Search Results (51)

Most of the Peruvian inquisitorial processes from the 17th and 18th centuries in the Americas addressed love spells, and not the crimes of heresy they were originally meant to adjudicate. Thanks to the records that have been preserved from the Court of the Peruvian Inquisition, we know that many of the women in the Andes habitually resorted to the practice of witchcraft, divination and prognostication, and that it played an important cultural and social role searching for an update in the future in loving terms. From aristocrats to the displaced, whether European immigrants, Native Americans, or enslaved Africans, witchcraft connected all these female groups in such colonial cities. What were their sorcery practices? What were they trying to achieve with their doings? What does a study of the inquisitorial processes allow us to understand about the social and cultural function of female sorcery? These are some of the questions we answer in this article. Full article

This article reexamines one of Rabbi Nachman of Breslov’s central tales, “The Clever Man and the Simple Man,” through three intertwined foundations that shaped its composition: the Hasidic valorization of the sincere simple person, the story of the Sockmaker in Shivhei ha-Besht, and the myth of Enoch the Shoemaker who became the angel Metatron. While previous scholarship has interpreted the tale primarily as an internal spiritual struggle between intellect and faith, this study argues that the deeper architecture of the story is rooted in these narrative and mythic traditions, which Rabbi Nachman reshapes in order to formulate a new ideal of simplicity. The article demonstrates that the Simple Man—far from the naïve or ignorant figure of folkloric tradition—embodies conscious simplicity, characterized by integrity, inner contentment, and an unmediated orientation toward reality. The analysis further shows how Rabbi Nachman develops the Hasidic tradition that transforms the Enoch myth from a model of mystical theurgy into a paradigm of sanctifying ordinary life through wholehearted presence and trust. In its final section, the article situates the tale within Rabbi Nachman’s broader struggle against the emerging modern spirit. It argues that the story offers a unique understanding of the dangers inherent in Enlightenment and modernity: the root of heresy lies not in intellectual inquiry or philosophical doubt, but in a modern way of life defined by restlessness, dissatisfaction, and a destabilized existential orientation. From this perspective, Rabbi Nachman presents the figure of the Simple Man as the path by which a person “walks with God,” and as a profound response to the spiritual challenges posed by modernity and secularization. Full article

The vision of Albert Maria Weiß on Catholic anti-modernism and his bitter fight against the tendency of adapting Catholic doctrine to the changing world’s expectations was esteemed by Pius X, but his legacy was long forgotten by the Holy See. His rediscovery is due to the 21st-century traditionalist movement, but his vision on modernism is still problematic because of his explication of the corruption that had emerged in Catholic theology. To him, Protestantism is the origine of all heresy, liberalism being its descendant which represents the greatest threat to Catholic doctrine ever: Catholic modernity. His anti-liberal and anti-Protestant visions made him unacceptable to later the mainstream Catholic thought, which supported democratic ideals and oecumenism instead. Full article

Feminist biblical criticism of Proverbs 1–9 has decried the figure of “Dame Folly” as reinforcing pejorative stereotypes of women that blame women for “the world’s sin and corruption.” To be sure, in the history of Christian biblical interpretation, Proverbs has been read in precisely this way—and with tragic consequences. In fact, Proverbs was used as fuel for the witch-hunting craze that infected the Christian West in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with its particular focus on women as being especially “addicted” to heresy and “evil superstitions.” Nonetheless, as this essay demonstrates, a reading which denigrates all women universally as blameworthy is not really native to post-exilic Judaism or biblical literature in general before the Hellenistic period. Instead, it emerges with the influence of Hellenism and the misogynist stereotypes endemic to Greek literature, mythology, and even philosophy that distort and blur the lens through which Hellenistic Jews (and later Greco-Roman Christians) read their Scriptures. Through a reading of Proverbs in its own language, its own post-exilic Jewish world, and its own literary context, this essay both recovers the wise women of Israel, so esteemed and valued in post-exilic Judaism, and uncovers the identity of the real fool of Proverbs 9. Full article

This study examines the theological and liturgical significance of the biblical injunction to “sing a new song,” tracing its deployment across eras of Christian history as both a symbol of renewal and a tool of doctrinal contestation. Focusing on key moments of schism—the early Church’s response to Gnostic and Arian hymnody and Ambrose’s adoption of Eastern antiphonal singing, the article explores how musical form, meter, and performance practice became markers of orthodoxy and heresy long before Reformation-era musical reforms. Drawing on patristic commentary, heresiographical sources, and hymnological analysis, the study highlights how the popular style in various guises was alternately condemned and reclaimed. This suggests that Christian music has consistently evolved through interaction with popular and heterodox forms and that the “new song” in its exegetical form has functioned as a recurring strategy of theological self-definition. Ultimately, the paper argues that disputes over musical style mirror broader tensions between innovation and authority and that the history of hymnody offers a unique lens into the formation of Christian identity. Full article

The image of the Virgin Mary appears with increasing frequency in written sources from the 12th and 13th centuries compared to earlier periods. Three major works produced by four eyewitness authors of the Albigensian Crusade (Historia Albigensis, Chronica, and Canso de la Crozada) reflect on and respond to this popular theme. These sources focus on the Albigensian Crusade against heretical groups, particularly the Cathars, and employ the Virgin Mary motif for various purposes. The Virgin Mary is presented as a Catholic model for women drawn to Catharism (a movement in which female spiritual leadership was also present) as a divine protector of the just side in war and as a means of legitimizing the authors’ claims. While Mary appears sporadically in Peter of Vaux-de-Cernay’s Historia Albigensis, she is extensively invoked in the Canso by both William and his anonymous successor. In contrast, the image of the Virgin Mary is scarcely mentioned in Chronica, likely due to the narrative’s intended audience and objectives. This article aims to provide a comparative analysis of how the image of the Virgin Mary is utilized in these primary sources from the Albigensian Crusade and to offer a new perspective on the relationship between historical events and authors’ intentions, laying the groundwork for further research. Full article

In early modern Islamic thought, the concept of zindīq (heretic) occupied a critical space at the intersection of theology, law, and state authority, particularly in the context of Muslim–Christian relations. One of the most significant scholarly attempts to define this term came from Ibn Kemāl (d. 940/1534), a leading Ottoman jurist and theologian, whose treatise Risāla fī mā yataʿallaq bi-lafẓ al-zindīq (Treatise on the Definition of the Word Zindīq) sought to clarify the precise meaning and legal implications of zandaqa (heresy). This article provides the first English translation and critical edition of Ibn Kemāl’s treatise, making this important work accessible to a wider scholarly audience. Through a close reading of the text, this study examines how Ibn Kemāl systematically distinguished zindīq from murtadd (apostate), mulḥid (disbeliever), and munāfiq (hypocrite), shaping Ottoman legal discourse on heresy. The present analysis further explores the theological and jurisprudential foundations Ibn Kemāl employed to define and punish heretics, particularly in light of the controversial execution of Mollā Kābid (or Mullā Qābiḍ, tr. Molla Kābız), who had asserted the superiority of Jesus over Muhammad. This case demonstrates the presence of polemical debates in the shaping of confessional boundaries in the ninth/fifteenth-century Ottoman Empire and reflects the broader challenges of Muslim–Christian interactions during this period. Additionally, this study investigates the broader implications of Ibn Kemāl’s classification of zindīq within the context of Muslim–Christian relations, considering how interfaith polemics and religious boundary-making influenced Ottoman legal thought. By contextualizing this treatise within early modern Ottoman legal and theological traditions, this study contributes to the understanding of how heresy was redefined in a multi-religious empire navigating theological, political, and interreligious challenges. Full article

The Alevis of Anatolia and the Balkans and the Alawites of Syria and southeastern Turkey are two distinct ethnoreligious communities frequently conflated in both media and scholarly literature, despite their divergent historical origins, theological differences, and varying sociocultural formations. While their shared histories of marginalization and persecution, certain theological parallels, and cognate ethnonyms contribute to this conflation, it largely stems from a broader tendency within mainstream Islamic frameworks to homogenize so-called heterodox communities without sufficient attention to their doctrinal and cultural specificities. This paper, grounded in a synthetic analysis of current scholarship, maps the key historical, theological, and sociocultural intersections and divergences between Alawite and Alevi communities. Situated within the broader framework of intra-Islamic diversity, it seeks to move beyond essentialist and homogenizing paradigms by foregrounding the distinct genealogies of each tradition, rooted, respectively, in the early pro-Alid movements of Iraq and Syria and in Anatolian Sufism. In addition, the study examines the communities’ overlapping political trajectories in the modern era, particularly their alignments with leftist and secular–nationalist currents, as well as their evolving relationship—from mutual unawareness to a recent political rapprochement—prompted by the growing existential threats posed by the rise of Sunni-Salafi Islamist movements. Full article

The capture of Jerusalem during the First Crusade, the extirpation of various heresies in the twelfth and thirteen centuries, the gradual expansion of Christian rule in the Iberian peninsula, and the mass conversion of Jews to Christianity there during the fourteenth century, all seemed to support a Christian triumphalism that imagined that as the End Time approached, Jews and other infidels would inevitably be absorbed into the Church. Nonetheless, an expanding medieval awareness of the many ‘Others’ beyond Christendom contributed to Christian anxieties that Jews (or Muslims) might expand their number through mass conversion, and not Christians. This paper will examine some sources of this anxiety. Full article

This paper investigates the complex relations between the Italian states, particularly Venice and Florence, and France at the beginning (c. 1560–1565) of the French Wars of Religion (c. 1560–1598). Focusing on the early years of the conflict, it highlights the “Italian” perception of France’s politico-religious upheavals and their profound implications for governance and state stability. Drawing on diplomatic correspondence and political reflections, the analysis reveals contrasting approaches among Venetian ambassadors: in particular, Giovanni Michiel advocated conciliatory policies to avert civil war, while Michele Suriano favored uncompromising anti-heresy measures. Niccolò Tornabuoni, serving as the Florentine ambassador in France, evolved from moderate criticism to a rigidly anti-Protestant position, mirroring Cosimo de’ Medici’s shift toward Counter-Reformation policies. This study situates these early reflections within the broader context of Venice’s internal tensions, marked by the diffusion of Reformation ideas and anti-papal currents, and Florence’s strategic alignment with Spain. It also underscores the role of these conflicts in shaping the politico-diplomatic strategies and reinforcing the perceived necessity of religious uniformity as a safeguard against political and social destabilization. The final part is directly linked to the sources and arguments as it contextualizes the diplomatic responses of Venetian and Florentine envoys within the broader political–religious transformations of the period. Full article

This study examines the distinctive male leadership—comprising procurators, parish priests, and chaplains—of the beguinage of St. Elizabeth in Valenciennes during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Contrary to the majority of beguine communities in the southern Low Countries, where leadership appointments were dictated by religious or secular authorities, this community was entitled to elect its male administrators autonomously. The elected were generally influential figures in local religious and secular affairs and maintained a close relationship with the comital family of Hainaut. The analysis will demonstrate how this politically embedded ecclesiastical framework not only ensured doctrinal legitimacy but also mediated conflicts between secular lords and church authorities, thus enabling the community’s survival amid accusations of heresy and institutional repression. By examining the electoral criteria and functional specialization of male leaders, and their interactions with self-governed beguines, this research tries to offer a new perspective on the complex governance strategies of the medieval beguine movement. Full article

“Heretic” is commonly understood as a perspectival term employed by insiders to describe a specific kind of outsider, namely, one who, not only holds to seriously objectionable positions, but having been one of us, should know better. Accordingly, “heretic religiosity” denotes for members of the mother religion a dissenting form of religiosity that deviates too sharply from their own to be contained within it. Michael Walzer’s well-known idea of connected criticism, to which this paper’s title alludes, is a person who firmly opposes his community’s way of life, but chooses to remain within the fold. The type of religious heresy I shall be looking at in the following pages not only chooses to remain within, but is contained within the fold. And not only that, but it is actually formative of the fold. But in that case, why should it be considered heretical? Full article

The text Poxie lun:Daojing shijingfo wen破邪論:道經師敬佛文 (Treatise on Refuting Heresies: On the Respect of Taoist Scriptures for Buddha) records twenty-three items of “miscellaneous ancient records in Taoist scriptures” 道教古經古事雜抄. Half of these entries align with contents found in Dunhuang manuscripts and pertain to the practice of “replacing Buddhism with Taoism”. The Dunhuang manuscripts that involve the content of “replacing Buddhism with Taoism” can be categorized into five situations: First, Taoist scriptures that retain Buddhist terminology which was later replaced by later generations; Second, instances where traces of Buddhist terminology remain, showing signs of having been altered or replaced; Third, cases where the replacement of Buddhist terminology has already been completed in the manuscripts; Fourth, instances where, after replacing Buddhist terminology, the sentence structure was also revised; Fifth, sections that were preserved which, in later generations, were deleted due to their content relating to the blending of Buddhism and Taoism. These instances of “replacing Buddhism with Taoism” may reflect efforts by Taoism to remove Buddhist elements amid criticism or an attempt by Buddhist monks to preserve Buddhism’s sanctity by altering Taoist texts. The Dunhuang Taoist manuscripts offer vibrant historical material for discussing interactions between Buddhism and Taoism in medieval China. Full article

With a few notable exceptions, the word “epinoia” has not been heard with a philosophical ear since the time of Epicurus and the Stoics. In addition to the scarce mentions it had received in philosophy, epinoia was strewn across the plays of Euripides and Aristophanes and, more so, across the canonical body of Christian theology, from Patristics—Origen, Cyril of Alexandria, Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nyssa, Maximus the Confessor—to the late Byzantine period. Straddling the divide between the authorities of the nascent Church and those they suspected of heresy, it made a spectacular appearance in Gnostic texts (The Apocryphon of John), cryptically embodying the reconciliation of knowledge and life. On the margins of the Christian tradition, first-century CE controversial religious figures such as Simon Magus associated epinoia with the great goddess and the womb of existence, even as, three centuries later, Eunomius of Cyzicus—the theological arch-enemy of the Cappadocian Fathers, Basil and Gregory—deplored it for its hollowness and pure conventionality. In this paper, I argue that epinoia is the figure of anarchic intelligence in theology and philosophy alike. The anarchy of epinoia is its note of defiance: the escape from power it plots is the most serious challenge to power, the royal road to liberation from the oppressive unity of Being, Mind, or Concept. Full article

This paper examines a comment by Priscillian (d. c. 385) in his Liber apologeticus that certain people erroneously applied to God the unusual Latin neologism, masculofemina. He contrasts their perspective with scriptural teaching about the Holy Spirit being poured out on both men and women. This raises two questions, namely, how Priscillian’s comment relates to accusations he faced of encouraging dangerous intimacy between men and women and the source of his information about their teaching. This paper argues that the central thrust of Priscillian’s teaching is around the notion that the spirit of prophecy was manifested in both sexes, but that he distinguished his teaching from that of Valentinian gnostics to defend his own orthodoxy. It argues that Priscillian acquired this teaching about God as masculofemina from the translation into Latin of the Aduersus haereses of Irenaeus of Lyons (d. c. 202). The term also occurs within the writing of Marius Victorinus (c. 359–61) in defense of Catholic Christianity. Priscillian drew on Irenaeus to defend the orthodoxy of his notion that the gift of prophecy was given to both men and women. Full article