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Role Strain and Systemic Barriers: A Qualitative Study of Somali Refugee Mothers in the United States

Soc. Sci. 2026, 15(6), 343; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci15060343

by Angelea Panos^1,*

, Paige Lowe¹

, Patrick T. Panos² and Deeqa Hamid¹

Reviewer 1:

Annette Korntheuer

Reviewer 2:

Kelly Devenney

Reviewer 3:

Cassandra Chaney

Soc. Sci. 2026, 15(6), 343; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci15060343

Submission received: 25 February 2026 / Revised: 24 April 2026 / Accepted: 18 May 2026 / Published: 22 May 2026

(This article belongs to the Section Family Studies)

Round 1

Reviewer 1 Report

Comments and Suggestions for Authors

Review for Authors

The paper addresses an important and underrepresented topic and makes a good empirical contribution. The focus on Somali refugee mothers as a distinct research population is in itself valuable, and the findings are therefore interesting. Notable for example is the aspect of the breakdown of the intergenerational economic contract adding a meaningful detail to existing scholarship. The attention to researcher positionality and the practical implications drawn from the findings are interesting, and the resilience and strength of participants is appropriately foregrounded alongside the challenges and barriers they face. Nevertheless, there are some important issues to be addressed before this publication can move forward in the publishing process:

Introduction (L 30-66)

The current political situation regarding refugee resettlement in the United States, specifically the current stop of resettlement programs under the current administration, is entirely absent in the article. This is important and goes along with a general challenge of the paper, that structural and political conditions are central to understanding the experiences reconstructed in the study, but are currently widely absent in the paper. The introduction would be the natural place to address at least the current political context. Furthermore, several references used to characterize the current situation of Somali refugees (L 40–48) date from the mid-2000s to early 2010s; more recent literature should be drawn on here.

A critical theoretical framework so far is absent in the article. Concepts such as “acculturation,” “cultural identity,” and “integration” are used throughout without being defined or critically examined. The phrase “adapt to a new culture” (L 78–79), for instance, carries implicit assimilationist assumptions that go unquestioned. Berry’s acculturation framework does not appear until the discussion (L 783), where it functions more as post-hoc framing, and the critiques directed at this framework, particularly regarding its individualism and limited attention to structural power and discrimination, are not engaged with. The authors are encouraged to add a theoretical section that situates these concepts critically and establishes a clearer analytical framework for the study.

Methods (L 67- 175)

About the methods: The sample description in Table 1 reflects a somewhat quantitative logic; reporting a mean and standard deviation for number of children across twelve participants is not so well-suited to a qualitative study, and a more case-oriented or group-based description of the sample would serve the qualitative methods better. Regarding the use of Cohen’s kappa (L 147–152): while intercoder reliability procedures can be used in qualitative research, applying a statistical coefficient of agreement to interpretive thematic analysis is in my opinion not as central to qualitative analysis, which is oriented towards understanding and reconstructing meaning rather than standardizing coding decisions. The ethical discussion would benefit from engagement with the literature on research ethics in forced migration research, including for example scholarship on the dual imperative and going beyond doing no harm (eg. Literature from Jacobsen, Mackenzie, Clark-Kazak; Ahmad Ali). Accordingly the absence of compensation for participants (L 171) should also be explained. Finally, the choice of Utah as the study site is not motivated anywhere in the manuscript and should be briefly addressed.

Results (176-391)

My most important concern is the presentation of the findings. The results section is very descriptive and contains no direct quotations/ examples of data. For a study whose central claim is to document lived experience, this is a serious gap. Qualitative research gains its credibility and validation through grounding results in the data. The authors are strongly encouraged to incorporate direct quotations throughout the findings section.

Discussion and Practical Applications, Limitations and Conclusion

While these sections make an important contribution to current knowledge and transfer it into practical implications, the use of language seems a bit repetitive in this sections with a few times starting with First, Second… (L 643-658; 607-621; 571-595).

Literature

Beside the above mentioned authors on ethical issues in forced migration research:

Bowie, Wojnar and Isaak (2017), published in the Journal of Family Issues, specifically examined parenting experiences of Somali families in the United States and identified the tension between traditional and American values as a central dynamic, a finding directly relevant to the present study that is not referenced here.

Author Response

Response to Reviewer 1’s Comments

Thank you very much for taking the time to review this manuscript. Please find the detailed responses below and the corresponding revisions/corrections highlighted in a separate re-submitted file entitled “famsci-4198377- Manuscript- REVISED- HIGHLIGHTED.”

______________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 1:

Introduction (L 30-66)

COMMENT 1 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Original Text (L 59-66):

Revised Text (additions bolded): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 68-84)

Despite these challenges, Somali refugee mothers demonstrate considerable resilience, drawing upon cultural strengths, religious faith, and community support systems to navigate the complexities of parenting in a new context (Betancourt et al., 2015). Understanding the lived experiences of these mothers, including both their challenges and their sources of strength, is essential for developing culturally responsive services and supports that promote positive outcomes for refugee families (Pavlish et al., 2010). The urgency of this understanding is amplified by the current political climate in the United States. On January 20, 2025, an executive order was signed by the president, indefinitely halting the arrival of thousands of refugees that had been preapproved by international treaty and Congress (Realigning the United States Refugee Admissions Program, 2025). In January 2026, the Department of Homeland Security formally terminated Temporary Protected Status for Somali nationals, ordering affected individuals to leave the United States by March 17, 2026 (Department of Homeland Security, 2026). The Somali community has been subjected to targeted federal enforcement operations, repeated derogatory rhetoric from the highest levels of the federal government, and coordinated media campaigns characterizing Somali Americans in derogatory terms, notwithstanding that the vast majority are U.S. citizens or lawful permanent residents (Al Jazeera, 2025; CNN, 2025; Masters, 2026). These developments have created profound fear and instability within Somali communities across the country.

This political context underscores the precarity facing Somali refugee families and heightens the importance of research that documents both the systemic barriers they navigate and the resilience they sustain in the face of compounding structural and political pressures. This study aims to contribute to this understanding by qualitatively examining the parenting experiences of Somali refugee mothers in Utah, with attention to how contextual factors across multiple life domains influence their adaptation and resilience in motherhood.

Furthermore, the following references were added to the reference list:

Al Jazeera. (2025, December 3). Trump plans crackdown on Somali communities in Minnesota: What we know. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/3/trump-plans-crackdown-on-somali-communities-in-minnesota-what-we-know
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1126-1127)

CNN. (2025, December 3). Somali immigrants in Minnesota are Trump's next target. https://www.cnn.com/2025/12/03/us/immigration-trump-somali-migrants-minnesota
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1151-1152)

Department of Homeland Security. (2026, January 14). Termination of the designation of Somalia for Temporary Protected Status. Federal Register, 91(9). https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/01/14/2026-00596/termination-of-the-designation-of-somalia-for-temporary-protected-status
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1159-1161)

Masters, C. (2026, January 3). Minnesota Somali community bears brunt of Trump administration policies. NPR. https://www.npr.org/2026/01/03/nx-s1-5662619/minnesota-somali-community-bears-brunt-of-trump-administration-policies
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1177-1178)

Realigning the United States Refugee Admissions Program, Exec. Order No. 14163, 90 Fed. Reg. 8459 (January 30, 2025). https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/01/30/2025-02011/realigning-the-united-states-refugee-admissions-program
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1202-1203)

____________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 2:

Introduction (L 30-66)

Furthermore, several references used to characterize the current situation of Somali refugees (L 40–48) date from the mid-2000s to early 2010s; more recent literature should be drawn on here.

COMMENT 2 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Original Text:

Somali refugees represent one of the largest refugee populations resettled in the United States over the past three decades, with significant communities established in states such as Minnesota, Ohio, and Utah (Pavlish et al., 2010). The migration experience often involves prolonged displacement, family separation, and exposure to violence and trauma, all of which have lasting implications for family functioning and maternal well-being (Ellis et al., 2010). Upon resettlement, Somali mothers must simultaneously manage the practical demands of establishing economic security, accessing healthcare and education systems, and securing stable housing while fulfilling their parenting responsibilities in an unfamiliar cultural landscape (Carroll et al., 2007).

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 42-46; 49; 53)

Somali refugees represent one of the largest refugee populations resettled in the United States over the past three decades, with significant communities established in states such as Minnesota, Ohio, and Utah [(Pavlish et al., 2010)] (Minnesota Department of Health, 2024; Suleiman et al., 2024; Utah Department of Health and Human Services, 2024). Driven primarily by the collapse of the Somali state in 1991 and the ensuing civil war, the Somali refugee population in the United States grew from approximately 2,500 in 1990 to an estimated 250,000 to 300,000 today (Connor, 2016; Minnesota Department of Health, 2024). The migration experience often involves prolonged displacement, family separation, and exposure to violence and trauma, all of which have lasting implications for family functioning and maternal well-being (Betancourt et al., 2015; DeSa et al., 2022; Ellis et al., 2010). Upon resettlement, Somali mothers must simultaneously manage the practical demands of establishing economic security, accessing healthcare and education systems, and securing stable housing while fulfilling their parenting responsibilities in an unfamiliar cultural landscape [(Carroll et al., 2007)](Betancourt et al., 2015; Suleiman et al., 2024).

New reference entries added to the reference list:

Minnesota Department of Health. (2024). Somali refugee health profile.https://www.health.state.mn.us/communities/rih/coe/profiles/somali.html
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1182-1182)

Utah Department of Health and Human Services. (2024). Refugee arrivals: Complete health indicator report. https://ibis.utah.gov/ibisph-view/indicator/complete_profile/RefArr.html
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1121-1122)

Note: Betancourt et al. (2015), DeSa et al. (2022), and Suleiman et al. (2024) are already in the reference list. Carroll et al. (2007) are removed from this paragraph but remain cited elsewhere in the manuscript, so neither is deleted from the reference list.

____________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 3:

COMMENT 3 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Original Text:

[No Conceptual Framework section existed in the manuscript.]

Revised Text (additions bolded): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 94-141)

Conceptual Framework

This study draws on the two complementary theoretical frameworks of Berry's acculturation model and Goode's (1960) theory of role strain. Berry's model identifies four strategies through which individuals and groups navigate contact between cultures. First, assimilation, in which cultural identity is relinquished in favor of engagement with the dominant group. Second, separation, in which cultural identity is maintained while contact with the dominant group is minimized. Next, marginalization, in which neither cultural identity nor meaningful engagement with the host society is sustained. Finally, integration, in which both cultural maintenance and engagement with the dominant society are pursued (Bhatia & Ram, 2009). Research has consistently found that the integration strategy is associated with lower acculturative stress, while marginalization is associated with the greatest difficulty (Berry et al., 1987). Refugees, who are involuntary migrants who lack the option of return, face particularly elevated acculturative stress compared to voluntary immigrant groups (Berry et al., 1987).

However, Berry's framework has been critiqued for its universalist assumptions. Bhatia and Ram (2009) argue that Berry and his colleagues treat the psychological processes of acculturation as essentially the same across all groups, thereby failing to account for the role of race, racialization, power, and historical and political context in shaping the acculturation experience. Their research demonstrates that immigrants who consider themselves successfully integrated can be abruptly repositioned as outsiders by structural and political forces, suggesting that acculturation status is not a stable individual achievement but a condition continuously shaped by social conditions beyond the individual's control. This critique is directly relevant to the population studied here, whose acculturation experience cannot be separated from the structural barriers documented in this paper, including the current federal political climate described in the Introduction.

A second anchor for this study is Goode's (1960) theory of role strain. Goode defines role strain as the felt difficulty in fulfilling role obligations and argues that role strain is a normal feature of social life. Furthermore, the individual's total role obligations are inherently over-demanding, and no one can satisfy all demands simultaneously. Goode identifies multiple sources of role strain, including participation in many role relationships with different and sometimes contradictory obligations, the competing demands within any single role relationship, and the existence of role sets in which a single social position involves obligations to multiple different people. He further argues that social structure determines how much freedom an individual has in managing role strain, including the mechanisms available for delegating, compartmentalizing, or renegotiating role obligations.

This framework is particularly applicable to Somali refugee mothers. In the Somali cultural context, the extended family system has role obligations stretching across a broad network of kin that provide collective mechanisms for managing the demands of parenthood. Resettlement in the United States removes these structural supports, concentrating on a single mother the obligations that were previously distributed across many adults. She also does so alone in an unfamiliar institutional environment, with limited language access and no equivalent community infrastructure. When the mechanisms Goode identifies for managing role strain are structurally unavailable, the result is compounding strain with few available paths for relief. Suleiman et al. (2024) document exactly this dynamic in their review of Somali parenting within a Western context, identifying the shift from communal to nuclear family parenting as a primary source of acculturative stress among Somali immigrant parents.

To increase continuity with this new section, I made the following changes to the Discussion section of this paper.

Original Text (Discussion, Resilience section):

This nuanced approach supports integrative models of acculturation, such as Berry's integration strategy, which recognize the possibility of maintaining dual cultural competencies rather than framing cultural preservation and adaptation as necessarily opposing forces.

Revised Text (additions bolded): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 957-959)

While structural and political conditions place significant limits on what any acculturation strategy can achieve (Bhatia & Ram, 2009), this nuanced approach supports integrative models of acculturation, such as Berry's integration strategy, which recognize the possibility of maintaining dual cultural competencies rather than framing cultural preservation and adaptation as necessarily opposing forces.

Original Text (Discussion, Single Motherhood section):

The experience of role strain, in which a single mother must simultaneously fulfill parenting functions that would traditionally be distributed across an extended family network, was a recurring theme.

Revised Text (additions bolded): (Revised Manuscript Line: 905)

New reference entries added to the reference list:

Bhatia, S., & Ram, A. (2009). Theorizing identity in transnational and diaspora cultures: A critical approach to acculturation. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 33(2), 140–149. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2008.12.009
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 973-975)

Goode, W. J. (1960). A theory of role strain. American Sociological Review, 25(4), 483–496. https://doi.org/10.2307/2092933
(Revised Manuscript Line: 917)

______________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 4:

COMMENT 4 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Original Table:

Table 1. Focus Group Participant Demographics (N = 12)

Characteristic n

Age Range (years) 25-60

Number of Children M = 4.2 (SD = 2.3)ᵃ
Range 1-7

Family Characteristics
Extended parenting (adult children 20-25) At least 1 (8%)
Experienced child loss At least 1 (8%)

Migration History
Arrived as a minor At least 1 (8%)
Previous US residence before Utah At least 1 (8%)

ᵃCalculated for 10 participants with a known number of children (M = 4.2, SD = 2.3). Two participants did not report the number of children. Percentages represent minimum values based on available data collected during the focus group; comprehensive demographic data was not systematically collected for all participants.

Revised Table: (Revised Manuscript Lines: 172-191)

Table 1. Focus Group Participant Demographics (N = 12)

Characteristic n

Age Range (years) 25-60

Number of Children Range 1-7^a

Family Characteristics
Extended parenting (adult children 20-25) At least 1 (8%)
Experienced child loss At least 1 (8%)

Migration History
Arrived as a minor At least 1 (8%)
Previous US residence before Utah At least 1 (8%)

ᵃ Two participants did not report their number of children; the range reflects the 10 participants who did. Most participants reported between 3–5 children. Percentages represent minimum values based on available data collected during the focus group.

Note: To preserve layout integrity, Table 1 was repositioned within the Research Design and Participants section.

___________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 5:

Regarding the use of Cohen’s kappa (L 147–152): while intercoder reliability procedures can be used in qualitative research, applying a statistical coefficient of agreement to interpretive thematic analysis is in my opinion not as central to qualitative analysis, which is oriented towards understanding and reconstructing meaning rather than standardizing coding decisions.

COMMENT 5 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.
[Note: I kept Cohen’s kappa in the manuscript to address Reviewer 3’s request to provide “a check for consistency or triangulation” of identified themes.]

Original Text:

To assess coding consistency, interrater reliability was calculated using Cohen's kappa (Cohen, 1960), yielding k = 0.86, indicating strong agreement between coders. Remaining discrepancies were resolved through collaborative review of the relevant passages and consensus-based decision-making. Following the completion of coding, thematic analysis was conducted to identify overarching patterns of meaning across the dataset that addressed the study's research aims.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 252-258)

Trustworthiness was established in accordance with Lincoln and Guba's (1985) criteria of credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability. [To assess coding consistency, interrater reliability was calculated using Cohen's kappa (Cohen, 1960), yielding k = 0.86, indicating strong agreement between coders.] The primary mechanism for establishing analytic rigor was the consensus-based process through which researchers collaboratively reviewed discrepant codes, discussed competing interpretations, and reached agreement through iterative dialogue. As a supplementary indicator of coding consistency, interrater reliability was also calculated using Cohen's kappa (Cohen, 1960), yielding k = 0.86. Remaining discrepancies were resolved through collaborative review of the relevant passages and consensus-based decision-making. Following the completion of coding, thematic analysis was conducted to identify overarching patterns of meaning across the dataset that addressed the study's research aims.

New reference entry added to the reference list:

Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic inquiry. Sage.
(Revised Manuscript Line: 1174)

____________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 6:

The ethical discussion would benefit from engagement with the literature on research ethics in forced migration research, including, for example, scholarship on the dual imperative and going beyond doing no harm (eg. Literature from Jacobsen, Mackenzie, Clark-Kazak; Ahmad Ali). Accordingly, the absence of compensation for participants (L 171) should also be explained.

COMMENT 6 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Original Text:

Ethical Considerations
Due to limited literacy among many participants, both verbal and written information (available in English and Somali) regarding the study was provided, explaining that participation was entirely voluntary and could be withdrawn at any time without penalty. Verbal informed consent was obtained from each participant individually. No compensation was provided for study participation. As described more fully in the Institutional Review Board Statement below, given the non-intervention nature of this descriptive study, which used focus group and interview methods with adult participants, the Utah Valley University Institutional Review Board approved this research as Exempt under federal regulations.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 284-306;310-312-313-316)

Ethical Considerations
Research with forced migrants requires ethical commitments that extend beyond standard procedural protections. Jacobsen and Landau (2003) describe a dual imperative in refugee research regarding the obligation to produce academically rigorous knowledge and, simultaneously, to ensure that findings are policy relevant and of practical benefit to the populations studied. Mackenzie et al. (2007) argue that researchers working with refugees must move beyond harm minimization as the governing ethical standard and recognize an affirmative obligation to design and conduct research that offers reciprocal benefit to participants and their communities. Clark-Kazak (2017) further specifies that the particular vulnerabilities of forced migrants, including legal precarity, power asymmetries, and prior trauma, require that informed consent be understood as a relational and ongoing process rather than a one-time procedural event. Ahmad Ali (2024) extends this framework to research with refugee families specifically, calling for ethical mindfulness throughout the research process and attention to the competing obligations researchers hold toward participants, institutional review bodies, service providers, and community organizations.

These commitments shaped the design and conduct of the present study. Due to limited literacy among many participants, both verbal and written information (available in English and Somali) regarding the study was provided, explaining that participation was entirely voluntary and could be withdrawn at any time without penalty. Verbal informed consent was obtained from each participant individually. Consistent with Mackenzie et al.'s (2007) emphasis on reciprocal benefit, a shared meal was provided at the focus group session as a gesture of respect and appreciation for participants' time and knowledge. No monetary compensation was provided. This decision was made at the explicit direction of the Utah Valley University Institutional Review Board, which determined that financial compensation was not appropriate given the vulnerability of the population and the risk of undue influence. As described more fully in the Institutional Review Board Statement below, given the non-intervention nature of this descriptive study, which used focus group and interview methods with adult participants, the Utah Valley University Institutional Review Board approved this research as Exempt under federal regulations.

New reference entries added to the reference list:

Jacobsen, K., & Landau, L. B. (2003). The dual imperative in refugee research: Some methodological and ethical considerations in social science research on forced migration. Disasters, 27(3), 185–206. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-7717.00228
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1172-1173)

Mackenzie, C., McDowell, C., & Pittaway, E. (2007). Beyond 'do no harm': The challenge of constructing ethical relationships in refugee research. Journal of Refugee Studies, 20(2), 299–319. https://doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fem008
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1175-1176)

Clark-Kazak, C. (2017). Ethical considerations: Research with people in situations of forced migration. Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees, 33(2), 11–17. https://doi.org/10.7202/1043059ar
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1149-1150)

Ahmad Ali, M. (2024). Research with refugee children, youth, and families: Ethical issues (Working Paper No. 2024/09). Toronto Metropolitan Centre for Immigration and Settlement. https://www.torontomu.ca/content/dam/centre-for-immigration-and-settlement/tmcis/publications/workingpapers/wp-2024-09-ali.pdf
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1123-1125)

___________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 7:

Finally, the choice of Utah as the study site is not motivated anywhere in the manuscript and should be briefly addressed.

COMMENT 7 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Original Text:

Research Design and Participants

Employing a multi-methods approach and utilizing a focus group session (n=12 participants), the authors then conducted follow-up key informant interviews (n=2), along with observational fieldwork (see Table One for the focus group participant demographics).

Revised Text (additions bolded): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 152-160):

Research Design and Participants

Utah was selected as the study site for three reasons. First, Utah is home to one of the largest Somali refugee communities in the United States, with an estimated 10,000 Somali families residing primarily in the Salt Lake City area, making Somali refugees the largest refugee group in the state (Gonzalez, 2023; Utah Department of Health and Human Services, 2024). Second, despite the community's size, research on Somali refugee experiences in the United States has concentrated heavily on Minnesota and Ohio, leaving Utah substantially underrepresented in the literature. Third, the research team had established relationships with community organizations and Somali community members in Utah, which facilitated access and supported culturally responsive recruitment.

New reference entries added to the reference list:

Gonzalez, S. C. (2023, February 25). 'Salt Lake is totally different': Helping Utah's largest refugee community of 10,000. KSL News. https://www.ksl.com/article/50593563/salt-lake-is-totally-different-helping-utahs-largest-refugee-community-of-10000
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1166-1167)

__________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 8:

Results (176-391)

COMMENT 8 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes. In order to ease the editorial review of the revisions, I will present the original and revised texts by sections.

Original Text:

Orientation and Information Gaps

The most pervasive theme across all participant narratives was the profound difficulty of navigating the systems and structures of daily life in the United States. Participants consistently reported that upon arrival, they received insufficient instruction regarding the basic mechanics of housing, transportation, and financial management. This lack of foundational orientation left mothers to learn through experience, a process that frequently carried serious consequences for their families. Participants described being given a bus pass upon arrival, but receiving no instructions on how to use public transportation or locate essential services. As a result, Participant J walked to the grocery store, departing at noon and not returning until nightfall. Similarly, both Participant J and Participant F shared experiences of losing electricity in their apartments on a weekend. Neither woman knew how to locate or reset a circuit breaker, and their assigned caseworkers were unreachable until the following Monday. Both families spent days without power, including heat, before someone was able to show them how to reset the breaker. These experiences were not isolated incidents but rather reflected a systemic pattern in which refugees were expected to navigate complex infrastructure without foundational knowledge. As noted during the discussion, the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and Catholic Charities, which served as the primary resettlement organizations for all participants, often operated with limited funds and volunteer staffing, and the support they could provide was finite in both scope and duration.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 349-355; 358-365)

Orientation and Information Gaps

Participants described being given a bus pass upon arrival, but receiving no instructions on how to use public transportation or locate essential services. For instance, one participant stated:

They gave me a bus pass, but no one showed me how to use it. I did not know which bus to take or where it would go. So, I walked to get groceries. I left when the sun was high, and I did not come back until it was dark. ~ Participant J

[Similarly] As a result, Participant J walked to the grocery store, departing at noon and not returning until nightfall. Similarly, both Participant J and Participant F shared experiences of losing electricity in their apartments on a weekend. Neither woman knew how to locate or reset a circuit breaker, and their assigned caseworkers were unreachable until the following Monday. As participant F described it:

The lights went out. Everything went dark, and the heat stopped. I did not know what to do. I called my caseworker, but no one answered. I called again and again. It was the weekend. We sat in the cold and the dark for days, me and my children, until Sunday. I went outside and happened to find a man who spoke Arabic. I told him about the problem. He came and showed me a small switch on the wall. That was all it was. A small switch called a fuse box, and then we had light. ~ Participant F

Both families spent days without power, including heat, before someone was able to show them how to reset the breaker. These experiences were not isolated incidents but rather reflected a systemic pattern in which refugees were expected to navigate complex infrastructure without foundational knowledge. As noted during the discussion, the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and Catholic Charities, which served as the primary resettlement organizations for all participants, often operated with limited funds and volunteer staffing, and the support they could provide was finite in both scope and duration.

Original Text:

Financial Literacy and Housing

The challenge of managing finances in the United States emerged as a significant source of anxiety among the participants. The group described receiving government-issued debit cards upon arrival, but receiving no instructions on how to use them. Participants expressed fear and confusion regarding money orders, a primary method for paying rent, and reported that no one had explained the process to them. This lack of financial literacy had direct and serious consequences for housing stability. One participant described the shock of receiving an eviction notice on the fifteenth of the month for late rent payment, noting that in Somalia, flexibility with rent payment timelines was customary and did not carry such immediate penalties. The group collectively expressed that the rigidity of American financial systems, in which specific deadlines carried severe consequences, was both unfamiliar and frightening.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 380-390; 395-404)

Financial Literacy and Housing

When I arrived, they gave me a card, like a plastic card. But nobody told me what it is or how to use it. And the rent, they said, I must pay with something called a money order. I did not know what this is. Where do I get it? How do I put the money on it? No one explained this to me. In Somalia, if you are a few days late, your landlord knows you. He is patient. He understands. Here, on the fifteenth day, a paper came to my door. I did not know what it said. Someone read it to me and told me they want me to leave, to move out. I had never been late like this in my life. I was so ashamed. I was scared. I did not know the rules were so different here. ~ Participant H

This lack of financial literacy had direct and serious consequences for housing stability. One participant described the shock of receiving an eviction notice on the fifteenth of the month for late rent payment, noting that in Somalia, flexibility with rent payment timelines was customary and did not carry such immediate penalties. The following was related:

When I saw that paper on my door, I did not understand it, but I felt something was wrong. My heart was beating fast. I took it to a neighbor, and she read it to me and said you must leave. I started to cry. I thought I have done something very bad, but I did not know what I did wrong. I did not know the fifteenth was the last day. I thought I had more time. In Somalia, there is more talking between people. You go to your landlord, and you explain, and he listens. Here, there is just a paper. No talking. Just you must go. It was very frightening to me. I did not feel safe. ~Participant H

The group collectively expressed that the rigidity of American financial systems, in which specific deadlines carried severe consequences, was both unfamiliar and frightening.

Original Text:

Transportation and Healthcare Access

Transportation emerged as a critical barrier that affected nearly every aspect of participants' lives, including their ability to access healthcare. One participant described her first attempt at driving in the United States, during which she ran a red light because she had never been taught American traffic laws. Her decision to attempt driving was itself born of desperation, as she was trying to resolve an eviction notice and had no other means of transportation.

The intersection of transportation barriers and healthcare access was particularly problematic. Participants described a frustrating cycle in which the government scheduled medical appointments on their behalf but did not arrange transportation to those appointments. If a participant arrived early, she was told to leave and return at the appointed time. If she missed the appointment due to transportation difficulties, she was charged a fee. This pattern of penalties for circumstances beyond their control led several participants to avoid seeking medical care altogether, creating a direct pathway from systemic barriers to health risks for their families.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 416-424; 431-441)

Transportation and Healthcare Access

Transportation emerged as a critical barrier that affected nearly every aspect of participants’ lives, including their ability to access healthcare. One participant described her first attempt at driving in the United States, during which she ran a red light because she had never been taught American traffic laws. Her decision to attempt driving was itself born of desperation, as she was trying to resolve the eviction notice and had no other means of transportation. As she described:

I do not know how to drive here. In Somalia, I never drove. But I had that paper, the eviction notice, and I did not know what to do or where to go, and there was no one to take me. So I got in the car. I thought I must go and find help; I must show someone this paper. I was driving, and there was a light, and it turned red, but I did not know. I did not understand all the rules of the lights and the roads here. I went through it. Someone honked at me, and I was so scared I pulled over, and I was shaking. I was just trying to save my home for my children. I did not know what else to do. ~ Participant H

They made the appointment for me, but they do not help me get there. I do not have a car. I do not know the bus. So I tried to go early, I walked a long time to get there early, and they said, no, your appointment is not until later, you must leave and come back. But I cannot just wait there, I have my children. So, I went home. And then I could not get back in time. And then they sent me a paper saying I owe money because I did not come. I did not come because I had no way to come. And now I owe money I do not have. After that, I thought it is better not to go to the doctor. Every time I try to do the right thing, there is a penalty. I do not want another paper telling me I owe something. So I just don't go. But my children need to see a doctor. I know this. I worry about this. ~ Participant C

This pattern of penalties for circumstances beyond their control led several participants to avoid seeking medical care altogether, creating a direct pathway from systemic barriers to health risks for their families.

Original Text:

Employment

Participants also expressed frustration regarding employment placement. One participant reported that the government assigned her to work as a cleaner, despite her possessing advanced skills in other areas. The group collectively emphasized the need for better matching of refugees to jobs that corresponded to their actual skill sets and prior experience, rather than arbitrary placement into positions that did not utilize their abilities. Participants framed this not merely as a matter of personal preference but as a fundamental issue of dignity and effective integration.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 450-461)

Employment

In Somalia I had skills. I had work that I knew how to do well. I was not an uneducated woman. But when I came here, they looked at me, and they gave me a mop. They said, “You will clean.” Nobody asked me what I can do. Nobody asked me what I know. I wanted to work. I was so ready to work, but not like this. Not because I am too proud, but because I have something to give and they did not want to see it. When you come to a new country, you already feel like you are starting from nothing. You have lost so much. And then someone hands you a mop and says this is your place here, it breaks something inside you. I am a mother, I am a woman who has survived very hard things, I have knowledge and ability. I wanted to build something here. I wanted to contribute something real. Instead, I felt invisible. Like they had already decided what I was before they ever spoke to me. ~ Participant D

The group collectively emphasized the need for better matching of refugees to jobs that corresponded to their actual skill sets and prior experience, rather than arbitrary placement into positions that did not utilize their abilities. Participants framed this not merely as a matter of personal preference but as a fundamental issue of dignity and effective integration.

Original Text:

Technology and Role Reversal

A second major domain of findings concerned the tensions arising from differences in acculturation rates between mothers and their children. Participants A and B described a reversal of traditional parent-child roles regarding technology. Their children helped them navigate smartphones and location services, effectively serving as cultural translators for the digital world. While this assistance was practical and appreciated, it created a power imbalance in which children possessed knowledge and competencies that their mothers lacked, subtly but meaningfully shifting the authority dynamics within the household.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 476-486)

Technology and Role Reversal

My child, she is ten years old, she takes my phone, and she shows me. She finds the place on the map, she tells me which way to go, and she helps me talk to people I do not understand. I am grateful for this. But inside I feel something that is hard to say. In Somalia, I was the one who knew things. I was the one my children came to. I was the guide. Here, my daughter looks at me sometimes like she is the mother, and I am the child who needs help. She does not mean to make me feel this way, she is a good girl, but when your child must teach you how to find the grocery store on a telephone, something shifts between you. I do not want her to carry this. She is a child. She should be playing. Instead, she is translating my life for me. It is a strange and painful thing to feel lost in front of your own children. ~ Participant A

While this assistance was practical and appreciated, it created a power imbalance in which children possessed knowledge and competencies that their mothers lacked, subtly but meaningfully shifting the authority dynamics within the household.

Original Text:

Economic Role Reversal and the Erosion of Elder Support

Perhaps the most emotionally resonant theme within the acculturation domain was the breakdown of the traditional Somali practice of adult children providing financial support to their aging parents. Participant D shared that she continued to send money to her own parents in Somalia, maintaining the cultural expectation of filial financial responsibility. However, her children in the United States, having become what she described as "Americanized," did not reciprocate this practice. Participant A echoed this experience, noting that her own children did not provide her with financial support. This represented not merely an economic hardship, but a fundamental disruption of the intergenerational contract that forms the foundation of Somali family structure, in which children are expected to care for their parents as they age. The collectivist orientation embedded in Somali family culture, which prioritizes intergenerational obligation over individual independence, stands in direct tension with the Western individualism that Somali youth rapidly absorb in American social environments (Hamid et al., 2025). The younger generation's adoption of Western individualism left these mothers without the financial and social support they had expected in their later years.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 498-510)

Economic Role Reversal and the Erosion of Elder Support

Every month, I send money to my mother and my father in Somalia. This is not a question for me. This is what a child does. This is what I have always done and what I will always do. But my children here, they have grown up in America now, they do not think this way anymore. They do not give to me. I do not say they are bad children. But something has changed in them that I do not fully understand. I raised them to know that family takes care of family. That’s when your mother is old, you are there. But America has taught them something different. And so, I am sending money to my parents with one hand, and with the other hand, I have nothing coming back to me. I am in the middle. I am holding both sides, and nobody is holding me. In Somalia, this would never happen. The children take care of the parents; this is the foundation of everything. When that breaks, something very deep breaks with it. ~ Participant D

Participant A echoed this experience, noting that her own children did not provide her with financial support. This represented not merely an economic hardship, but a fundamental disruption of the intergenerational contract that forms the foundation of Somali family structure, in which children are expected to care for their parents as they age. The collectivist orientation embedded in Somali family culture, which prioritizes intergenerational obligation over individual independence, stands in direct tension with the Western individualism that Somali youth rapidly absorb in American social environments (Hamid et al., 2025). The younger generation's adoption of Western individualism left these mothers without the financial and social support they had expected in their later years.

Original Text:

Parental Authority and Discipline

The erosion of parental authority was a theme expressed both explicitly and implicitly throughout the discussions. Participant C stated that the cultural expectations inside the home frequently conflicted with the Western culture her children absorbed at school. In describing her sense of powerlessness in the face of this conflict, she stated that as a parent in this new context, there was "nothing I can do." This phrase, offered quietly but with evident weight, captured a broader sentiment among the group regarding the loss of parental authority in the American context.

The shift in discipline practices provided a concrete illustration of this dynamic. Participant K, who arrived in the United States with seven of her ten children (three having died before immigration), noted a distinct difference in disciplinary norms. In Somalia, physical discipline was a common and accepted practice. In the United States, she made a conscious decision to abandon this approach, recognizing that American laws prohibited it. While this adaptation reflected awareness of and compliance with the legal expectations of her new country, it also represented the removal of one of the traditional tools Somali mothers used to maintain authority within their households. This tension between culturally embedded disciplinary practices and host country legal standards has been documented among Somali families in the United States, where fear of child protective services intervention creates significant constraints on parenting behavior (Hamid et al., 2025). Several participants expressed fear regarding government or police intervention if they disciplined their children in ways that conflicted with American norms, creating an atmosphere of hesitancy and uncertainty around even routine parenting decisions.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 526-534; 543-555)

Parental Authority and Discipline

The erosion of parental authority was a theme expressed both explicitly and implicitly throughout the discussions. Participant C stated that the cultural expectations inside the home frequently conflicted with the Western culture her children absorbed at school. In describing her sense of powerlessness in the face of this conflict [, she stated that as a parent] in this new context, [there was "nothing I can do.”] she explained:

At home, I teach my children our way… the Somali way, the Muslim way. I teach them how we speak to elders, how we dress, what we value, what is right. But then they go to school, and they come back different. They hear other things. They see other things. And I am their mother, but I cannot be with them every moment. America is very powerful. It gets inside them. And I am just one woman in one house. What can I fight against? There is nothing I can do. ~ Participant C

This [phrase] description, offered quietly but with evident weight, captured a broader sentiment among the group regarding the loss of parental authority in the American context.

In Somalia, if your child does something wrong, you correct them. This is normal. This is what every mother does. This is how my mother raised me and her mother before her. It is not cruelty… it is love. It is how you teach a child to become a good person. But here they told me this is not allowed. That if I discipline my child the way I was taught, someone will come and take my children from me. And so, I stopped. I made myself stop. But when I stopped, my children knew. They knew I could not do what I used to do. And something changed. They do not listen the same way. I tell them no, and they look at me, and I can see they know I have no way to enforce it. I lost something as a mother that I do not know how to replace. I am not saying the law is wrong. I understand I am in a new country. But nobody gave me something to use instead. They just took away what I had and left me with nothing in its place. ~ Participant K

While this adaptation reflected awareness of and compliance with the legal expectations of her new country, it also represented the removal of one of the traditional tools Somali mothers used to maintain authority within their households. This tension between culturally embedded disciplinary practices and host country legal standards has been documented among Somali families in the United States, where fear of child protective services intervention creates significant constraints on parenting behavior (Hamid et al., 2025). Several participants expressed fear regarding government or police intervention if they disciplined their children in ways that conflicted with American norms, creating an atmosphere of hesitancy and uncertainty around even routine parenting decisions.

Original Text:

Motherhood, Role Strain, and Mental Health

The intersection of motherhood, role strain, and mental health decline constituted a significant finding of this study. The participants identified that as single mothers, having experienced separation, widowhood, divorce, or abandonment, they carried additional burdens. The narratives of these women revealed a compounding effect in which the challenges of single parenthood were amplified by the absence of familiar support structures and the demands of navigating an unfamiliar society.

Participant A's narrative was particularly illustrative of the compounding nature of these challenges. Her husband was removed from the home by government authorities due to domestic abuse. While she expressed gratitude for this intervention, she described the subsequent reality of navigating life alone in an unfamiliar country as overwhelming. She characterized her mental health as having been "healthy" upon arrival in the United States but described a steady decline as the demands of single parenthood accumulated. She had recently navigated a hospital visit for a child with breathing problems. She was facing the prospect of another child needing surgery for an appendix removal, all while managing these medical situations largely on her own. When asked about the mental health support she received, her response was brief: "not much."

Participant A described the totality of her role strain by explaining that she had to be "the mother, the father, the grandparents," fulfilling all of these roles simultaneously.” This compression of multiple generational roles onto a single individual, combined with the absence of the extended family networks that would have distributed these responsibilities in Somalia, created a burden that several participants described as fundamentally different from the challenges of single motherhood in their homeland. Participant D, who was described by other participants as a community "helper" who had assisted many people, revealed that she had previously experienced her own period of profound helplessness, during which she cried daily and felt unable to cope.

The physical environment compounded these difficulties. Participants described the isolation of Utah's winters, with their snow, cold temperatures, and early darkness. Participant A noted her struggle with the shift in daylight hours and the practical challenge of transitioning from wearing sandals in Somalia to heavy boots. Participants expressed feelings of isolation in neighborhoods where they did not know their neighbors and where the physical environment discouraged the kind of communal outdoor life that characterized their communities in Somalia. Legal concerns further constrained their mobility; participants expressed fear of leaving children under the age of twelve unattended, a concern rooted in their understanding of American child supervision laws, which effectively confined some single mothers to their homes.

Participants C and D provided additional perspective on the extended nature of parenting demands in the American context. Both women noted that they had extended their parenting roles far more intensively in the United States than they had in Somalia, particularly for adult children between the ages of twenty and twenty-five who continued to require significant support in navigating American systems. Participant D reflected that she was "forgetting what it was like to be married," a statement that conveyed both the duration and the depth of her experience as a single parent.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 578-591; 595-604; 609-613; 616-624; 632-641; 644-656; 659-665; 677-687; 689; 692-697)

Motherhood, Role Strain, and Mental Health

When they took him away, I felt something I did not expect. I felt relief. I will say that honestly. For the first time in a long time, I felt safe in my own home. And I was grateful - I was truly grateful that someone had seen what was happening and had stopped it. But then the door closed, and it was just me. Just me and my children in a country I do not know. No family nearby. No mother to call. No sister came to sit with me. In Somalia, even in hard times, there is always someone. Here, there was no one. I had to figure out everything alone, the rent, the school, the doctors, the bills, the bus, everything. Every single day, something I did not understand. When I came here, my mind was okay. I was strong. I had survived so much already, and I told myself I can survive this too. But it wore me down slowly. Every problem I could not solve, every paper I could not read, every night I could not sleep worrying about my children - it added up. After some time, I did not feel like myself anymore. I did not feel healthy the way I felt before. ~ Participant A

She characterized her mental health as having been "healthy" upon arrival in the United States but described a steady decline as the demands of single parenthood accumulated. She elaborated further:

When I first came to America, I was okay. My mind was okay. I had been through hard things, but I was still strong, I could feel it. But then everything started coming at once. My child could not breathe, and I took her to the hospital and I did not understand what the doctors were saying, and I was alone. And now another child may need surgery, an operation, and again I am alone. I am the only one. There is no one to sit with me in the waiting room. No one to help me understand the papers they give me. No one to watch the other children while I am at the hospital. When I came here, I was healthy. But I am not the same now. Something has happened to me slowly. I can feel it. ~ Participant A

She had recently navigated a hospital visit for a child with breathing problems. She was facing the prospect of another child needing surgery for an appendix removal, all while managing these medical situations largely on her own. When asked about the mental health support she received, [her response was brief: "not much."] she responded:

Someone asked me if I was getting help, support for my mind, for how I was feeling. I thought about it. I wanted to give a real answer. But the real answer was “not much.” That is all. Not much. ~ Participant A

Participant A described the totality of her role strain by explaining that she had to [be "the mother, the father, the grandparents," fulfilling] fulfill all of these roles simultaneously, saying:

People ask me how I do it. I do not know how to explain it. I am the mother, I hold them, I feed them, I comfort them when they cry at night. I am the father, I carry everything, I make every decision, I figure out every problem. I am the grandparent, I try to give them the wisdom, the stories, the roots, the sense of who they are and where they come from. All of it is me. Just me. In Somalia, these things are spread across many people. There is always someone. Here it is all on one pair of shoulders. My shoulders. I am the mother, the father, the grandparents. All of it. Every day. ~ Participant A

This compression of multiple generational roles onto a single individual, combined with the absence of the extended family networks that would have distributed these responsibilities in Somalia, created a burden that several participants described as fundamentally different from the challenges of single motherhood in their homeland. Participant D, who was described by other participants as a community "helper" who had assisted many people, revealed that she had previously experienced her own period of profound helplessness, during which she cried daily and felt unable to cope. As the participant said:

People come to me now for help. I try to help everyone I can. But I want them to know, I was not always strong. There was a time when I could not get up. Every morning, I woke up and I cried. Every single day I cried. I did not know how I would go on. I did not know how to do any of it, the language, the system, the loneliness, the cold. I felt like I was disappearing. Nobody knew this about me because I did not show it. But inside I was not okay. I was not okay for a long time. I tell people this now because I want them to know that if I came through it, they can too. But it was very, very hard. ~ Participant D

The physical environment compounded these difficulties. Participants described the isolation of Utah's winters, with their snow, cold temperatures, and early darkness. As one participant described:

When the snow came, I did not know what to do. In Somalia, I had never seen snow like this. It was everywhere - on the ground, on the cars, on the stairs. I did not know how to walk in it. I did not know how to dress my children for it. And I looked outside, and there was nobody. No one on the street. No one sitting outside. In Somalia, there are always people. You walk outside, and you see your neighbor, and you talk. Here, the doors are closed, and the people are inside, and I do not know anyone. I wanted to go somewhere - anywhere - just to not feel so alone. But I could not leave my children. They are under twelve, and I was told I cannot leave them alone or I will be in trouble with the law. So I stayed inside. The snow outside and four walls around me, and nowhere to go and no one coming. It was a very lonely feeling. I did not know a person could feel so alone. ~ Participant H

Participant A noted her struggle with the shift in daylight hours and the practical challenge of transitioning from wearing sandals in Somalia to heavy boots, stating

In Somalia, I wore sandals. That is what we wear, it is warm, it is simple. I came here, and suddenly I needed boots. Big heavy boots. And I did not know how to walk in them at first. My feet did not know what to do. It sounds like a small thing, but it is not a small thing. Every morning, putting on those boots, I felt how far I was from home. Even my feet did not recognize their life anymore. ~ Participants A

Participants expressed feelings of isolation in neighborhoods where they did not know their neighbors and where the physical environment discouraged the kind of communal outdoor life that characterized their communities in Somalia. Legal concerns further constrained their mobility; participants expressed fear of leaving children under the age of twelve unattended, a concern rooted in their understanding of American child supervision laws, which effectively confined some single mothers to their homes.

In Somalia when your child is twenty years old, they are an adult. They know how to live. They know the systems, they know the neighbors, they know how things work. You have done your job. But here, my child is twenty-two, twenty-three years old and still I must help them with everything. How to fill out this form. How to talk to this office. How to understand this letter that came in the mail. They are adults but they are also lost, just like me. And so I am still fully a mother in a way I never expected to be at this stage of my life. In Somalia I would have had some rest by now. I would have had some time for myself. Here there is no rest. The parenting does not get lighter; it just changes its shape. I did not expect this. I did not know it would go on so long. ~ Participant C

Participant D reflected upon [that she was "forgetting what it was like to be married," a statement that conveyed] both the duration and the depth of her experience as a single parent.

Someone asked me about my life, about me, not my children, not my cases, not the people I help. About me. And I had to stop and think. I have been doing everything alone for so long now. Everything falls on me. I wake up, and it falls on me, and I go to sleep, and it falls on me. And I realized, I am forgetting what it was like to be married. To have someone beside you. To not carry everything alone. I am forgetting that feeling. It has been so long. ~ Participant D

Original Text:

Internal Community Networks

Despite the substantial barriers and challenges documented in the preceding sections, participants demonstrated significant resilience and identified several sources of strength that sustained them through their resettlement experiences. When asked where they found support, the group provided a collective response that served as one of the most revealing data points of the study. As one participant stated: "Mostly each other. Our community." In the absence of adequate institutional support, participants had formed an informal network of mutual aid that functioned as a surrogate for the extended family structures they had left behind. Participant D, despite her own previous period of difficulty, had become a central figure in this network. Participant A reported that after a year of struggling, she found Participant D, who became a critical source of support, noting that few others had been willing to help when she was crying and overwhelmed.

Researcher observations during the focus group provided additional evidence of the strength of these community bonds. When new participants arrived during the session, the group greeted them with handshakes and quiet hellos, demonstrating established rituals of welcome and connection. The researchers noted the warmth between the women, suggesting a network that was both active and readily mobilized.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 712-721)

Internal Community Networks

For one year, I was alone with all of it. One whole year. I was crying, and I needed help, and I would go to people, and they would see me crying, and they would turn away. Nobody wanted to be around someone who was struggling like that. Nobody wanted to take it on. I understand -everyone has their own problems. But I was drowning, and I could not find anyone to take my hand. And then I found her. I found D. And she did not turn away from me. She saw me crying, and she did not leave. She sat with me. She helped me. After one year of feeling like I was invisible, someone finally saw me. That changed everything for me. Everything. ~ Participant A.

Original Text:

Religious Practice and Spiritual Anchoring
Religious practice emerged as a foundational element of participants' daily lives and a source of continuity amid the disruptions of resettlement. During the focus group session, participants paused the research discussion to observe traditional prayer times. This was not presented as a disruption to the research process but rather as an unquestioned priority. The researchers noted this pattern as evidence that spiritual belonging and religious structure remained intact despite the considerable environmental and social stresses the participants described. The centrality of prayer in organizing the day provided a rhythm and sense of purpose that transcended the difficulties of navigating American systems and expectations.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 734-743)

Religious Practice and Spiritual Anchoring

Religious practice emerged as a foundational element of participants' daily lives and a source of continuity amid the disruptions of resettlement. During the focus group session, participants paused the research discussion to observe traditional prayer times. This was not presented as a disruption to the research process but rather as an unquestioned priority. As one participant explained:

When everything else was falling apart, when I did not understand the papers, when I did not have enough money, when I was lonely and scared - I still had my prayers. Five times a day, I stopped everything, and I prayed. It did not matter what was happening around me. That time belonged to Allah. And in those moments, I was not a confused woman in a strange country. I was just a servant of God, the same as I have always been. The same as my mother was. Prayer gave me a shape to my day when everything else felt like it had no shape. It reminded me who I am when everything around me was telling me I was nobody. ~ Participant E

The researchers noted this pattern as evidence that spiritual belonging and religious structure remained intact despite the considerable environmental and social stresses the participants described. The centrality of prayer in organizing the day provided a rhythm and sense of purpose that transcended the difficulties of navigating American systems and expectations.

Original Text:

Language and Cultural Preservation

Participants A, B, and C reinforced the importance of maintaining the Somali language within their homes, noting that their own mothers had modeled this practice of linguistic preservation. Despite their children's immersion in English-speaking school environments, these mothers insisted on Somali as the language of the household, viewing it as an essential vehicle for cultural transmission and identity maintenance. Participant F described additional strategies for preserving cultural heritage, including attending cultural events to help her children connect with their Somali identity. This deliberate effort to sustain language and cultural practices, even as participants acknowledged the inevitability of some degree of cultural change, reflected a nuanced understanding of acculturation as a process that could be actively managed rather than simply endured.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 754-762; 770-777)

Language and Cultural Preservation

In my house, we speak Somali. This is the rule. My children go to school, and they speak English all day. I know this, I accept this. But when they come through my door, they speak Somali. My mother did this for me, and I understood why, even when I was young. Language is not just words. It is everything that comes with the words, the way we think, the way we show respect, the way we tell our stories. If my children lose the language, they lose a part of themselves they cannot get back. I will not let that happen inside my own home. That I can control. That I will protect. ~ Participant C

Despite their children's immersion in English-speaking school environments, these mothers insisted on Somali as the language of the household, viewing it as an essential vehicle for cultural transmission and identity maintenance. Participant F described additional strategies for preserving cultural heritage, including attending cultural events to help her children connect with their Somali identity.

I take my children to the Somali events, the celebrations, the gatherings, whenever I can find them. I want them to see other Somali people. I want them to hear the music and eat the food and be around people who look like them and talk like them. Because at school, they are immersed in another world completely. And I worry that if I do not show them where they come from, they will grow up not knowing. They will be caught between two worlds and belong fully to neither. When we go to these events, I watch my children, and I see something settle in them. Like they remembered something they had almost forgotten. That is why I go. That is why I will keep going. ~ Participant F

This deliberate effort to sustain language and cultural practices, even as participants acknowledged the inevitability of some degree of cultural change, reflected a nuanced understanding of acculturation as a process that could be actively managed rather than simply endured.

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COMMENT 9:

Discussion and Practical Applications, Limitations and Conclusion

COMMENT 9 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. There were three areas in which we made revisions:

Original Text (Conclusions):

Three overarching findings emerged from this research on the parenting experiences of Somali refugee mothers in Utah. First, the primary stressor for these mothers was not material poverty or cultural difference in isolation but rather the systemic inaccessibility of American institutions and the absence of adequate orientation to the practical mechanics of daily life. Mothers described their difficulties in learning to navigate housing, finances, transportation, and healthcare through trial and error, with consequences that included loss of essential services, financial penalties, health risks, and deepening psychological distress.

Second, a significant intergenerational crisis was documented, in which mothers experienced an erosion of parental authority, a reversal of traditional family roles, and a breakdown of cultural expectations, such as the expectation that adult children would provide financial and social support to aging parents. The collision of Western individualism with Somali collectivist values, as experienced within the family unit, left many mothers feeling powerless within their own households.

Third, despite these challenges, the study revealed considerable resilience. Mothers relied on one another, forming informal networks of mutual aid that functioned in the absence of adequate institutional support. Religious practice provided structure and continuity, and the deliberate preservation of the Somali language within the home reflected a purposeful strategy for maintaining cultural identity across generations.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 1072-1087 )

Three overarching findings emerged from this research on the parenting experiences of Somali refugee mothers in Utah. [First,] The primary stressor for these mothers was not material poverty or cultural difference in isolation but rather the systemic inaccessibility of American institutions and the absence of adequate orientation to the practical mechanics of daily life. Mothers described their difficulties in learning to navigate housing, finances, transportation, and healthcare through trial and error, with consequences that included loss of essential services, financial penalties, health risks, and deepening psychological distress.

[Second,] A significant intergenerational crisis was documented, in which mothers experienced an erosion of parental authority, a reversal of traditional family roles, and a breakdown of cultural expectations, such as the expectation that adult children would provide financial and social support to aging parents. The collision of Western individualism with Somali collectivist values, as experienced within the family unit, left many mothers feeling powerless within their own households. functioned in the absence of adequate institutional support. Religious practice provided structure and continuity, and the deliberate preservation of the Somali language within.

[Third, despite] Despite these challenges, the study revealed considerable resilience. Mothers relied on one another, forming informal networks of mutual aid that

Original Text (Implications for Practice):

Our findings have several direct implications for family science, public health, social work practice, refugee resettlement policy, and community-based programming. First, the pervasive lack of practical orientation documented in this study points to a clear need for comprehensive life skills programming that extends well beyond the initial resettlement period...

Second, the intergenerational tensions documented in this study suggest a need for culturally responsive family counseling programs...

Third, the mental health needs of single refugee mothers require targeted attention…

Fourth, the employment experiences described in our data indicate a need for skills-based job matching programs...

Finally, the strength of informal community networks identified in this study suggests that resettlement programs should seek to support and formalize, rather than replace, these organic structures.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 981-1012)

Our findings have several direct implications for family science, public health, social work practice, refugee resettlement policy, and community-based programming. [First,] The pervasive lack of practical orientation documented in this study points to clear need for comprehensive life skills programming that extends well beyond the initial resettlement period…

[Second,] The intergenerational tensions documented in this study suggest a need for culturally responsive family counseling programs...

[Third,] The mental health needs of single refugee mothers require targeted attention...

[Fourth,] The employment experiences described in our data indicate a need for skills-based job matching programs...

The [Finally, the] strength of informal community networks identified in this study suggests that resettlement programs should seek to support and formalize, rather than replace, these organic structures.

Original Text (Limitations):

First, this study employed a small sample...

Second, the reliance on a bilingual interpreter...

Third, the use of purposive sampling...

Finally, this study was cross-sectional...

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 1019-1049)

[First,] This study employed a small sample...

[Second,] The reliance on a bilingual interpreter...

[Third,] The use of purposive sampling...

[Finally,] This study was cross-sectional...

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COMMENT 10:

Literature

Beside the above mentioned authors on ethical issues in forced migration research:

COMMENT 10 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment and we appreciate the identification of this important and relevant article. We have referenced it in three different locations:

Original Text (Limitations):

Research on immigrant family dynamics has shown that when children assume the role of cultural mediator, the traditional parent-child power structure can become inverted, leading to parental frustration, diminished self-efficacy, and family conflict (Hamid et al., 2025; Osman et al., 2021a; Osman et al., 2021b). Our data are consistent with these findings and suggest that the effect may be particularly pronounced in Somali families, where respect for parental authority is deeply embedded in cultural and religious traditions.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 875)

Research on immigrant family dynamics has shown that when children assume the role of cultural mediator, the traditional parent-child power structure can become inverted, leading to parental frustration, diminished self-efficacy, and family conflict (Bowie et al., 2017; Hamid et al., 2025; Osman et al., 2021a; Osman et al., 2021b). Our data are consistent with these findings and suggest that the effect may be particularly pronounced in Somali families, where respect for parental authority is deeply embedded in cultural and religious traditions.

Original Text:

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 945-949)

Despite the substantial challenges documented in this study, our findings also reveal significant sources of resilience among Somali refugee mothers. The formation of informal mutual aid networks, a coping strategy widely documented in the literature on refugee adaptation, was the primary mechanism through which these mothers compensated for the inadequacies of formal support systems. These networks, rooted in shared language, culture, and experience, provided practical and emotional support that resettlement agencies were unable to sustain beyond the initial placement period. Bowie et al. (2017), in their phenomenological study of Somali families in Seattle, found the same pattern, with parents drawing strength from community ties and the preservation of traditional cultural and religious values as their primary coping strategies, which is a finding that closely mirrors our own.

Original Text (Limitations):

These findings align with a growing body of literature documenting the insufficiency of current refugee resettlement programs in providing practical life skills orientation (Phillimore et al., 2022).

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 837-1138)

These findings align with a growing body of literature documenting the insufficiency of current refugee resettlement programs in providing practical life skills orientation (Phillimore et al., 2022). Bowie et al. (2017) specifically identified lack of language fluency as a compounding barrier for Somali parents in the United States, noting that when parents cannot communicate with authorities or navigate institutional systems, their parental authority is further diminished and their children's role as mediators is reinforced.

New reference entries added to the reference list:

Bowie, B. H., Wojnar, D., & Isaak, A. (2017). Somali families' experiences of parenting in the United States. Western Journal of Nursing Research, 39(2), 273–289. https://doi.org/10.1177/0193945916656147
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1130-1131)

Reviewer 2 Report

Comments and Suggestions for Authors

This is a compellingly presented piece of qualitative research, which includes interesting findings and compelling discussion/ recommendations. I have a few minor suggestions for improvement:

In the Introduction- it is not entirely clear what this study adds to the current literature/ what it's specific contribution to knowledge is. This does become clearer in the discussion section of the paper - but could be given more attention in the Introduction. In particular, I felt that the focus specifically on single Somali mothers was a potential point of difference from some of the previous literature which could be emphasised (in the title/ introduction/ and in claims for contribution to knowledge)
Introduction: (Line 42). There is a quite outdated reference here (2010) as a citation for the prevalence of Somalians in refugee populations in the US. A more up to date citation would be stronger
Research Design: There could be a little more information on the purpose of the 'key informant interviews'. They were small in number and it would be useful to have some reflection from the researchers on why this was the case (assuming that the aim was for a slightly higher number of participants)
Research Design: The interviews are referred to as 'key informant interviews' and 'individual interviews'. Would be best to use a consistent phrase.
Research Design: It would be a useful to have some brief information on Utah as the study site (is there any specific about this location- does it have a particularly high number of Somali refugees/ a large Somali community? Is there anything specific about the Somali community that the participants are drawn from that could help us contexutalise these findings (without risking being too specific).
Research Design: It's not clear how useful the Table (Table 1) is. In particular, expressing some of the information on participants as percentages did not seem helpful given the small sample. It would be more useful to give a sense of the range and diversity of the sample in terms of age, length of time in the US, number and age of children (if known) - to give an overall sense of the diversity of the sample. This might be better expressed as a short descriptive paragraph rather than a table.

Author Response

Response to Reviewer 2’s Comments

COMMENT 1:

In the Introduction- it is not entirely clear what this study adds to the current literature/ what it's specific contribution to knowledge is. This does become clearer in the discussion section of the paper - but could be given more attention in the Introduction. In particular, I felt that the focus specifically on single Somali mothers was a potential point of difference from some of the previous literature which could be emphasised (in the title/ introduction/ and in claims for contribution to knowledge).

COMMENT 1 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.
[NOTE: This paragraph was previously added to address Review 1; Comment 3]

Original Text (Introduction, final paragraph before the political context addition):

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 85-90)

The Somali community has been subjected to targeted federal enforcement operations, repeated derogatory rhetoric from the highest levels of the federal government, and coordinated media campaigns characterizing Somali Americans in derogatory terms, notwithstanding that the vast majority are U.S. citizens or lawful permanent residents (Al Jazeera, 2025; CNN, 2025; Masters, 2026).
These developments have created profound fear and instability within Somali communities across the country. While prior research has examined Somali refugee parenting broadly, the specific experiences of single Somali refugee women navigating parenting alone (following widowhood, divorce, separation, or abandonment) remain underexamined in the literature. This population faces a distinct and compounding set of challenges that differ meaningfully from those of two-parent refugee households, and their experiences merit dedicated attention.

___________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 2:

Introduction: (Line 42). There is a quite outdated reference here (2010) as a citation for the prevalence of Somalians in refugee populations in the US. A more up to date citation would be stronger

COMMENT 2 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes. This concern was also raised by Reviewer 1 and has been addressed in our response to that reviewer. As detailed in our response to Reviewer 1, Comment 2, the outdated Pavlish et al. (2010) citation was replaced with three more current sources: Minnesota Department of Health (2024), Suleiman et al. (2024), and Utah Department of Health and Human Services (2024). Additionally, in response to Reviewer 3's parallel request for a growth statistic, a sentence was added citing Connor (2016) and Minnesota Department of Health (2024) to document the substantial growth of the Somali refugee population in the United States over the past three decades. The reference list has been updated accordingly.

Original Text:

Somali refugees represent one of the largest refugee populations resettled in the United States over the past three decades, with significant communities established in states such as Minnesota, Ohio, and Utah (Pavlish et al., 2010). The migration experience often involves prolonged displacement, family separation, and exposure to violence and trauma, all of which have lasting implications for family functioning and maternal well-being (Ellis et al., 2010). Upon resettlement, Somali mothers must simultaneously manage the practical demands of establishing economic security, accessing healthcare and education systems, and securing stable housing while fulfilling their parenting responsibilities in an unfamiliar cultural landscape (Carroll et al., 2007).

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 42-46; 49; 53)

Somali refugees represent one of the largest refugee populations resettled in the United States over the past three decades, with significant communities established in states such as Minnesota, Ohio, and Utah [(Pavlish et al., 2010)] (Minnesota Department of Health, 2024; Suleiman et al., 2024; Utah Department of Health and Human Services, 2024). Driven primarily by the collapse of the Somali state in 1991 and the ensuing civil war, the Somali refugee population in the United States grew from approximately 2,500 in 1990 to an estimated 250,000 to 300,000 today (Connor, 2016; Minnesota Department of Health, 2024). The migration experience often involves prolonged displacement, family separation, and exposure to violence and trauma, all of which have lasting implications for family functioning and maternal well-being (Betancourt et al., 2015; DeSa et al., 2022; Ellis et al., 2010). Upon resettlement, Somali mothers must simultaneously manage the practical demands of establishing economic security, accessing healthcare and education systems, and securing stable housing while fulfilling their parenting responsibilities in an unfamiliar cultural landscape [(Carroll et al., 2007)](Betancourt et al., 2015; Suleiman et al., 2024).

New reference entries added to the reference list:

Minnesota Department of Health. (2024). Somali refugee health profile.https://www.health.state.mn.us/communities/rih/coe/profiles/somali.html
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1182-1183)

_____________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 3:

Research Design: There could be a little more information on the purpose of the 'key informant interviews'. They were small in number and it would be useful to have some reflection from the researchers on why this was the case (assuming that the aim was for a slightly higher number of participants)

COMMENT 3 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Original Text:

Employing a multi-method qualitative approach and utilizing a focus group session (n=12 participants), the authors then conducted follow-up individual key informant interviews (n=2), along with observational fieldwork. Participants were recruited through purposive sampling strategies, specifically employing purposive and criterion-based sampling to identify Somali refugee mothers living in Utah who met the inclusion criteria: female head of household due to widowhood, divorce, separation, or abandonment, primary caregiver responsibilities, and residency within Utah.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 168-197)

Employing a multi-method qualitative approach and utilizing a focus group session (n=12 participants), the authors then conducted follow-up key informant [individual] interviews (n=2), along with observational fieldwork (see Table One for the focus group participant demographics).

{TABLE ONE INSERTED HERE}

The two key informant interviews were conducted with Somali community leaders whose positional knowledge and community-level perspective allowed the research team to contextualize and deepen the themes emerging from the focus group data. Key informant interviews with community leaders are a recognized qualitative strategy for enriching participant-level findings with broader contextual insight (Ritchie & Spencer, 1994). Participants were recruited through purposive sampling strategies, specifically employing purposive and criterion-based sampling to identify Somali refugee mothers living in Utah who met the inclusion criteria: female head of household due to widowhood, divorce, separation, or abandonment, primary caregiver responsibilities, and residency within Utah [(see Table One for the focus group participant demographics).]

______________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 4:

Research Design: The interviews are referred to as 'key informant interviews' and 'individual interviews'. Would be best to use a consistent phrase.

COMMENT 4 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes. We found three instances of this issue. Two use "key informant interviews" (Abstract line 39, and in the Research Design) and two use "individual interviews" (Data Collection line 211, and Author Contributions line 949). The term to standardize to is "key informant interviews" since that is the more precise methodological term and appears in the Research Design section, where it is first formally introduced. Therefore, we change the two instances of the use of the individual interview term.

Original Text (Data Collection):

Follow-up individual interviews used a refined semi-structured protocol exploring themes that emerged from the initial focus group discussion.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 221)

Follow-up key informant [individual] interviews used a refined semi-structured protocol exploring themes that emerged from the initial focus group discussion.

Original Text (Author Contributions):

PL and DH conducted the individual interviews and the focus group.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 1104)

PL and DH conducted the key informant [individual] interviews and the focus group.

______________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 5:

Research Design: It would be a useful to have some brief information on Utah as the study site (is there any specific about this location- does it have a particularly high number of Somali refugees/ a large Somali community? Is there anything specific about the Somali community that the participants are drawn from that could help us contexutalise these findings (without risking being too specific).

COMMENT 5 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.
[NOTE: This change also addresses Reviewer 1; Comment 7]

Original Text:

Research Design and Participants

Employing a mixed-methods approach and utilizing a focus group session (n=12 participants), the authors then conducted follow-up key informant interviews (n=2), along with observational fieldwork (see Table One for the focus group participant demographics).

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 158-166)

Research Design and Participants

New reference entries added to the reference list:

__________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 6:

It's not clear how useful the Table (Table 1) is. In particular, expressing some of the information on participants as percentages did not seem helpful given the small sample. It would be more useful to give a sense of the range and diversity of the sample in terms of age, length of time in the US, number and age of children (if known) -- to give an overall sense of the diversity of the sample. This might be better expressed as a short descriptive paragraph rather than a table.

COMMENT 6 RESPONSE:

We appreciate and agree with this suggestion. In response to a parallel comment from Reviewer 1, Table 1 was revised to remove the mean and standard deviation for number of children and replace them with a plain range, removing the quantitative logic that was inconsistent with the qualitative design. We retained the table format in response to Reviewer 1's recommendation for a case-oriented sample description. To address Reviewer 2's concern that the table alone does not convey the diversity of the sample, we added the following descriptive sentences immediately following the table:

Original Text:

Employing a multi-methods approach and utilizing a focus group session (n=12 participants), the authors then conducted follow-up individual key informant interviews (n=2), along with observational fieldwork. Participants were recruited through purposive sampling strategies, specifically employing purposive and criterion-based sampling to identify Somali refugee mothers living in Utah who met the inclusion criteria: female head of household due to widowhood, divorce, separation, or abandonment, primary caregiver responsibilities, and residency within Utah (see Table One for the focus group participant demographics). Initial data collection occurred on September 27, 2025, with follow-up interviews conducted in January of 2026, to explore emerging themes in greater depth. The follow-up interviews served a confirmatory function, producing no themes that contradicted or fell outside the framework established in the focus group, consistent with Ritchie and Spencer's (1994) framework analysis approach.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 208-212)

Reviewer 3 Report

Comments and Suggestions for Authors

This manuscript provides an important contribution by exploring the parenting experiences of Somali refugee mothers in the United States, highlighting both the significant challenges they face—such as limited functional literacy, intergenerational tensions, and single motherhood strain—and the resilience strategies they employ through mutual support, religious engagement, and cultural preservation. The qualitative data are rich and offer meaningful insights into the complexities of refugee family life beyond the initial resettlement period.

However, there are several areas where the manuscript could be strengthened. First, the methodological framing should be clarified. While the study is described as a “qualitative mixed-methods” design, both the focus group and follow-up interviews are qualitative; the authors should clarify how mixed methods are incorporated or consider revising this description. Second, the thematic framework analysis would benefit from additional detail, including coding procedures, steps taken to ensure analytic rigor, and how themes were validated or triangulated. Third, the manuscript would be strengthened by situating the findings more explicitly within relevant theoretical frameworks, such as acculturation, family systems theory, or role reversal literature, and by connecting the results to broader research on immigrant and refugee parenting. Finally, the discussion could expand on the practical implications for programs, resettlement services, and mental health interventions targeting refugee families, as well as clearly articulating the study’s limitations.

Addressing these points will improve the clarity, rigor, and overall contribution of the manuscript and help ensure the findings have maximum impact for both scholarship and practice.

Comments for author File: Comments.pdf

Author Response

Response to Reviewer 3’s Comments

Introduction

On Pages 1 and 2, you wrote:

Somali refugees represent one of the largest refugee populations resettled in the 40 United States over the past three decades, with significant communities established in states such as Minnesota, Ohio, and Utah (Pavlish et al., 2010).

Provide a statistic that supports the growth of the Somali refugee population in the United States over the past three decades.
Provide the percent of Somali mothers that reside in each of these states.
Provide reasons regarding why many Somali refugees migrate to the United States. Have these reasons been consistent over the past three decades?

COMMENT 1 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Bullet Point One: In response to a parallel comment from Reviewer 1, we addressed the growth of Somali refugees in the US over the last three decades, and the reasons for that migration, we have made the following changes to the manuscript:

Original Text:

Somali refugees represent one of the largest refugee populations resettled in the United States over the past three decades, with significant communities established in states such as Minnesota, Ohio, and Utah (Pavlish et al., 2010). The migration experience often involves prolonged displacement, family separation, and exposure to violence and trauma, all of which have lasting implications for family functioning and maternal well-being (Ellis et al., 2010). Upon resettlement, Somali mothers must simultaneously manage the practical demands of establishing economic security, accessing healthcare and education systems, and securing stable housing while fulfilling their parenting responsibilities in an unfamiliar cultural landscape (Carroll et al., 2007).

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 42-46; 49; 53)

Somali refugees represent one of the largest refugee populations resettled in the United States over the past three decades, with significant communities established in states such as Minnesota, Ohio, and Utah [(Pavlish et al., 2010)] (Minnesota Department of Health, 2024; Suleiman et al., 2024; Utah Department of Health and Human Services, 2024). Driven primarily by the collapse of the Somali state in 1991 and the ensuing civil war, the Somali refugee population in the United States grew from approximately 2,500 in 1990 to an estimated 250,000 to 300,000 today (Connor, 2016; Minnesota Department of Health, 2024). The migration experience often involves prolonged displacement, family separation, and exposure to violence and trauma, all of which have lasting implications for family functioning and maternal well-being (Betancourt et al., 2015; DeSa et al., 2022; Ellis et al., 2010). Upon resettlement, Somali mothers must simultaneously manage the practical demands of establishing economic security, accessing healthcare and education systems, and securing stable housing while fulfilling their parenting responsibilities in an unfamiliar cultural landscape [(Carroll et al., 2007)](Betancourt et al., 2015; Suleiman et al., 2024).

New reference entries added to the reference list:

Connor, P. (2016, June 1). 5 facts about the global Somali diaspora. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2016/06/01/5-facts-about-the-global-somali-diaspora/Minnesota Department of Health. (2024). Somali refugee health profile.https://www.health.state.mn.us/communities/rih/coe/profiles/somali.html
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1155-1156)

[Note: Betancourt et al. (2015), DeSa et al. (2022), and Suleiman et al. (2024) are already in the reference list. Carroll et al. (2007) are removed from this paragraph but remain cited elsewhere in the manuscript, so neither is deleted from the reference list.]

Bullet Point Two: Regarding the reviewer’s desire to know “the percent of Somali mothers that reside in each of these states,” we appreciate the reviewer's interest in greater demographic specificity. Although we agree with the reviewer that this information would be helpful, it is unfortunate that state-level data disaggregated by both Somali national origin and maternal status is not available in any current public data source. The U.S. Census Bureau's American Community Survey tracks country of birth and ancestry at the state level, but sample sizes for the Somali population in states outside Minnesota are too small to produce reliable gender- and parental-status-specific estimates. Similarly, the State Department's Refugee Processing Center tracks refugee arrivals by nationality and state, but does not disaggregate by parental status.

Bullet Point Three: The three states named in the manuscript (Minnesota, Ohio, and Utah) are well-established as the primary Somali resettlement destinations in the United States and are supported by the cited sources. We believe the new citations that we added above, of Minnesota Department of Health (2024), Suleiman et al. (2024), and Utah Department of Health and Human Services (2024), now adequately document the geographic context of the study population.

_________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 2:

Introduction

On Pages 1 and 2, you wrote:

Research Design and Participants

The age range of your participants was quite large (25-60 years old). Were there differences in responses, based on the age of your participants?
Were there any steps taken to reduce research bias, and could these be clarified?
How were themes validated across participants? Was there a check for consistency or triangulation?

COMMENT 2 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Bullet Point One: Regarding possible differences according to the age ranges, we appreciate this observation and agree that information would have been interesting. Nonetheless, given the qualitative design and purposive sample of twelve participants, the study was not structured to detect systematic age-based variation in responses. No reliable pattern emerged in the data that could be credibly attributed to participant age rather than to the individual circumstances of each mother's resettlement experience. Reporting age-based differences in a sample of this size would risk overinterpreting the data. The breadth of the age range instead reflects the diversity of the Somali refugee mother population in Utah and strengthens the transferability of the findings across life stages. We agree that age-based comparisons would have enriched the analysis, and we acknowledge this as a limitation of the current data that future research with larger samples would be well positioned to address

Bullet Points Two & Three: In regard to the other points, the following changes were made:

Original Text:

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 281-288)

Although the research team's familiarity with the Somali community in Utah was beneficial for study design and participant recruitment, efforts were made to construct discussion and interview questions as open-ended as possible and to interpret responses strictly based on participants' statements rather than on the researchers' prior assumptions. Several additional steps were taken to reduce research bias. First, researchers maintained reflexive memos throughout data collection and analysis, documenting their positionality and potential assumptions to support transparency in interpretation. Second, follow-up key informant interviews conducted in January 2026 provided an opportunity for prolonged engagement with the data and participants, allowing emerging themes to be tested and refined across two distinct data collection phases. Third, findings were shared with community members for member checking, providing an external check on the accuracy and cultural resonance of the interpretations.

___________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 3:

Conceptual and Theoretical Framing

What theoretical framework guides the study’s interpretation of parenting, role strain, and resilience among Somali refugee mothers? If a framework is used (e.g., ecological systems theory, acculturation theory, or family systems theory), how does it inform the analysis and interpretation of findings?
How do the authors conceptualize “functional literacy,” and how does this construct differ from related concepts such as health literacy, bureaucratic literacy, or cultural capital?
To what extent are the findings specific to Somali refugee mothers, and how might they compare to the experiences of other refugee or immigrant parenting groups?

COMMENT 3 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Bullet Point One: In response to a parallel comment from Reviewer 1, we added a new Conceptual Framework section between the Introduction and Materials and Methods as follows:

Original Text:

[No Conceptual Framework section existed in the manuscript.]

Revised Text (additions bolded): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 94-141)

Conceptual Framework

This study draws on the two complementary theoretical frameworks of Berry's acculturation model and Goode's (1960) theory of role strain.

Berry's model identifies four strategies through which individuals and groups navigate contact between cultures. First, assimilation, in which cultural identity is relinquished in favor of engagement with the dominant group. Second, separation, in which cultural identity is maintained while contact with the dominant group is minimized. Next, marginalization, in which neither cultural identity nor meaningful engagement with the host society is sustained. Finally, integration, in which both cultural maintenance and engagement with the dominant society are pursued (Bhatia & Ram, 2009). Research has consistently found that the integration strategy is associated with lower acculturative stress, while marginalization is associated with the greatest difficulty (Berry et al., 1987). Refugees, who are involuntary migrants who lack the option of return, face particularly elevated acculturative stress compared to voluntary immigrant groups (Berry et al., 1987).

Bullet Point Two: In regard to how we conceptualized “functional literacy,” we made the following additions:

Original Text:

Perhaps the most significant contribution of this study is the identification of what might be termed a deficit of "functional literacy" as the central stressor for this population. The mothers in our study did not describe their greatest challenges in terms of material deprivation or cultural homesickness, though both were present. Rather, they consistently described a pervasive lack of knowledge regarding the basic mechanics of American life, from operating household infrastructure to understanding financial obligations and navigating transportation systems

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 811-818)

Perhaps the most significant contribution of this study is the identification of what might be termed a deficit of "functional literacy" as the central stressor for this population. Consistent with UNESCO's conception of literacy as applied competency (UNESCO, 2006), the authors used functional literacy in this context to refer to the practical capacity to navigate the institutional systems and daily infrastructure of American life, including reading notices, completing forms, managing financial transactions, using transportation systems, and communicating with service providers. It encompasses not merely the ability to read and write, but the applied knowledge and skills required to function independently within a specific societal context. Several participants in this study were unable to read or write in any language, signing their names with a mark rather than a signature. The mothers in our study did not describe their greatest challenges in terms of material deprivation or cultural homesickness, though both were present. Rather, they consistently described a pervasive lack of knowledge regarding the basic mechanics of American life, from operating household infrastructure to understanding financial obligations and navigating transportation systems.

New reference entry added to the reference list:

UNESCO. (2006). Education for all global monitoring report: Literacy for life. UNESCO Publishing.
(Revised Manuscript Lines: 1214-1215)

[NOTE: We did not address how this construct differs from related concepts such as health literacy, bureaucratic literacy, or cultural capital, in that it is beyond the scope and focus of this article.]

Bullet Point Three: This new Conceptual Framework section establishes two theoretical anchors that address Reviewer 3 concerns. Resilience emerged as an inductive theme from participant narratives rather than being theorized in advance, which is consistent with the qualitative and interpretive design of the study. Additionally, Suleiman et al.'s (2024) scoping review, which examined Somali parenting across multiple Western countries, including the United States, Canada, England, and Scandinavia, situates these findings within a comparative international literature and confirms that the dynamics documented here are not unique to the Utah context.

___________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 4:

Methodology and Research Design

The manuscript describes the study as a qualitative mixed-methods design. Could the authors clarify what makes the design “mixed-methods,” given that both the focus group and key informant interviews appear to be qualitative methods?
How were participants recruited, and what criteria were used to determine eligibility? Additionally, how might the recruitment strategy influence the representativeness of the sample?
How did the authors determine that thematic saturation had been reached in the focus group and interview data?

COMMENT 4 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Bullet Point One: Regarding the mixed-methods design, the following changes were made:

Original Text:

Employing a mixed-methods approach and utilizing a focus group session (n=12 participants), the authors then conducted follow-up individual key informant interviews (n=2), along with observational fieldwork.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 12; 168)

Employing a [mixed-methods] multi-method qualitative approach and utilizing a focus group session (n=12 participants), the authors then conducted follow-up individual key informant interviews (n=2), along with observational fieldwork.

[NOTE: Multi-method qualitative design specifies that more than one qualitative method was used (in this case a focus group, key informant interviews, and observational fieldwork) and that combining them was intentional and adds analytic value. The focus group generated group-level data, the key informant interviews allowed for individual depth, and the observational fieldwork added a third layer. Naming it multi-method signals that the combination was deliberate rather than incidental.]

Bullet Point Two: The reviewer raises an important methodological point, and we appreciate the opportunity to clarify. The recruitment criteria and eligibility requirements are described in the Research Design and Participants section, where we specified that participants were recruited through purposive and criterion-based sampling strategies and were required to meet the following inclusion criteria: female head of household due to widowhood, divorce, separation, or abandonment, primary caregiver responsibilities, and residency within Utah (Lines 197-202).

Upon careful reading, we believe the reviewer's primary concern is less about the specific inclusion criteria themselves and more about how the recruitment strategy may have influenced the representativeness of the sample. We take this concern seriously. As was shown in the Limitations section, we directly acknowledge that purposive sampling and recruitment through community networks may not capture the full range of experiences among Somali refugee mothers in Utah, and that women who are more socially connected may be overrepresented, while those who are most isolated may have been missed. We further note that findings should be interpreted as transferable rather than statistically representative, which is consistent with the qualitative and interpretive design of the study. We hope the reviewer will find that this concern is meaningfully addressed in the existing Limitations section.

Bullet Point Three: Thematic saturation was reached through triangulation of data across two collection phases. Themes that emerged in the September 2025 focus group were consistently repeated and expanded upon in the January 2026 key informant interviews, and data collection concluded when no new concepts or variations were identified. To reflect this in the manuscript, the following addition was made:

Original Text (Research Design and Participants):

Initial data collection occurred on September 27, 2025, with follow-up interviews conducted in January of 2026, to explore emerging themes in greater depth.

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 203-207)

Initial data collection occurred on September 27, 2025, with follow-up interviews conducted in January of 2026, to explore emerging themes in greater depth. Thematic saturation was reached through triangulation of data across both collection phases. Themes that emerged in the focus group were consistently repeated and expanded upon in the key informant interviews, and data collection concluded when no new concepts or variations were identified, consistent with Ritchie and Spencer's (1994) framework analysis approach.

Note: Ritchie and Spencer's (1994) is already in the reference list.

________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 5:

Data Analysis

Can the authors provide more detail about the thematic framework analysis process? For example, how were codes developed, were multiple coders involved, and how was analytic rigor ensured?
How did the authors differentiate between themes related to structural barriers (e.g., navigating institutions) and those related to cultural transitions within families?

COMMENT 5 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes.

Bullet Point One: Regarding the thematic framework analysis, the following changes were made:

Original Text (Data Analysis, first paragraph):

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 238-244)

The analytical approach employed thematic framework analysis, integrating both data-driven and theory-driven perspectives (Ritchie & Spencer, 1994). The analysis proceeded through several stages. Initially, each researcher conducted multiple independent reviews of the field notes to develop a deep familiarity with the participants' narratives. During this familiarization phase, researchers generated preliminary codes using both inductive approaches (codes emerging directly from participants' responses) and deductive approaches (codes derived from the predetermined domains in the discussion guide). Initial codes were generated independently by each of the four researchers before any team discussion, ensuring that the coding framework reflected multiple analytical perspectives rather than a single researcher's interpretive lens. All four researchers were involved in the coding process, and analytic rigor was maintained through the systematic application of a collaboratively developed codebook, iterative consensus-based resolution of discrepancies, and reflexive attention to researcher positionality throughout the analysis.

Bullet Point Two: To address the differentiation of structural versus cultural themes, the following changes were made:

Original Text (Data Analysis, final paragraph):

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 261-268)

To assess coding consistency, interrater reliability was calculated using Cohen’s kappa (Cohen, 1960), yielding k = 0.86, indicating strong agreement between coders. Remaining discrepancies were resolved through collaborative review of the relevant passages and consensus-based decision-making. Following the completion of coding, thematic analysis was conducted to identify overarching patterns of meaning across the dataset that addressed the study’s research aims. Differentiation between themes related to structural barriers and those related to cultural transitions within families was guided by the interview and focus group data themselves, with participants explicitly distinguishing between challenges arising from navigating American institutions and those arising from shifts in family roles and intergenerational relationships. Codes were assigned to one domain or the other based on whether participants attributed the source of difficulty to external systems and infrastructure or to internal family dynamics and cultural change.

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COMMENT 6:

Interpretation and Context

How do the findings align with or diverge from existing research on intergenerational role reversal and language brokering in immigrant families?
To what extent might the identified challenges, such as role reversal or diminished parental authority, reflect broader structural barriers in U.S. institutions rather than cultural conflict within families?

COMMENT 6 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes:

Bullet Point One: We appreciate this question and believe it speaks directly to one of the study's central contributions. In response to parallel comments from Reviewer 1, as well as Reviewer 3’s Comment 3 above, we added a new Conceptual Framework section to the manuscript that directly addresses this concern. As we established in that section, Berry's acculturation model and Bhatia and Ram's (2009) structural critique provide the theoretical foundation for understanding how differential rates of acculturation within families produce the intergenerational tensions documented in our findings. This new section substantially strengthens the manuscript's engagement with the theoretical literature on acculturation and intergenerational dynamics. As was further demonstrated in the Acculturation and Intergenerational Dynamics section of the Discussion, our findings are consistent with the established literature on role reversal and language brokering across diverse refugee and immigrant populations, including Qaralleh et al. (2025), Hamid et al. (2025), Osman et al. (2021a), and Osman et al. (2021b). Taken together, the new Conceptual Framework section and the existing Discussion section address the reviewer's concern fully, demonstrating that our findings both align with and extend the prior literature by showing that in Somali families the brokering role goes beyond language translation to encompass comprehensive navigation of institutional systems, technology, and cultural norms.

Bullet Point 2: Addressing point two, as noted in our response to the bullet point above, as well as Comment 3, a new Conceptual Framework section was added to the manuscript that directly establishes the structural lens through which this study's findings are interpreted. As we established in that Conceptual Framework section through Bhatia and Ram (2009), acculturation challenges cannot be separated from structural and political forces operating beyond the individual or family. As was further shown in the Discussion, the loss of disciplinary authority is framed explicitly as a product of legal constraints imposed by host country institutions, and the functional literacy deficit is situated as a systemic failure of resettlement infrastructure rather than a cultural deficiency of the mothers themselves. Because the structural framing the reviewer requests is already woven throughout both the Conceptual Framework and the Discussion, this concern is fully resolved in the manuscript as revised above.

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COMMENT 7:

Directions for Future Research

Could the authors suggest ways that future scholars can build on the findings in the current study?

COMMENT 7 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. To address this concern, the following changes were made:

Original Text (Limitations, final paragraph):

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 1060-1069)

Despite these limitations, this study offers an in-depth examination of a population that remains underrepresented in the research literature and provides findings that are consistent with broader patterns documented across refugee communities. The themes identified here provide a foundation for future research and programmatic development to strengthen families that can be tested and expanded across diverse settings and populations. Future scholars might build on these findings in several directions. Longitudinal studies following Somali refugee mothers across different stages of resettlement would illuminate how functional literacy deficits, role strain, and intergenerational tensions evolve over time and whether they attenuate as community infrastructure develops. Comparative studies examining these dynamics across other refugee and immigrant populations, including fathers, youth, and service providers, would strengthen the transferability of these findings and deepen understanding of how structural barriers interact with cultural identity across diverse groups. Finally, intervention research testing culturally responsive functional literacy programs and family counseling models grounded in the experiences documented here would translate these findings into direct practice benefit.

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COMMENT 8:

Implications and Limitations

Could the authors discuss how cultural, regional, or socioeconomic factors might influence the findings?
What specific programmatic or policy changes do the authors recommend based on their findings, particularly regarding functional literacy support and culturally responsive services?
How might the study’s findings be limited by sample size, geographic location, or the perspectives of mothers alone (without including fathers, youth, or service providers)?

COMMENT 8 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. To address this concern, the following changes were made:

Bullet Point One: To address cultural, regional, or socioeconomic factors, the following changes were made:

Original Text (Limitations, first paragraph):

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 1025-1029)

The results of this study should be interpreted with consideration of several methodological limitations. First, this study employed a small sample of twelve focus group participants and two follow-up key informant interview participants, all residing in a metropolitan area in Utah. While qualitative research does not aim for statistical generalizability, the specificity of this sample to Utah means that the experiences described may not fully represent those of Somali refugee mothers in other regions of the United States, where resettlement resources, climate, community demographics, and cultural context differ. Cultural, regional, and socioeconomic factors may further influence the findings in ways that this study was not designed to capture. Somali refugee mothers residing in communities with larger and more established diaspora networks, greater access to culturally responsive services, or different socioeconomic profiles may report meaningfully different experiences from those documented here.

Bullet Point Two: We appreciate this question and welcome the opportunity to highlight what is addressed in the manuscript. As detailed in the Implications for Practice section, we offer five specific programmatic and policy recommendations grounded directly in the findings. These include comprehensive functional literacy programming extending beyond the initial resettlement period and offered in participants' native languages; culturally responsive family counseling programs that acknowledge both traditional family structures and the realities of adaptation; mental health services that are linguistically accessible and integrated into existing community structures; skills-based employment matching that recognizes refugees' prior competencies; and institutional support for the informal community networks that already function as primary support systems for this population. We believe that the Implications for Practice section, taken together with the functional literacy definition added to the Discussion section and the new Conceptual Framework section that grounds the study's interpretation of structural barriers in Berry's acculturation model and Goode's (1960) role strain theory, collectively and substantively addresses the reviewer's concern regarding programmatic and policy recommendations. We hope the reviewer will find that these additions, in combination with the existing Implications section, respond to this concern fully and specifically.

Bullet Point Three: Addressing the limitations associated with sample size, geographic location, or the perspectives of mothers alone, we made the following changes:

Original Text (Limitations, third paragraph):

Revised Text (additions bolded, deletions [bracketed]): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 1044-1048)

Third, the use of purposive sampling and the recruitment of participants through community networks may have introduced selection bias, as women who are more socially connected may be overrepresented, while those who are most isolated, and potentially most in need of support, may have been missed. Additionally, the focus group format, while effective for generating rich discussion and identifying shared experiences, may have inhibited some participants from sharing more private or sensitive aspects of their experiences, particularly regarding domestic violence, mental health, or family conflict. The use of independent coding by multiple researchers and the calculation of interrater reliability (Cohen's kappa = 0.86) provide some mitigation of concern, but the limitation should be acknowledged. The exclusive focus on mothers' perspectives represents an additional limitation. The experiences of fathers, adolescent and adult children, and resettlement service providers were not captured in this study, and their inclusion in future research would provide a more complete and multi-perspectival understanding of Somali refugee family dynamics in the United States.

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COMMENT 9:

APA ERRORS

There are several errors on the Reference page that the authors must correct.

COMMENT 8 RESPONSE:

The authors conducted a comprehensive review of the entire reference list to ensure compliance with APA 7th edition formatting standards. Each citation was examined against the 15 specific items identified by the reviewer, including alphabetization of in-text citations, italicization of journal titles and volume numbers, sentence case for article and book titles, inclusion of DOIs, complete page ranges, and proper formatting of author initials, book entries, and edited book chapters. Corrections were made throughout the reference list accordingly. Furthermore, we confirmed that all DOI URL’s were functional. The authors are grateful to the reviewer for the thorough and detailed identification of these formatting issues.

Round 2

Reviewer 1 Report

Comments and Suggestions for Authors

The revised manuscript has improved substantially. The authors have addressed the previous comments with care and thoroughness, and the inclusion of empirical data in the results section has considerably strengthened the article's quality. I recommend acceptance pending two minor revisions.

Sample table

Unfortunately, the sample table has not yet been adapted as requested in the first review. A presentation in meaningful categories, for example age groups, family size, or household composition, would be far more informative than the current format. Alternatively, a case-based presentation would allow readers to contextualise the quotes in the results section more effectively.

Contextualisation of quotes

As is standard practice in qualitative research, each quote should be accompanied by a source reference and a brief description of the speaker, for example: Mother, age 35, two children. This is currently missing and should be added consistently throughout the results section.

Manuscript length

The authors may wish to review the overall length of the manuscript. Since new material was added without equivalent cuts elsewhere, the text may now exceed the journal's word limit. I would encourage the authors to check this and, if necessary, make reductions accordingly.

Author Response

Response to Reviewer 1’s Round 2 Comments

__________________________________________________________________________________

SUMMARY COMMENT FROM REVIEWER:

__________________________________________________________________________________

COMMENT 1: SAMPLE TABLE

Unfortunately, the sample table has not yet been adapted as requested in the first review. A presentation in meaningful categories, for example, age groups, family size, or household composition, would be far more informative than the current format. Alternatively, a case-based presentation would allow readers to contextualise the quotes in the results section more effectively.

COMMENT 1 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment and the recommended changes greatly enhance our paper. In particular, we agree that a case-based presentation does allow readers to contextualise the quotes in the results section more effectively. Therefore, we have made the following changes.

Original Table (L 172-191):

Table 1. Focus Group Participant Demographics (N = 12)

Characteristic

Age Range (years) 25-60

Number of Children Range 1-7^a

Family Characteristics

Extended parenting (adult children 20-25) At least 1 (8%)

Experienced child loss At least 1 (8%)

Migration History

Arrived as a minor At least 1 (8%)

Previous US residence before Utah At least 1 (8%

Revised Table (additions bolded): (Revised Manuscript Lines: 68-85)

Table 1. Focus Group Participant Demographics (N = 12)

Extended
Parenting Arrived Previous US
# of (Adult Experienced U.S. as a Residence
Participant Age Children Children) Child Loss Minor Before Utah

A 23 3 yes no no no

B 39 7 no yes no no

C 42 7 no no no no

D 26 5 no no no no

E 48 11 no yes no no

F 41 6 no no no no

G 28 4 yes no no no

H 38 6 no yes no no

I 50 3 no yes no no

J 45 5 no no no no

K 45 3 no no no no

L 35 5 no no no no

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COMMENT 2: CONTEXTUALISATION OF QUOTES

As is standard practice in qualitative research, each quote should be accompanied by a source reference and a brief description of the speaker, for example: Mother, age 35, two children. This is currently missing and should be added consistently throughout the results section.

COMMENT 2 RESPONSE:

We agree with the comment. We have therefore made the following changes. Since the revisions consist solely of adding speaker attributions following each quotation, the additions are presented in bolded red text following the original text for ease of identification

Revised Text (additions bolded):

In Somalia, if your child does something wrong, you correct them. This is normal. This is what every mother does. This is how my mother raised me and her mother before her. It is not cruelty…it is love. It is how you teach a child to become a good person. But here they told me this is not allowed. That if I discipline my child the way I was taught, someone will come and take my children from me. And so, I stopped. I made myself stop. But when I stopped, my children knew. They knew I could not do what I used to do. And something changed. They do not listen the same way. I tell them no, and they look at me, and I can see they know I have no way to enforce it. I lost something as a mother that I do not know how to replace. I am not saying the law is wrong. I understand I am in a new country. But nobody gave me something to use instead. They just took away what I had and left me with nothing in its place. ~ Participant K, age 45, 3 children (Revised ManuscriptLines: 555)

When they took him away, I felt something I did not expect. I felt relief. I will say that honestly. For the first time in a long time, I felt safe in my own home. And I was grateful - I was truly grateful that someone had seen what was happening and had stopped it. But then the door closed, and it was just me. Just me and my children in a country I do not know. No family nearby. No mother to call. No sister came to sit with me. In Somalia, even in hard times, there is always someone. Here, there was no one. I had to figure out everything alone, the rent, the school, the doctors, the bills, the bus, everything. Every single day, something I did not understand. When I came here, my mind was okay. Iwas strong. I had survived so much already, and I told myself I can survive this too. But it wore me down slowly. Every problem I could not solve, every paper I could not read, every night I could not sleep worrying about my children - it added up. After some time, I did not feel like myself anymore. I did not feel healthy the way I felt before. ~ Participant A, age 23, 3 children (Revised ManuscriptLines: 591)

COMMENT 3: MANUSCRIPT LENGTH

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COMMENT 3 RESPONSE:

The editor wrote, “Please note that there is no word limitation from our side. You are welcome to add or reduce content as needed.”

Therefore, no revisions to the manuscript length are warranted at this time. We are grateful to the reviewer for raising this concern, and we acknowledge that the revised manuscript is longer than the original submission. However, given the editor's explicit confirmation that there is no word limit for this journal, we have retained all additions as each contributes substantively to addressing the reviewers' concerns.

Reviewer 3 Report

Comments and Suggestions for Authors

The authors have carefully and thoroughly revised the manuscript in response to my recommendations, demonstrating a strong commitment to improving the clarity, rigor, and overall contribution of the study. They have provided detailed, point-by-point responses that directly address each concern raised in the review. Importantly, the revisions to the introduction now include stronger empirical support and clearer contextualization of Somali refugee migration patterns. The addition of a well-developed conceptual framework significantly strengthens the theoretical grounding of the manuscript and enhances the interpretation of findings. Methodological clarifications, particularly regarding research design, sampling, and analytic procedures, have improved the transparency and credibility of the study. The authors also made meaningful efforts to address issues of research bias, thematic saturation, and analytic rigor. Their expanded discussion of functional literacy and structural barriers adds important depth and clarity to the manuscript’s central contributions. Additionally, the inclusion of future research directions and expanded limitations demonstrates thoughtful reflection on the study’s scope and implications. The corrections to APA formatting further improve the professionalism and presentation of the manuscript. Based on these comprehensive revisions, I recommend that the manuscript be accepted for publication in Family Science.

Author Response

Response to Reviewer 3’s 2^nd Round Comments:

We are deeply grateful to Reviewer 3 for the thorough and generous evaluation of our revised manuscript. The reviewer's initial feedback was detailed, constructive, and challenging in the best sense, and we believe the manuscript is substantially stronger as a result. We appreciate the time and care invested in both rounds of review and are honored by the recommendation for acceptance.

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Role Strain and Systemic Barriers: A Qualitative Study of Somali Refugee Mothers in the United States

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