Search Results (439)

This study examines the renewal of Ignatian spirituality from the Spanish school, emphasizing the contributions of General Pedro Arrupe during his eighteen-year tenure leading the Society of Jesus. Arrupe’s vision prioritized deep interior experience over mere religious practices, advocating for a spirituality rooted in divine gift and surrender. His leadership inspired a return to the fundamental principles of Ignatian spirituality, marked by a profound sense of God’s presence, self-offering, and a commitment to the apostolic mission. The research is organized around three main axes: textual and exegetical, historical and contextual, and systematic or dogmatic Ignatian theology. The first axis explores the contributions of scholars like Antonio María de Aldama and José Calveras, who emphasized returning to the original Ignatian texts and their exegetical significance. Their work highlighted the centrality of Christ, the spiritual exercises as a transformative tool, and the dynamic relationship between mission and identity within the Society. The second axis focuses on historical and contextual analysis, particularly through the work of Cándido de Dalmases, Ricardo García-Villoslada, and Jesús Iturrioz. These scholars reassessed Ignatius of Loyola’s biography and historical influences, moving beyond hagiographical narratives to consider broader theological and social movements of the 16th century, such as Erasmus’ humanism and the Catholic Reformation. The third axis, systematic Ignatian theology, is examined through figures like Pedro de Leturia and Ignacio Iparraguirre, who explored the doctrinal dimensions of Ignatius’ writings. Key themes include the Christocentric nature of Ignatian spirituality, the role of discernment in governance, and the balance between mysticism and apostolic mission. This research underscores the ongoing relevance of Ignatian spirituality by contextualizing its renewal within historical, exegetical, and theological frameworks, demonstrating its adaptability and enduring significance in contemporary spiritual discourse. Full article

The world is far from meeting the goals of the Paris Agreement of limiting the rise of global temperature to below 1.5 °C, with dire consequences for Small Island Developing States (SIDS) in particular. If SIDS are to address their climate vulnerabilities through policy-induced resilience building, they need to have a robust governance framework in place that coherently addresses climate change adaptation and disaster risk reduction. What would such a governance framework look like? To address this question, we carried out a systematic literature review of papers published between 1992 and 2023. Our review reveals that the governance around climate change adaptation and disaster risk reduction is relatively weak in SIDS. However, the analysis of barriers and enablers unveils the contours of a proposed three-tiered governance framework, the application of which needs to be contextualised: Tier 1 comprises three key pillars: Policy Planning, Institutional Arrangements, and Laws and Regulations; Tier 2 identifies the principles of transparency, accountability, equity, legitimacy, and subsidiarity; the core pillars and the principles are nested within a broader Tier 3 comprising democratic processes (rule of law), religious and cultural values, and political commitment. In order for SIDS to fight the existential threat of climate change, the proposed framework will allow SIDS to better understand their climate governance framework and deliver low-carbon, climate resilient development within the broader ambit of sustainable development. This framework also addresses the weakness in previous studies, which consider dimensions, principles, and enabling an environment of good governance on equal footing. We illustrate this framework using the analogy of the lotus flower. Full article

The objective of this paper is to analyze the constitutional principles that govern the Spanish model of relations between the State and religious organizations, within the context of the model of cooperation between the State and religious organizations. The 1978 Constitution guarantees the right to religious freedom, establishes the principle of religious neutrality of public authorities, and indicates that public authorities shall cooperate with religious organizations and the Catholic Church. In line with this approach, this paper studies the advantages and disadvantages of the Spanish model of cooperation between the State and religious organizations, taking into account the fact that the State has currently signed cooperation agreements with both the Catholic Church and so-called religious minorities. This has generated a cooperation model that favors organizations with cooperation agreements over those without and discriminates between religious organizations with cooperation agreements based on the content of the respective agreements. All of this contradicts the constitutional principle of equality and non-discrimination on religious grounds, as well as the principle of religious neutrality of public authorities. Full article

Focusing on Jingju Temple (淨居寺) in Jinan, Shandong Province, from 1920 to 1948, this paper examines the complex interactions among Chinese Buddhism, Japanese Buddhism, and governmental authorities. As one of the key religious sites in Jinan during the Republican era, Jingju Temple traces its origins back to the Song dynasty. Although it was repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt, the temple was restored in the 1920s by Pan Shoulian 潘守廉 (1845–1939) of Jining, becoming a “public monastery” (shifangcongli 十方叢林). Beginning in the 1930s, the Japanese government and its puppet regimes integrated Japanese rituals into Chinese Buddhism and established the Buddhist Tongyuan Association (Fojiao tongyuanhui 佛教同願會). By examining inscriptions, gazetteers, newspapers, and other historical records—focusing on negotiations between Jingju Temple, the association, and the Japanese Buddhist community—this study sheds light on the distinctive and multifaceted religious–political dynamics that arose as the temple was situated amid conflicting forces: the Japanese government, the puppet regimes, and the Republic of China. These findings provide a new perspective for understanding Buddhist interactions across East Asia and open avenues for further inquiry into this complex historical period. Full article

Adolescent sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) challenges, including gender inequality, child marriage, female genital mutilation/cutting and sexual and gender-based violence remain pervasive globally, particularly in Ethiopia. The Power to You(th) programme was designed to address these issues by centering youth voices and fostering transformative community change. This evaluation applied Outcome Harvesting, drawing on mixed quantitative and qualitative data, and employed a participatory approach that engages youth and stakeholders in identifying and verifying programme outcomes between 2021 and 2023. The findings revealed substantial improvements in youth participation in decision-making platforms, advocacy capacity, and awareness of SRH rights. Community attitudes shifted positively, particularly among religious and traditional leaders, who increasingly advocate against harmful practices. Youth-led networks emerged as powerful agents of change, contributing to policy shifts such as increased youth representation in health governance bodies. The evaluation also captured unexpected yet influential changes in community dynamics and institutional responsiveness. These findings highlight the value of participatory approaches in capturing complex social transformations and underscore the role of youth as active agents in reshaping SRHR outcomes. Outcome Harvesting proved effective in documenting both intended and emergent changes, offering valuable insights for scaling inclusive, youth-driven interventions. Full article

This study examines how institutional signals shape Muslim tourists’ willingness to pay for conservation in the Rinjani–Lombok UNESCO Global Geopark, Indonesia. Drawing on justice theory, signaling theory, and Islamic stewardship principles, the model positions distributive and procedural justice as positive antecedents of trust in governance, while greenwashing functions as a negative signal. Trust is theorized as the proximal driver of willingness to pay, with perceived overtourism and Islamic religious centrality as contextual moderators. Data were collected through an on-site intercept survey of 235 Muslim tourists across major entry points and viewpoints in the geopark, with balanced coverage of weekdays, weekends, and time periods. Analysis was conducted using partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM). Findings confirm that fairness strengthens trust, greenwashing undermines it, and trust significantly predicts willingness to contribute. The trust–payment link is weakened by overtourism but reinforced by religiosity, underscoring the role of credible and culturally resonant governance. Full article

This article examines the murals of Dabaoji Palace in Lijiang during the Ming Dynasty, analyzing their tripartite religious spatial configuration to elucidate how the Mu chieftains visualized and asserted their political and cultural agency as local elites operating at the empire’s south-western frontier within the framework of imperial authority. Through an interdisciplinary methodology that combines textual research, spatial analysis, and iconographic interpretation, the study identifies and theorizes a threefold religious spatial model in Dabaoji Palace: a Daoist facade symbolizing allegiance to the Ming court, a Han Buddhist-dominated central hybrid space asserting political authority and local agency in cultural mediation, and a secluded Tibetan esoteric sanctum providing sacral legitimacy for frontier governance. This tripartite spatial configuration is interpreted as a strategic localization of religious space that embodies the Mu chieftains’ response to Ming frontier administration. By highlighting the Sino-Tibetan artistic synthesis in the murals, the paper argues that the Mu chieftains, as Naxi elites in a borderland context, crafted a visual narrative of frontier rule that both reinforced their ties to the Ming court and forged a distinctive local identity. In doing so, their initiatives contributed to the cultural integration of multi-ethnic communities in northwest Yunnan and laid the foundation for the formation of a shared national identity. Full article

Understanding the spatial patterns of ethnic inter-embeddedness is essential for promoting sustainable development in multi-ethnic regions. This study develops a novel “Clustered-Boundary-Cellular” typological model to interpret the spatial differentiation of traditional villages in China’s Hehuang region. Using an integrated approach that combines GIS spatial analysis (Kernel Density Estimation, Ripley’s K-function, and Standard Deviational Ellipse), spatial statistics (Global Moran’s I), and other statistical tests (Kruskal–Wallis tests and multinomial logistic regression), we categorized and analyzed 153 nationally designated traditional villages. The results indicate the following: (1) The villages exhibit significant spatial differentiation, falling into three distinct scenarios. Clustered–Isolation villages (107/153, 69.9%) are predominantly located in topographically constrained areas and display strong spatial clustering; Boundary–Permeation villages (24/153, 15.7%) are distributed along transport corridors and show the highest road density (0.55 km/km²); Cellular–Symbiosis villages (22/153, 14.4%) occur in multi-ethnic cores areas and exhibit a relatively random spatial distribution. (2) This differentiation results from the synergistic effects of multidimensional drivers: natural environmental constraints (notably elevation and proximity to rivers), religious–cultural adaptation (Global Moran’s I analysis confirms the strong clustering of Tibetan and Salar groups, reflecting distinct religious spatial logics), and economic transition dynamics (transportation infrastructure serves as a key catalyst). This study demonstrates the value of the proposed model as an analytical tool for diagnosing ethnic spatial relations. The findings offer important insights and spatial guidance for formulating context-sensitive strategies for sustainable governance, cultural heritage preservation, and ethnic integration. Full article

The motivations behind terrorism have emerged from debates on armed conflict. This article seeks to explore the membership status of the Taliban that maintained a positive social identity as an in-group to fight vigorously against the international community and seize Afghanistan in August 2021. With a range of semi-structured interviews with key security and justice stakeholders and civil society groups in Kabul from 2010 to 2016, opinions are based on efforts that engaged with Security Sector Reform (SSR) and fighting the resilience of the Taliban. It was found that the Taliban continued its fight and growth in membership and partial civic support due to its strong social identity (as an in-group) fighting an undesired, illegitimate, and corrupt state, judiciary, and police force supported by the international community. As part of social identity theory, poverty, unemployment, corruption and immorality are seen to serve a strategic and tactical purpose in aiding the socioeconomic, political and religious motives for recruitment towards the Taliban. However, after reseizing power, sanctions, a reduction in international aid, poverty and civic discontent with strict governance have resulted in other rival terrorist and resistance groups posing a threat to the Taliban, losing its positive social identity. Full article

This paper revisits Saudi Arabia’s religious statecraft through the lens of Pax Wahhabica, interrogating the transnational diffusion, strategic reconfiguration, and evolving instrumentalisation of Wahhabism as a modality of imperial theopolitics and a conduit of ideological projection. Tracing Wahhabism from its eighteenth-century roots, through its Cold War entrenchment as a bulwark against secular nationalism, to its post-9/11 fragmentation, this study offers a conceptual re-evaluation of Wahhabism not as a fixed theological doctrine but as a malleable constellation of norms and discourses continuously calibrated to state interest. Theoretically anchored in soft power analysis, constructivist norm diffusion, Gramscian hegemony, and Foucauldian governmentality, this paper examines how religious norms are mobilised through affective discourse, institutional socialisation, and securitised governance to advance regime resilience. Through empirical case studies on Bosnia, Indonesia, and Nigeria, it elucidates how Wahhabi norms were localised, hybridised, and, in some instances, weaponised against their progenitors. Finally, this paper examines the domestic reconfiguration and international repositioning of Wahhabism under Muḥammad bin Salmān, arguing that contemporary Saudi theopolitics marks not the abandonment of Wahhabism but its reconversion into a strategically curated, domesticated ideology. Pax Wahhabica, thus, persists—not as an unbroken theological doctrine but as a hybrid ideational empire in which Islam is strategically retooled as an instrument of hegemonic statecraft. Full article

This article examines the legal and practical dimensions of religious education (RE) in Austria with a particular focus on interreligious education as an emerging pedagogical and societal response to increasing religious and cultural diversity. It begins by situating the discussion within Austria’s historical and constitutional framework, in which RE is governed as a res mixta—a joint responsibility shared between the state and legally recognized churches and religious societies (CRSs). The analysis highlights how this model of power-sharing is enshrined in both constitutional and ordinary legislation, granting CRSs extensive autonomy in the organization, content, and supervision of denominational RE. Despite the absence of explicit legal provisions for interreligious education, the article demonstrates that interreligious teaching practices can be implemented through cooperative arrangements between CRSs, particularly when aligned with national educational goals and international commitments to tolerance, religious freedom, and other human rights. It further analyses curricular references to interreligiosity across various denominational RE programs and discusses the institutional potential for integrating interreligious competencies into teacher training and school practice. Drawing on the example of the project Integration through Interreligious Education at the University Graz, a cooperative initiative between the Catholic Church and the Islamic Religious Society in Austria (IGGÖ) from 2017 to 2023, the article outlines how interreligious education was legally contextualized and contractually formalized. The article concludes that interreligious education, though legally unregulated, is both feasible and desirable within Austria’s current legal and educational framework. It calls for greater normative clarity and policy support to ensure the sustainability and broader implementation of such models, which foster mutual understanding and peaceful coexistence in a pluralistic society. Full article

Creationism is not only a pseudoscience present in Brazil but also a political problem. In reality, creationism as a pseudoscience and as a political issue are entangled in this Latin American country. Thus, this article has a double objective: to show how Brazilian creationism arises as a danger to both education/science and democracy in Brazil, and to discuss how its epistemological misconceptions and its dependence on Evidentialism portray a divinity that stands in contrast with the Christian understanding of the Trinitarian God. The first section will address how creationism is present in the Brazilian political arena, with special attention to its presence during Jair Bolsonaro’s government and how it constitutes an ongoing danger to Brazil’s education system and democracy due to the rapid growth of the number of Evangelicals in the country and of the Evangelical Parliamentary Front of the National Congress. The second will discuss examples of creationist arguments presented by the two major proponents of the movement in Brazil, the Presbyterians Adauto Lourenço and Marcos Eberlin, that show their standard procedure in dealing with scientific data and drawing religious conclusions from it. The third will analyze how Creationism relies on Evidentialism and portrays a divinity which diverges from the Trinitarian Christian God. I argue that creationism is not based on or an expression of a Christian understanding of the relationship between God, creation, and creatures, but is instead based on epistemological misconceptions, manipulation of data, and religious conclusions drawn from it. Full article

This article offers a comparative analysis of authoritarian governance in Egypt and Türkiye through the lens of two pivotal state–Islamist alliances: the early partnership and eventual rupture between Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), and the strategic collaboration followed by confrontation between Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the Gülen Movement (GM). Despite operating in different historical and institutional settings—a postcolonial military regime in Egypt and an electoral, hybrid regime in Türkiye—both leaders allied with influential religious actors during moments of transition to gain popular support and dismantle entrenched power structures. These alliances were instrumental and temporary: once religious movements developed autonomous influence, they were recast as threats and suppressed through legal, institutional, and religious mechanisms. This study traces how religious institutions like Egypt’s al-Azhar and Türkiye’s Diyanet were co-opted to delegitimize these former allies and justify state repression. While the MB pursued overt political goals and the GM functioned through civic and technocratic channels, both were ultimately excluded from the political order once they had been considered as threats to the central authority of the regime. This comparison underscores the strategic use of religion in authoritarian statecraft and the enduring tension between religious autonomy and centralized political control in Muslim-majority polities. Full article

A necessary condition for the success of the 7 October 2023 Hamas deadly incursion into Israel was the absence of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) from that region. The IDF was involved in helping the settlers in their conflicts with Palestinians on the West Bank, many miles from the Gaza border. Absent the settlers, it is likely that either the Hamas attack might not have occurred or would have been blunted at the outset, yielding a much more measured Israeli response. Hence it is imperative that we understand the origins of the settler movement. It is to be found in Biblical injunctions that were to be amplified considerably by the outcomes of the extraordinarily successful Six-Day war of 1967 and its sequel the Yom Kippur war of 1973. In the third chapter of the Book of Genesis, that is, of the entire Hebrew Bible, God commands Abraham to leave his current domicile and travel to Canaan where a great nation would be formed. Effectively, this is the religious foundation of the connection between the people of Israel and the land of Israel, then called Canaan. The contrast between the outcomes of 1967 and 1973 was striking. Instead of a lopsided victory in the earlier war, the human losses in 1973 were surprising, even terrifying. This intense ephemeral gain combined with a world view defense engendered by mortality salience established the basis for later religious Zionist extremism. The vastly increased number of casualties in 1973 set the stage for the victory of Likud, much more amenable to West Bank settlements than the ousted Labor government had been. Religious Zionists leaped at this opportunity, justifying this activity by referring to God’s commandment to settle the entire land of Israel in the West Bank territories using their Biblical Hebrew names: Yehuda (Judea) and Shomron (Samaria), whatever the cost in violent Palestinian land dispossession. Full article

This paper critically interrogates the French model of secularism (laïcité) and its implications for Muslim women’s rights in contemporary France, particularly within post-colonial and post-secular contexts. It explores how historical legacies of colonial governance continue to inform current regulatory frameworks around religious expression, especially regarding the wearing of Islamic veils in public institutions. While laïcité is officially presented as a principle of neutrality and universalism, its practical enforcement often targets Muslim women, functioning as a mechanism of exclusion that conflates religiosity with political threat. Drawing on intersectional feminist theory and recent debates on post-secularism, the paper examines how dominant feminist movements in France have struggled to incorporate the lived experiences and agency of pious Muslim women, frequently aligning with state-led narratives that instrumentalises gender equality in service of national identity and securitisation. Drawing upon the concept of intersectional post-secularity as discussed in recent scholarship, this article offers a new contextualised framework from within the French system of laïcité for analysing how secular governance, feminist discourse, and colonial legacies converge to regulate Muslim women’s visibility and subjectivity. This approach moves beyond binaries of secularism versus religion and emancipation versus subjugation, offering new insights into the entangled politics of faith, gender, and national identity. Ultimately, the paper calls for feminist and civic discourse that upholds democratic inclusivity, accommodates religious diversity, and resists the racialised governance of Muslim women’s bodies in the name of laïcité. Full article