; Fitzpatrick 2012; Nnamdi-Eruchalu 2018), and environment (Mensah 2025). These studies reveal the versatility and pervasiveness of names and naming practices, as well as the wide spectrum of knowledge embedded in names.

There is rich body of literature on the study of Yoruba personal names. Oduyoye (1982) undertakes a broad assessment of Yoruba names in Nigeria. The author applies a practical approach to the study of Yoruba names and has contributed significantly by espousing the meaning and origin of these names. The study demonstrates how linguistic insights may be practically applied across a wide spectrum of Yoruba names. Other studies on Yoruba names (Ehineni 2019; Fakuade et al. 2019; Faloju and Fadairo 2020; Ikọtun 2010; Ogunwale 2012; Òlá-Orie 2002; Oladipupo 2014; Soneye 2008) have dissected Yoruba names from linguistic, sociolinguistic, communicative, and pragmatic accounts. They have also explored the impact of Westernisation, modernisation, and other cross-linguistic influences on Yoruba names. The studies have shown how names are used to activate linguistic knowledge and contribute to the organisation of the grammar of Yoruba. Most studies on the sociocultural aspects of Yoruba names have explored a namescape gamut across Yoruba-speaking areas and have revealed how names have contributed to the reimagining of the self, construction of identity, expression of emotionality, and creation of a sense of belonging. To the best of the researchers’ knowledge, previous studies of Yoruba names have not highlighted the crown as an onomastic resource imbued with deep symbolic meanings, offering a progressive view of naming as an ideological landscape. This is the gap the present study aims to fill in the literature of African anthroponomy.

The present study examines the symbolic meaning of the crown as depicted in the Yoruba naming tradition. It explores the social categorisation of crown-related names and their significance in the Yoruba cultural milieu from the perspective of the ethnopragmatic theory which is concerned with the “culture-pragmatic facts” of a language (Goddard 2002, p. 113). This study aims to offer innovative insights into contemporary understanding of Yoruba (African) traditional names and illuminate the significance of names as communicative phenomena.

2. Theoretical Framework

Goddard (2006, p. 4) describes ethnopragmatics as the study of how speech practices can be understood from within a culture, in terms of the way language makes meaning to the people involved, that is, in relation to the indigenous values, attitudes, social categories, emotions, norms, and beliefs of a particular speech community. Locastro (2012, p. 5) conceptualises ethnopragmatics as “anthropological pragmatics” because it deals with the way language functions in a particular cultural context. In other words, the use of language reflects and shapes cultural realities. According to Duranti (2011, p. 151), the ‘’ethno’’ component of ethnopragmatics places special emphasis on the socio-cultural setting of language usage—how language is used to navigate social life which necessitates a comprehension of certain linguistic acts as intrinsic to and constitutive of events that are primarily structured and interpreted at the community level. Furthermore, the “pragmatics” aspect of the word ethnopragmatics is intended to comprehend the emphasis on the contextual application of language. According to Mensah (2015, p. 119), “the ethnopragmatic meaning of names comprises associative (referential), affective (emotional), and socio-cultural (stylistic) components,” which goes beyond literary meanings to nuance how people make sense of names in human interaction as a cultural practice.

There are pragmatic considerations in choosing personal names which may be extensively contextualised and understood in terms of the values and belief systems of the people. Most names in the African cultural context, for instance, are loaded with connotations and encyclopaedic knowledge that provide insight into the people’s values, norms, and worldview. The goal of ethnopragmatics is to see speech practice as a form of social action with cultural regularity from the lens of the native speaker (Goddard 2004). Therefore, ethnopragmatics focuses on people’s inner cultural perspectives in the use and interpretation of language. Names are words and expressions that exist in a language and can be directly linked to varied cultural phenomena and interpretations. The ethnopragmatic theory aims to unearth hitherto unknown values which are hidden in language in relation to how meaning is understood in social, cultural, and situational contexts. It demonstrates a concrete connection between indigenous beliefs, social models, and indigenous speech practices.

Ethnopragmatics, however, may be seen as an offshoot of cross-cultural pragmatics pioneered by Wierzbicka (2003), which encompasses language use across cultures and how differences influence communication. Furthermore, ethnopragmatics conforms to the threefold alignment of objectives, a methodological tool, and evidence-based data. The key objective of the theory is to uncover discourse practices from a culture-internal perspective across diverse linguistic and cultural contexts (Agyekum 2019). The theory explains language use based on the values, norms, and emotionality expressed by the native speakers. In other words, it undertakes an insider account in describing language, leveraging on locally constitutive concepts and perceptions. This culture-internal use of language is evident in daily interaction and shapes how language influences social relationships. The methodological tools of ethnopragmatics include semantic explications and cultural scripts which are framed by the Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM) approach. Semantic explications deal with the reductive meaning of cultural keywords, which are called primes, that have equivalents in all languages, and cultural scripts are explicit statements that represent widely held values, beliefs, and attitudes that shape communicative practices (Goddard and Wierzbicka 2004). Essentially, the ethnopragmatic theory is based on linguistic evidence. It collects and analyses data from a particular culture to demonstrate the efficacy of its explanatory power.

Many years of engagement have broadened and refined the theory’s application and explanatory potential. Unlike other branches of pragmatics, ethnopragmatic analysis may be conducted in a single language and culture rather than relying on contrastive or comparative methods. In this study, the potential of ethnopragmatic theory lies in its effort to unravel the mechanisms, values, beliefs, and norms that shape naming practices among the Yoruba without a predetermined cultural bias (Fernández 2016).

3. Methodology

The qualitative research approach was adopted in the data collection process, analysis, and interpretation. The study benefitted from three-month fieldwork exercises in Ikeja, Lagos State, South-western Nigeria. Participants were recruited through a purposive sampling technique and were selected based on their experience as name-givers and/or -bearers. They were 15 males and 10 females comprising an age cohort between 18 and 86 years. This was because men primarily have the agency of naming children among the sampled population. They were all fluent speakers of Yoruba, Nigerian English, or Nigerian Pidgin and were well-grounded in the naming culture of the Yoruba people. Their willingness to participate in the research freely was another inclusion criteria. Other demographic characteristics of the participants included education, occupation, and religion, which, to a greater extent, have impacted the bestowal of names in the Yoruba cultural tradition. The educational background of the research participants varied. Ten participants were holders of degrees (or diplomas) from institutions of higher learning. Eight participants were products of secondary education, and seven participants did not receive schooling beyond the primary level of education. In terms of occupation, twelve participants were civil servants working in state and federal government ministries in the Lagos State capital. Ten participants were involved in private businesses such as trading, printing, sewing, poultry farming, transportation, and photography. Three of the participants were students in institutions of higher learning. In terms of religious affiliation, nine participants claimed to profess Christianity, eight participants were Muslims, four of them said they were adherents of African Traditional Religion, and another four expressed an agnostic view of God and claimed to not belong to any organised religion. All participants gave written consent for all interviews and recordings and for the publication of the data they generated. We gave each participant all relevant information to enable them to make the decision to participate or to not take part in the study. The research agenda, procedures, objectives, duration, risks, and benefits were boldly spelt out to the participants, before engaging them during the fieldwork. This enabled them to understand what they were agreeing to or decided on in terms of the choice to opt out at any point without any consequences. This engagement also helped the researchers enlist their support and cooperation before the commencement of the data collection exercise. Approval for the research was granted by the Directorate of Research and Development, University of Calabar, with approval number UC/DRD/EC/FA2025/4017.

Two ethnographic research methods, participant observation and semi-structured interviews, were the data elicitation techniques adopted in this study. Participant observation allowed for access to the natural environment of the research participants, where the use of names is a daily linguistic practice. We observed the various sociolinguistic domains in which names were given and used. These included infant naming ceremonies, and the use of ancestors’ names during libation rituals, and other routine uses of names during social interactions. From this emic perspective, we had clear knowledge of the ideology that informed the bestowal of crown-related names among the Yoruba. The researchers were also able to gain deeper insights into the history of bestowing crown-related names and why it is prominent among the Yoruba. Semi-structured interviews enabled the researchers to explore feelings, thoughts, and perceptions towards crown-related names. This elicitation approach enabled flexibility of the interview questions, which were open-ended. We deeply engaged participants at a personal level about the practice of bestowing crown-related names to probe the beliefs surrounding the set of names. This approach also offered the opportunity to add context and authenticity to expand and enrich the data (Swain and Spire 2020). All the interviews took place at the participants’ homes and at times convenient for them. We explained our mission as researchers and sought their cooperation for the interviews before the start of each session. We spent an average of thirty minutes with each participant during the course of the interview. All interviews were conducted in Nigerian English, Nigerian Pidgin, or Yoruba, depending on the participants’ linguistic preferences. One of the researchers has a fair knowledge of Yoruba although she is not a native of Yoruba. Her knowledge of Yoruba really helped to facilitate the interviews.

Some leading interview questions included: why are Yoruba children named after the concept of the crown? What are the symbolic significance of the crown in the Yoruba onomastica? Why do parents bestow a name like Adebowale ‘Crown has returned home’ on their infant? What is the relationship between the crown and wealth in the Yoruba cultural tradition? How does this relationship impact on the Yoruba naming system? Why are some Yoruba crown-related names used in expressing emotions like peace and reconciliation, and what are the underlying messages communicated by such names? What are some of the social values of the crown that are embedded in Yoruba personal names? In what ways do these names impact their bearers’ well-being and social universe?

A digital audio recorder was used in the documentation of all interview data. Field notes were used to capture transcripts of interviews like the metadata of participants, such as names (pseudonyms), place, time, and date of interviews. About 40 crown-related names were collected from the field. Data were manually coded, transcribed manually, and translated based on the relevant social categories of crown-related names. Thematic analysis was adopted as the methodological tool for the analysis and description of data. This approach allowed the data to be patterned into meaningful categories (Clark and Braun 2013). The approach helped to summarise data constructively to see patterns and meanings that could emerge. It also took the views and perspectives of the research participants in their own words into account (Appendix A).

4. Data Analysis and Interpretation

In the analysis that follows, we examine the value and symbolic significance of the crown in Yoruba personal naming practices. The names are framed under four thematic categories that highlight the connection between the concept of the crown and royalty, wealth, emotion, and social values. It is worthwhile to note that these are general names and are not solely invented and bestowed on children with royal blood. Parents of children who were born outside royalty give these names to their infants as metaphors for improved social status and access to greater prestige and secure future. As a result of the close connection of these names with royalty, they are highly valued and celebrated. The names therefore represent parental aspirations for class, positioning, and belonging (Mensah and Iloh 2021). However, the interpretations of these names in our analysis were based on their original derived meanings or sources of meaning.

4.1. The Crown and Royalty

Among the Yoruba, the crown has varied historical symbolisms. During the precolonial period in Yorubaland, the crown was not merely a head ornament of honour but a reward for heroic acts and prowess. In contemporary Yoruba society, it is a royal treasure and symbol of power and nobility. The Yoruba Oba (King) uses the crown as a symbol of traditional authority and monarchical leadership. The participants believed that the crown is a sign of social rank that bestows the virtues of dignity and integrity among the Yoruba. The participants further argued that the Oba acts as the divine connection between the people and the ancestors; he wields religious and spiritual authority, attracts blessings to his subjects, and offers protection against evil. To this end, the crown is conceptualised as a source of cosmic power and represents significant authority that reinforces continuity and cultural identity. Yoruba names that depict the concept of royalty are demonstrated in

Table 1. The crown as a representation of royalty.

Name	Gloss
Adéwàlé	Crown has come home.
Adébọ́wàlé	Crown returned home.
Adélabi Naade Gbadebo	We’ve given birth to a crown. One born into royalty. One who brings the crown?
Adebimpe	Crown is complete.
Adétókúnbọ̀	Crown comes from abroad.
Adéyẹ́mí Tiwalade Adémuyíwá Adébímpe	Crown befits me. Crown is ours. Crown brought this gift. Crown gave birth to me.

below.

The names in this category are used to reinforce the relationship between the crown, royalty, and dynastic identity. The crown as a symbol of traditional authority is always earned by members of the royal family or divinely appointed figures. In a situation where kingship is rotated among different ruling families or houses, names like Adewale (‘Crown has come home’) and Adebowale (‘Crown returned home’) were bestowed originally on children born into a house that ascends the throne. A throne can only be temporarily vacant upon the death of a king in a monarchical system. A participant justified the choice of these names as follows:

In certain traditional Yoruba contexts where kingship is not inherited by a single lineage but is rather rotatory, children born during the turn of their families are often given these names. The names reflect an orderly way of transferring leadership, thus promote peace, inclusivity and stability. They also reduce conflict and rancour.

(Bamidele, Male 70)

The names are therefore used to commemorate the time and period a new king was coroneted. The names therefore convey occasion for spectacle and celebration. The crown, in this context, represents the power and responsibility of the new king and would be handed over to him as he ascends the throne. A name like Adelabi (‘We’ve given birth to royalty’), Naade (‘One born into royalty’), and Gbadebo (‘One who brings the crown’) are usually bestowed on potential heirs apparent to the throne. A participant (Salami, Male 60) recounted that such names are usually given to long-awaited male children after a series of female children in the same family. This evidence reveals the desire for male children among the Yoruba people for lineage continuity and possible ascension to the throne. The name Adebimpe (‘Crown is complete’) was interpreted by a participant (Bunmi, Female 70) to mean that the crown commanded religious, supernatural, military, executive, judiciary, and legislative powers in a monarchical structure, especially during the precolonial era. This is why it was often said that traditional rulers enjoyed absolute power and were regarded as next to the gods.

A name like Adetokumbo (‘The crown comes from abroad’) was given to children who were born overseas but still retained a strong connection with their Yoruba heritage and ancestry. The name is used to connect its bearer to their roots. The participants believed that such a name helped to foster identity, preserve history, and promote a sense of community. Significantly, the name reinforces belonging and ensures continuity with the past. Names like Adeyemi (‘Crown befits me’) and Tiwalade (‘Crown is ours’) are self-proclaimed confessions by name-givers regarding their claim of entitlement to the crown. A participant (Kemi, Female 56) maintained that this class of names speaks to the principle of inheritance where the right to the throne passes from one ruling family or house to another. In other words, the names recognise hereditary succession (through the appropriate royal bloodline) in the making of kingship. Ownership of the crown implies the dignity of being a king by holding the throne based on the account of research participants. The names Ademuyiwa (‘Crown brought this gift’) and Adebimpe (‘Crown gave birth to me’) were interpreted by a participant (Akinlolu, Male 70) as names bestowed onto children who were born during the reign of their fathers as kings. The name are, therefore, expressions of appreciation to the ancestors for bringing great joy to the name-giver. Such a gesture is believed to enhance bonds and strengthen the relationship with ancestors who are regarded as the providers of all ‘good things’, including children.

An ethnopragmatic account of names in this category shows that the notion of royalty occupies a central place in the Yoruba cultural universe, as it enables a form of civic belonging and anthroponymic continuity. The representation of royalty in crown-related names in the Yoruba cultural arena is relevant to unveil inner perceptions and beliefs about kingship. The names reveal certain cultural scripts and stereotypes like the rotational nature of succession to the throne, the enactment of power, and male child preference for the sustaining of the bloodline. This evidence shows that the names are Yoruba culture-specific, hence constituting cultural keywords together with their relevant semantic explications.

4.2. The Crown and Wealth

Based on the data corpus, wealth is an important hallmark of royalty. There is a strong connection between the crown (kingship) and immense wealth as evident in some Yoruba personal names. Among the Yoruba, royal wealth is a symbol of power, prosperity, and responsibility. The participants viewed royal wealth as a badge of honour and a visible manifestation of the king’s influence and prestige. The names in

Table 2. The crown as a symbol of wealth.

Name	Gloss
Adémọ́lá Adébọ̀lá	Crown with prestige and wealth Crown meets wealth.
Adébisí	We have added to the crown.
Adégbọla	Crown has acquired wealth.
Adélọ̀lá	Crown is prominent as wealth.
Adékọ̀là	Crown gathers wealth.
Adéọlá Adétólá Foláshádé	Crown of wealth. Crown is worthy of wealth. Use wealth as a crown.

below demonstrate the value of wealth in traditional governance and societal responsibility. It is a known fact that the political influence of the Yoruba Oba has diminished over the years; their roles have become progressively ceremonial and symbolic rather than centred on governance engagement. They have, however, sustained a culture of financial relevance. Their modern social structure accords them a prominent position in maintaining a legacy of esteem and influence. The participants further indicated that they are paid stipends by the government, and, within their kingdoms, they enjoy royal power and extreme wealth, which are generated through land, taxes, and royal inheritances.

The Oba also controls vast territories and has investments in real estate to sustain his luxury lifestyle, which is useful in exerting his sphere of influence. The names in Table 2 amplify the king’s possession and riches as a result of the incredibly privileged life he lives. A participant further reiterated the relationship between wealth, naming, and kingship as follows:

It is believed that the Oba owns everything in his domain. There are generational wealth and many profitable investments which he can access and most times, it’s difficult to separate his personal wealth from the community’s because the wealth are always prioritised for the welfare of his subjects. So, this class of names is used to accentuate wealth as a mark of social approval, power and freedom.

(Gbenga, Male 60)

This participant further pointed out that wealth in the context of the throne also symbolises a successful and prosperous kingdom because it implies the ability to perform duties for the well-being of the people. Parents give this category of names to their children with the hope of maintaining certain standards of prestige and influence in their adult lives to enact class distinction and structural inequality, which are deeply entrenched in the Yoruba society. We agree with Mensah and Iloh (2021) that this class of names is chosen to reflect expectations of their bearers’ success in later life. Significantly, we saw how these names are used to entrench an ideology of the Yoruba people in terms of royal wealth. Based on the accounts of research participants, a name like Ademola (‘Crown with prestige and wealth’) reveals that wealth is not a stand-alone virtue, but, rather, it commands respect and influence. Essentially, the name Adebola (‘Crown meets wealth’) was interpreted to mean creating a situation of stupendous wealth. It signifies a particular context where a rich person had been coroneted as a king, gaining unfettered access to wealth in addition to his already established status. Similarly, the name Adebisi (‘We have added to the crown’) entails the making of the throne to be richer than what one had assumed, based on a monarch’s resourcefulness and sense of duty.

Importantly, some other names in this category—Adègbọlá (‘Crown has acquired wealth’), Adélọ̀là (‘Crown is prominent as wealth’), Adékọ̀là (‘Crown gathers wealth’), Adéọlá (‘Crown of wealth’), and Adetola (‘Crown is worthy of wealth’)—are used to showcase the social and symbolic significance of wealth and wealth-building in the monarchy. The names communicate the message that ascending the throne is not only for stewardship and responsibility but also to enjoy stupendous wealth and royal power. This state of affairs justifies the belief among the Igbo (in Southeast Nigeria) that ‘Wealth is king’ (Akubueze), which means that “wealth confers the status of kingship and attracts attributes or influence that accompanies royalty” (Mensah and Iloh 2021, p. 712). The name Folashade (‘Use wealth as a crown’) can be given to a child from a wealthy background with a high social status. To use wealth as a crown is a future wish for the name-bearer’s life course to be steeped in opulence. The name celebrates the values of honour, respect, and dignity, which are deeply cherished in the Yoruba cultural tradition. An ethnopragmatic exploration of the names in this category shows how crown-related names are metaphorically constructed as sources of wealth generation, acquisition, and control. They provide deep insights into the appropriation of wealth in monarchy and describe the connection of wealth to the discourse of power, influence, and dignity.

4.3. The Crown and Emotions

Another resounding theme in Yoruba crown-related anthroponomy in our data corpus is the expression of positive emotions which “…convey pleasant and desirable feelings and are associated with specific valuable action” (Mensah et al. 2021, p. 229). We identified positive emotional valence like peace, joy, honour, desire, and goodness in the category of names in

Table 3. Crown-related names that depict emotion.

Name	Gloss
Adépéro Adédáyo	Crown has brought peace. Crown is a source of joy.
Adétáyo	Crown has brought great joy.
Adéwúmni Adéiré Adéséwa	I am desirous of the crown. Crown of goodness. Crown is joyful.
Adémídún	My crown is sweet.

. A name like Adepero (‘Crown has brought peace’) is used in promoting and strengthening a culture of reconciliation. The participants believed that the concept of peace is a core value that shapes human existence by creating social harmony in diversity. It was further argued that to seek peace is a choice of self-development that enables people to negotiate uncertainties and difficulties with calm. This results in a better quality of life with increased happiness.

Participants maintained that the name emphasises the need to resolve conflict peacefully and prioritise reconciliation. A participant (Kunle, Male 65) theorised that if a crown could bring peace, this would imply that royalty created a stable collaborative climate that reduced friction, strain, and intensity. Significantly, another participant attempted to justify the choice of this name as follows:

The message of the name is to promote a peaceful and just society. It highlights the need for community members to tolerate differences, respect diversity and approach conflict with understanding and compassion. This is because living in harmony is a move towards a genuine culture of peace.

(Abike, Female 58)

The account of this participant reveals how a name can set the tone for reflective thinking and a calm disposition. It encourages people to avoid confrontation and engage in the non-aggressive resolution of conflicts. Names like Adedayo (‘Crown is the source of joy’), Adétayo (‘Crown has brought joy’), and Adesewa (‘Crown is joyful’) are used to emphasise the pursuit of joy at the individual level, which is related to one’s growth and authenticity. The participants indicated that the notion of joy is a deep abiding state that is connected to meaning and purpose in life. A participant (Dayo, Male 56) argued that these names represent positive emotional responses to meaningful experiences. They provide the key to one’s mental health, decrease stress, and lower anxiety. Generally, these names are useful in uplifting feeling of happiness and fostering intense gladness and well-being.

Similarly, a name like Adeire (‘Crown of goodness’) expresses a deep-seated preference for moral excellence and commitment to ethical uprightness. The participants believed that such a name illuminates the moral quality of being pure and upright through actions that are beneficial to others. Essentially, the name Adewunmi (‘I’m desirous of the crown’) emphasises the namer’s strong feeling of wanting to have a crown. The crown in the context of this name indicates royalty or a good life more broadly. The name Adémidun (‘My crown is sweet’) describes the luxury and opulence that monarchs are entitled to. It is a positive emotion that expresses the pleasantness of the crown, spanning social influence, material luxury, and a sense of duty, based on narratives of the participants. An ethnopragmatic engagement with this category of names shows how the crown is used as a tool for the symbolic recognition of positive emotions in the Yoruba community. Names are used to preach a peaceful co-existence and to foster communal cohesion and stability, which generally improve human relationships.

4.4. Social Values of the Crown

The last thematic trope in crown-related names among the Yoruba in our data corpus is related to social values and the significance of the crown. The names in this category demonstrate the symbolic uses and agency of the crown. This shows that the crown can play an essential role within and outside the domain of royalty. Examples of this category of names are illustrated in

Table 4. Social significance of the crown.

Name	Gloss
Fádéséwá	Beautify (me) with crown.
Fádakémi	Pamper (me) with crown.
Adéwémímọ	Crown has washed me clean.
Adétése	Crown has repaired chieftaincy.
Adérónké Adélánọ Adepeju Adéléye Adétóke	Crown has something to pamper. Crown has opened the way. Crown is full of honour. Crown has honour. Crown should be handled honourably.

below.

The names Fadesewa (‘Beautify (me) with crown’) and Fadakemi (‘Pamper (me) with crown’) show that the crown can be used to point to one’s personal achievements or social accomplishments. The participants believed that such names are usually given to potential heirs apparent to the throne with full rights of inheritance. It was further argued that these names embody dignity and inner nobility, serving as valuable symbols of continuity, based on the account of a participant (Adamu, Male 39). This evidence shows that these names enable their bearers to live according to the principles of their royal path. The other names in this category symbolically demonstrate the power, influence, and authority wielded by a king. These names show that such power is absolute, and it affects every facet of human endeavour. The name Adewemimọ (‘Crown has washed me clean’) reveals a deep spiritual acknowledgement of past evil which has been purified by royalty. The name pleads for forgiveness and the desire for a fresh start.

The name Adetese (‘Crown has repaired chieftaincy’) is usually given to a child born after a major dispute in the chieftaincy institution has been resolved. The name emphasises the need for mediation and negotiation for the peaceful settlement of disputes. A participant affirmed that such a name is often used to mark reconciliation of conflicting factions in chieftaincy disputes. The participant further reiterated the following:

In those days, when there is power tussle for chieftaincy or traditional leadership position, the warring parties will be invited to the palace for resolution of the crisis. Local reconciliation initiatives deploy wide-ranging efforts and rituals to encode trust and healing in an attempt to guarantee peaceful coexistence. A child that is born to either of the parties or in the palace is named Adeseye.

(Jumoke, Female 67)

This account demonstrates the immortalisation of the peace deal or event in the name in an attempt to foster cohesion and stability. It further shows that names can be used to strengthen memories and subjective experiences, which may not just be facts but historical reconstructions. A name like Aderonke (‘Crown has something to pamper’) speaks to the capacity of the crown to indulge people with comfort and luxury, creating a sense of entitlement. The participants argued that a name like this is used in expressing love-strengthening bonds and creating cherished memories. Essentially, the name Delano (‘Crown has opened the way’) highlights the many ways the crown has favoured people and has served as a social lubricant in building relationships. The participants maintained that people benefit from acts of goodwill from king’s palaces, which are useful in navigating the varied tapestries of life. Some crown-related names are used to celebrate the virtue of honour. Names like Adepeju (‘Crown is full of honour’), Adeleye (‘Crown has honour’), and Adetoke (‘Crown should be handled honourably’) show the recognition of honour as a code of conduct. The participants generally agreed that being honourable in the royal domain entails living a principled life where one’s actions are a reflection of moral strength and commitment in the context of everyday life. A participant (Bola, Male 57) maintained that honour demands integrity and honesty and the ability to fulfil promises, act with fairness, and be accountable for one’s actions and inactions. The principle of honour is rooted in moral excellence, which often leads to respect and good standing in society. From an ethnopragmatic account, we saw how the personification and agency of the crown have been used to demonstrate its social significance.

5. Discussion

The concept of the crown holds a significant place of pride in the Yoruba cultural context and is imbued with immense symbolic meanings. This justifies its ascription as an important currency in Yoruba personal naming practices. This study has identified four thematic tropes in which the crown is symbolically utilised as an onomastic resource. Drawing from the ethnopragmatic theory, which is mainly concerned with locally constitutive meanings of discourse practices (Goddard 2006), this study explored the role of the crown as a representation of royalty. Crown-related names in this category are principally used in the construction of kingship. The crown embodies the king’s power and his supreme authority and symbolises the continuity of life in the Yoruba sociological reality based on the insider perspectives of the participants (Goddard and Ye 2015). This emic account pays greater attention to the cultural features of Yoruba (Porto 2013). The names in this regime are used to preserve and enhance heritage, promote a sense of community, and offer their bearers some ethnic privileges.

The crown is also used as a metaphor for wealth, as demonstrated in a thematic frame of crown-related names among the Yoruba. These names embody wealth as intrinsically linked to financial and material resources in the context of royalty. Wealth is regarded as a symbol of honour, prestige, and influence. The participants generally maintained that wealth underpins royal power and affluence, and it is historically connected to huge assets and investments. It was further revealed that the ability of the monarch to manage this wealth was instrumental to sustaining royal power, influence, and dignity, and this provided the basis for the king’s continued functioning and existence. This justifies the definition of wealth as “a question of reproduction, relational flow and life vitality” (Rakopoulos and Rio 2018, p. 275). Based on the accounts of the participants, the sources of such wealth included government funding, private property, investments, and land management. The names in this category were therefore used to highlight personal fortunes and opulence associated with royalty. They provided an insider’s understanding of Yoruba’s cultural script of wealth through the prism of the crown or royalty.

Significantly, we also see the expression of positive emotions linked to crown-related names. The names reflect on and interpret different aspects of emotions such as joy, peace, honour, desire, and goodness in relation to the crown. They were used to promote harmony, peaceful co-existence, and morality in an attempt to sustain cooperation and solidarity among community members. The participants believed that some of the emotional implications of these names were the construction of cultural identity, expression of agency, and socialisation of children. The meaning of the names was tied to the psychological development of their bearers, especially in positively impacting character and attitudes (Mensah et al. 2021). The names were also believed to reinforce values, principles, and socially conceived expectations that society should imbibe for its overall well-being. Essentially, it was further observed that this class of names was utilised to foster connections and build relationships. It shapes perceptions and motivates community members to achieve collective goals through social bonding.

Social values of crown-related names were also highlighted in the Yoruba onomasticon. This regime of names mainly demonstrated the personification and agency of the crown and reinforced beliefs and values embedded in the names. In this way, the participants argued that names can provide a fascinating means by which social values can be entrenched in Yoruba society. The names highlight virtues like purity, forgiveness, reconciliation, and favour, which are instrumental in building a strong sense of community and in increasing social resources. The participants reiterated that such an initiative fosters a sense of belonging, support, and connection. In this way, names are believed to provide a safety net during challenging times. This position corroborates the claim by Farahani (2016) that feeling a sense of community and neighbouring relationships can increase the feeling of safety, security, community identity, civic participation, and mental health and well-being. Based on our engagement with crown-related names among the Yoruba, we see that this class of names is a key marker of Yoruba cultural identity; it informs all aspects of human experience and reflects the society’s structure and world vision (Dvorak 2023). It was further understood that the bestowal of these names is not based on one’s royal connection solely; rather, the quest for names is fundamentally constructed around the metaphor of the crown.

6. Conclusions

This study investigated the symbolic significance of crown-related names among the Yoruba people of South-western Nigeria from the lens of ethnopragmatic theory. We dissected the different layers of signification of crown-related anthroponyms based on Yoruba cultural scripts, which explained the meaning of these names from a culture-internal perspective. This facilitated an understanding of the symbolic nuances underlying the names. We identified the relationship between the names and some Yoruba cultural keywords such as royalty, wealth, emotion, and values, which provided insights into how the names are symbolically framed and contextualised. Some names are used as a metaphoric construction of royalty. In this way, they mark status and power, as well as the inner life of royalty. The concept of wealth was found to have a deep representation in crown-related names. The names showed the intersection of wealth with royalty and how royalty showcased ancestral riches and treasures, thus balancing historical status with contemporary economic reality. In this respect, wealth embodies the material possessions that come with royalty. This study highlights how royalty wields immense power to influence societal responsibility, well-being, and governance. The names are therefore used to link royal power and abundance, framing wealth as a tool for stewardship. This study showed the role of emotions in the construction of crown-related names. Such names are used to foster relationships and build connections, which are useful in promoting well-being and improving health. Significantly, some names convey social values and symbolic power, which are cultural markers for respect, reconciliation, and favour. The names reflect existing societal norms and values and provide a framework to guide behaviours and attitudes. Broadly speaking, the bestowal of crown-related names among the Yoruba provides profound insights into their royal institution, lineage system, and cultural tradition. An ethnopragmatic reading of the names reveals that their meanings can only be properly nuanced and understood from an insider’ perspective, and that the names serve on the surface as enduring markers of dynastic identity and cultural values. Further studies may explore the vitality of these names in the wake of the demands of modernisation and globalisation.