Search Results (665)

This article examines the trajectory of secularization and desecularization in Turkey through the lens of Imam Hatip high schools, focusing on how religion has been reintroduced into the public sphere and reshaped educational exposure. While secularism in Turkey historically emerged as a state-driven project imposed from above, recent decades have witnessed a marked process of desecularization under the Justice and Development Party, facilitated by institutional reforms in law, education, and bureaucracy. The study draws on qualitative interviews with experts, analyzed through grounded theory, to capture their perceptions of religious schooling and its impact. The analysis is organized into three themes: the persistence of top-down secularism, the institutionalized reintroduction of religion, and the intersection of religionized politics with educational practices. Findings indicate that while family socialization remains a primary source of religious identity, Imam Hatip schools function as a symbolic site of religiosity and political contestation. The study concludes that Turkey’s current desecularization is not merely a grassroots revival but a state-mediated restructuring of the secular–religious balance, with education serving as a central arena for negotiating visibility, autonomy, and identity. At the same time, the legacy of top-down secularism has paradoxically contributed to alienating younger generations from religion, shaping ambivalent attitudes toward faith and schooling. Full article

This article examines how the Ahiska Turks—deported from Georgia’s Meskheti region to Central Asia in 1944—sustained their religious belonging under shifting Soviet and post-Soviet political and social conditions, and how this religious continuity became intertwined with processes of collective memory formation. Drawing on published archival materials, existing scholarship, and a long-term ethnographic corpus composed of fourteen life-history oral interviews conducted between 2006 and 2025 in Turkey and Kazakhstan, the study traces the multigenerational trajectories of ritual practice. The findings show that funeral ceremonies, mevlid gatherings, Ramadan practices, and domestic prayer circles function as “sites of memory” through which the trauma of displacement is reinterpreted and intergenerational belonging is continually reconstituted. These ritual forms generate a meaningful sense of continuity and communal resilience in the face of prolonged experiences of loss, uncertainty, and “placelessness.” Situated at the intersection of the anthropology of religion, cultural trauma theory, and Soviet/post-Soviet diaspora studies, the article conceptualizes Islam as more than a realm of belief: for the Ahiska Turks, it operates as a core cultural infrastructure that anchors post-displacement resilience, social organization, and collective memory. The study contributes to the literature by offering an integrated analytical framework that places the Ahiska community within broader debates on religion, memory, and forced migration; by examining rituals not only as emotional practices but also as institutional and cultural scaffolding; and by foregrounding the understudied post-traumatic religious experiences of Muslim diasporas. Full article

This essay reads Grant Allen’s “Pallinghurst Barrow” as folk horror about the late-Victorian spiritualist debates. We read Allen’s story as not only sympathetic to spiritualism, but also as critical of the gendered and genred politics of fin-de-siècle scientific materialism which would preclude such occult experiences—or what we frame as feminine ways of knowing. In both form and content, “Pallinghurst Barrow” challenges masculine science by foregrounding the powerful influence (on Rudolph, the protagonist) of the Gothic ghost story (“gipsy” Rachel’s cautionary tale, repeated by young Joyce). Allen’s interest in the folkloric origins of religion can be traced back to Herbert Spencer’s “Ghost Theory,” a proto-sociological explanation for the cultural construction and transmission of myth (or spirits). A lifelong friend and devotee of Spencer, Allen employs his mentor’s sociology as a way to make sense of non-material forces, including the ghost story circle and its production of Gothic awe or wonder (the wonder tale). Ultimately, then, Allen’s infamous folk horror reads as an allegory of late-Victorian spiritualist debates and, more importantly, as a defence of feminine modes of knowledge and myth-making through collective story-telling. Full article

This article addresses the need to rethink models for managing religious diversity in Europe, which, among other causes, has transformed into a multi-religious society, breaking with Christian hegemony as a result of the migration processes of the last century. The author proposes governance as an essential tool for managing religious diversity, understood as a style of government that promotes interaction and cooperation between the State and non-state actors, including religious denominations, in decision-making processes to regulate this phenomenon and enable individuals and the groups they belong to, to exercise their fundamental right to religious freedom. This approach seeks the social inclusion and effective participation of religious minorities to combat their marginalization and radicalization. To this end, we propose moving away from laicism positions that seek to exclude religion from the public sphere or from those that defend the political use of religion as an element of national identity, proposing instead a model of positive secularism like the Spanish one. Analysing the Spanish model, the article argues how the political participation of religious minorities through a model of religious governance in the management of religious diversity is crucial for building inclusive and safe societies where social cohesion and the full observance of religious freedom and other fundamental rights are achieved. Full article

Recent global conflicts have amplified long-standing patterns of religion-related bias and discrimination in the U.S. The continuing war on Gaza has led to bias, hostility, and violence against both Muslims and Jews in the U.S. We present an overview of results from a new 1308-person national survey data collection gathered through NORC’s AmeriSpeak Panel with oversamples of Jews and Muslims. Our findings reveal important reversals, asymmetries, polarities, and solidarities in perceptions and experiences of bias among Jews and Muslims and experiences of and responses to the war among religious groups. Jews were the most likely group to report experiences of religious bias and hostility in the U.S. and the most likely to register fear about future bias, followed by Muslims, a reversal of patterns from earlier research. Jews were the most likely religious group to report experiencing an increase in religious bias or hostility after October 7, 2023. Americans reported warm feelings towards Jews, Muslims, Israelis, and Palestinians but cool feelings towards the Israeli government and Hamas, suggesting that across most religious groups, Americans demonstrate more sympathy towards religious identities when compared to national identities and political entities. Full article

Religion is often regarded as a divine concept resistant to change or transformation, yet history reveals that religion can evolve and transform into new cults or religious movements. This reformation or alternative state of religion is often considered an aberrant version of the original. In Sri Lanka, an aberrant form of religion emerged during the modernization and colonization periods, particularly influenced by Protestant groups and urban Buddhists. The significance of this aberrant form of Buddhism is that it lacks the depth of true religious thought and is instead reflected in the mainstream of politics and nationalism rooted in race. Due to the demand to protect Buddhism, which was echoed by this aberrant version, the recognition of Sri Lanka’s diverse ethnic and religious identities gave rise to separatism and a fragmented form of nationalism. One of the key features of aberrant religion is its tendency toward fundamentalism and extremism, as it becomes distorted in the name of safeguarding religion. The consequence of aberrant religion was the fabrication of nationalism tied to ethno-religious identities, particularly among the Sinhalese majority, turning non-violent Buddhist thought into violent racism that cultivated discrimination in cultural values and even escalated into civil war to defend Buddhism and promote Buddhist nationalism. However, in time, the post-nationalist protest movement known as the “Aragalaya” rejected the pathological nationalism generated by aberrant Buddhism and brought about a systematic shift towards a unified nationalism. Thus, this study reflects on the formation of aberrant versions of religion in Sri Lankan history, their extension into nationalism and race, and the continued presence of aberrant religion in the contemporary context. Full article

Since the 1990s, but especially in the early 21st century, a new family of right-wing populist parties has become a stable feature of Western European party systems. These parties, linked by several studies to new cleavages related to globalization processes and values changes which have happened since the late 20th century, are also marked by a new use of religion. In their worldview, this latter is indeed mainly an identity and civilization marker, related to the belonging, rather than believing or behaving, dimension. As a consequence, while they promote Christian symbols in the public sphere and are actively engaged in debates related to morality politics and multicultural society, they also contribute to processes of banalization and culturalization of faith, and to the delegitimization of religious leaders and institutions. For this reason, the scholarly community is divided about their role as promoters of religion, or, rather, as (maybe unintentional) agents of secularization. This article will try to contribute to this discussion by analyzing the Italian case. Italy is indeed an interesting laboratory for the study of right-wing populism, with the development over the past few decades of two state-wide parties belonging to the right-wing populist family, the League and Brothers of Italy, both currently part of the Meloni cabinet. The article will analyze the historical roots of the parties and their developments, their manifestos, their policy proposals, and their relations with religious institutions and symbols to reflect on the two parties’ uses of religion for political aims, and their meaning in relation to the above-mentioned theoretical debates. Full article

This study developed a model of non-economic exploitation using Marxian theory and Bourdieusian methods. A survey of 275 respondents from Hindu, Sikh, and Christian minorities in Pakistan assessed religious, cultural, and social exploitation. Using CB-SEM, findings revealed unequal distribution of structural resources, with minorities having fewer than the majority. Religious, cultural, and social exploitation were significantly related (p < 0.05), with religious exploitation being the strongest predictor of the others. The study concludes that minority–majority (MM) relations are exploitative in non-economic terms, prompting minority resistance. Future research should evaluate the impact of exploitation and the extent of minority responses. Full article

Protestant Christianity has, from the 16th century onward, developed an understanding of politics and the state that gives it a strong and independent role. This was the result of a process of differentiation between religion and politics, which strengthened both sides. In this paper, the result is described: how the state and how politics are understood within Protestant Christianity, what consequences this has and what misunderstandings can occur. Special explanation is given to the Lutheran concept of the two regiments of God. The peculiarities of the Protestant state concept are then further described with the Lutheran understanding of the social state and of the military service of Christians. Full article

This article re-imagines the conceptual and existential dimensions of religious fundamentalism, which is generally conceived as a belief in the literal interpretation of texts and their application in contemporary society. A major argument in fundamentalism discourse centres on textual religious or sacred texts of organised religions, from which inspiration is usually drawn to counter the corrosive effects of modernisation. The militarisation of sacred texts by religious fundamentalists—a kind of hardware—is predicated on the interpretation of the texts—the software—which provides ideological scaffold to religious fundamentalism. This article argues that though religious fundamentalism is extensively considered textual-based, the Ombatse traditional religious movement—a non-text-based religious movement—challenges not only many of the fundaments of traditional African religious thought but also the text-based thesis of religious fundamentalism. I suggest that Ombatse could be situated, epistemologically, in the locale of resistance to religious colonialism and political marginalisation. Full article

Asian film displays a range of perspectives on ritual and political issues of contest and contestation. Using modified snowball and purposive sampling, film and some television is selected for the presence of ritual politics, political theater, and important Asian cultural, religious, and/or political perspectives. Some perspectives identified are localized, regional, or may have resonance (not representativeness) in many parts of Asia from Kazakhstan, Nepal, India, and eastward; a few preliminary observations are offered in this regard. The current work is an effort in cultural de-coding, and perhaps cultural translation, using qualitative content analysis, coding, and comparative historical–institutional analysis at the intersection of culture and politics. The argument is methodological (qualitative), encouraging political scientists and others with interests in cross-national, comparative, and international religion and politics to delve into thick description using international, foreign-language film as a (relatively unmined) source of cultural data and cultural, values-oriented, and political messaging. Ritual politics is treated herein as formal or informal ritual involving symbolic activities occurring in a religious, semi-religious, or secular context that is used for political purposes, in a political context, or to effect a political message. The current work is preliminary and is part of a larger project; it provides a preliminary spreadsheet of 24 out of over 100 canvassed films seeking to combine conceptual variables with binary coding. Full article

This study critically examines the civil–religious influence of Korean conservative Protestantism, which mobilizes heteronormative strategies to oppose anti-discrimination and family rights legislation, through the lens of Christian normativity. These movements justify heteronormative values by appealing to the immutability of the “creation order” in Genesis. Yet such literalist interpretations disregard contemporary findings in evolutionary biology and animal behavior that document same-sex phenomena across species, thereby framing creation and evolution in rigid opposition. Imported from American fundamentalism, “creation science” has further fueled an anti-intellectual public sentiment that naturalizes heterosexuality as divine law. The absolutism of the creation order and special revelation exposes deep theological contradictions when confronted with the existence of diverse sexual and gender identities. In response, this study turns to process theology, which reimagines creation as open-ended, dynamic, and co-creative. Engaging Catherine Keller’s apophatic theology to reopen theological space for sexual minorities, it further develops Justin Sabia-Tanis’s interpretation of transgender transformation as a process of co-evolution, in dialogue with Donna Haraway’s notion of cyborg hybridity. Moreover, drawing on John B. Cobb Jr.’s “persuasive political theology,” it argues that participation in divine co-creation must be expanded into the socio-political sphere. Ultimately, this study seeks to resist anti-intellectualism and advocate for a transformative Christian civil religion in Korea—one oriented toward justice, inclusion, and continual co-creation. Full article

Climate change is one of the most pressing environmental challenges of our time, with consequences that extend far beyond temperature rise. Its impacts include extreme weather events, sea level rise, biodiversity loss, and disruptions to food and water systems, all of which threaten ecosystems and human well-being. Addressing this crisis requires a broad understanding and engagement from society. However, climate change denial persists, often amplified through online platforms, slowing down effective action. Universities can play a critical role in this context, not only as spaces where scientific knowledge is produced and shared, but also as institutions that train future leaders to respond to environmental crises. In this study, we examined the prevalence of climate change denial among members of a Portuguese public university and explored its relationship with gender, religion, and political orientation. We collected 89 responses and analyzed the data. The findings indicate that individuals with right-leaning political views, certain religious affiliations, and male respondents were more likely to deny climate change. These results highlight the need for targeted educational approaches that address specific audiences, fostering a better understanding of the scientific and environmental realities of climate change, and ultimately promoting informed action toward sustainability. Full article

This study examined the spatial distribution of shamanic practice in contemporary South Korea, focusing on its territorial relationship with institutional religions. Contrary to portrayals of shamanism as a rural remnant or as absorbed by Pentecostal Christianity, population-adjust maps and spatial models reveal substantial concentrations in urban and peri-urban districts. Drawing on a geocoded dataset of 15,639 shamanic sites and 78,323 religious facilities across 229 districts, we estimated the ordinary least squares (OLS), spatial error models, and geographically weighted regression (GWR) models to evaluate how Protestant, Buddhist, and Catholic infrastructures were associated with shamanic site density. Protestant church density showed a consistent negative association with shamanic presence, strongest in regions with concentrated Protestant institutions. Buddhist temples had no uniform national effect but showed positive local associations in certain areas, suggesting localized symbiosis. Catholic sites displayed limited and inconsistent spatial relationships. These results demonstrate two contrasting dynamics: expulsion in Protestant strongholds and symbiosis, where Buddhist institutions allow more accommodation. Shamanism’s contemporary geography reflects adaptation to the territorial politics of institutional religion rather than a cultural revival. Full article