Search Results (15)

Anti-gender groups, by promoting a Christian-inspired traditional view of family, challenge the idea that European society is becoming more secular. Given that previous literature has highlighted how these groups extensively use digital media and are connected to the Vatican, this article explores the following questions: How do anti-gender groups discuss religion on social media? What is the role of religion for anti-gender activists? By means of a review of research on anti-gender movements, secularism, and activism, this article argues that anti-gender groups do not directly contribute to the growth of religious institutions but use religion to bring actors together in mobilizations, in what I define as an instance of Christian transcalar activism. A mixed-method approach, including quantitative and qualitative analysis of the Instagram pages of the anti-gender group CitizenGO, combined with observations and interviews with activists, suggests that religion is not a central topic in digital narratives, which mainly construct a perceived marginalization of Christians in secular society; however, Catholicism is fundamental for activists as a motivation for action and a socialization force. In conclusion, anti-gender groups’ digital media use connects different actors and mobilizes people who are already religious and who engage in activism through their religious communities. Full article

This study critically examines the civil–religious influence of Korean conservative Protestantism, which mobilizes heteronormative strategies to oppose anti-discrimination and family rights legislation, through the lens of Christian normativity. These movements justify heteronormative values by appealing to the immutability of the “creation order” in Genesis. Yet such literalist interpretations disregard contemporary findings in evolutionary biology and animal behavior that document same-sex phenomena across species, thereby framing creation and evolution in rigid opposition. Imported from American fundamentalism, “creation science” has further fueled an anti-intellectual public sentiment that naturalizes heterosexuality as divine law. The absolutism of the creation order and special revelation exposes deep theological contradictions when confronted with the existence of diverse sexual and gender identities. In response, this study turns to process theology, which reimagines creation as open-ended, dynamic, and co-creative. Engaging Catherine Keller’s apophatic theology to reopen theological space for sexual minorities, it further develops Justin Sabia-Tanis’s interpretation of transgender transformation as a process of co-evolution, in dialogue with Donna Haraway’s notion of cyborg hybridity. Moreover, drawing on John B. Cobb Jr.’s “persuasive political theology,” it argues that participation in divine co-creation must be expanded into the socio-political sphere. Ultimately, this study seeks to resist anti-intellectualism and advocate for a transformative Christian civil religion in Korea—one oriented toward justice, inclusion, and continual co-creation. Full article

This study examines how anti-gender actors represent themselves as legitimate participants in debates on equality politics. Drawing on Mouffe’s distinction between agonism and antagonism, we argue that anti-gender actors foster conflict and exclusion through “moral panic” and the “politics of fear” regarding the issues related to equality politics, while at the same time presenting themselves as neutral, rational, and pluralistic. This dual strategy allows them to insert themselves into democratic debate and present themselves as legitimate “adversaries” rather than “enemies” to those who genuinely advocate for equality politics. We contend that such efforts to simulate agonism are particularly evident in Slovenia, where anti-gender organisations operate as covert allies of the Roman Catholic Church. In a context where public trust in the Church is low and the separation of church and state is strongly valued, efforts to re-Catholicise society rely on secularised means. We argue that this renders strategies of simulating agonism and conforming to secular–democratic values especially salient in the Slovenian context. To identify these strategies, we conducted semi-structured interviews with Slovenian anti-gender actors. Our analysis revealed four interrelated tactics: “self-victimisation”, portraying themselves as excluded and marginalised; “call for dialogue,” stressing a purported willingness to engage with opponents; “depoliticisation”, framing their role as neutral and non-ideological; and “claim of public support”, invoking a “silenced majority” allegedly constrained by a prevailing climate of “leftist” fear and censorship. The significance of this study lies in the fact that, despite extensive scholarly work on anti-gender mobilisations, analyses drawing on interviews with anti-gender actors themselves remain rare. Full article

In this work, we examine the correlation between financial inclusion and the Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) factors of sustainable development with the assistance of an exhaustive panel dataset of 103 emerging and developing economies spanning 2011 to 2022. The “Account Age” variable, standing for financial inclusion, is the share of adults owning accounts with formal financial institutions or with the providers of mobile money services, inclusive of both conventional and digital entry points. Methodologically, the article follows an econometric approach with panel data regressions, supplemented by Two-Stage Least Squares (2SLS) with instrumental variables in order to control endogeneity biases. ESG-specific instruments like climate resilience indicators and digital penetration measures are utilized for the purpose of robustness. As a companion approach, the paper follows machine learning techniques, applying a set of algorithms either for regression or for clustering for the purpose of detecting non-linearities and discerning ESG-inclusion typologies for the sample of countries. Results reflect that financial inclusion is, in the Environmental pillar, significantly associated with contemporary sustainability activity such as consumption of green energy, extent of protected area, and value added by agriculture, while reliance on traditional agriculture, measured by land use and value added by agriculture, decreases inclusion. For the Social pillar, expenditure on education, internet, sanitation, and gender equity are prominent inclusion facilitators, while engagement with the informal labor market exhibits a suppressing function. For the Governance pillar, anti-corruption activity and patent filing activity are inclusive, while diminishing regulatory quality, possibly by way of digital governance gaps, has a negative correlation. Policy implications are substantial: the research suggests that development dividends from a multi-dimensional approach can be had through enhancing financial inclusion. Policies that intersect financial access with upgrading the environment, social expenditure, and institutional reconstitution can simultaneously support sustainability targets. These are the most applicable lessons for the policy-makers and development professionals concerned with the attainment of the SDGs, specifically over the regions of the Global South, where the trinity of climate resilience, social fairness, and institutional renovation most significantly manifests. Full article

‘Marriage equality’ has been a widely used slogan and mobilizing concept for LGBTQ+ rights’ movements across the globe striving for formal recognition for ‘same-sex’ or ‘same-gender’ marriages. In this article, we critically interrogate the terminology and political rationality that have given shape to ‘marriage equality’ campaigns. We demonstrate the structural erasure of non-monogamous relations and populations from the changes hoped for and envisioned in these mobilizations. The lack of any genuine and substantial concern with consensual non-monogamies (CNMs) from most of the literature in the field highlights the close entanglement of marriage with monogamy. As a result, ideas are scarce about how meaningful and adequate legal recognition and social policy provisions for a wide range of intimate, sexual, familial, and/or caring bonds or constellations on the CNM continuum could look like. We argue that the critique of the mononormativity inherent to marriage is fundamental to understanding the role of this in the 21st century. We identify the roots of the mononormativity of marriage in its governmental role as a necropolitical and biopolitical technology, evidenced by its ‘civilizing’ function in white settler colonial projects. Because of this, an expansion of the call for equality to include non-monogamous populations does not resolve but rather aggravates the problem. We conclude that any truly queer politics of CNM consequently needs to be anti-marriage. Full article

This article explores the complex challenges of combating Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) in the counties of Garissa and Isiolo (Kenya) amidst environmental stressors, particularly drought and food insecurity. FGM persists as a deeply entrenched form of violence against women and girls (VAWG), profoundly rooted in social and traditional beliefs. This practice is often justified by cultural norms but leads to severe physical, psychological, and social harm, perpetuating cycles of gender inequality. Framing FGM as VAWG prioritises its recognition as a violation of human rights and underscores the need for comprehensive, culturally sensitive, and rights-based interventions. In addition, this study investigates how these challenges intersect and complicate efforts to address FGM, focusing on two counties in Kenya known for their adherence to this practice. The research methodology employs a longitudinal panel study design, drawing on in-depth narrative interviews with community narrators. A follow-up data collection was planned after six months to monitor changes over time. Furthermore, this research examines the impact of environmental stressors, such as drought and food insecurity, on educational access, resource availability, and community responses to interventions aimed at eradicating FGM. Findings reveal a complex interplay between cultural norms, economic hardships, and the perpetuation of FGM. Drought and food insecurity exacerbate vulnerabilities within communities, diverting attention and resources away from efforts to challenge ingrained practices like FGM. The article underscores the need for holistic approaches that integrate anti-FGM initiatives into broader resilience-building strategies. It emphasises community engagement, culturally sensitive education, and economic empowerment as pivotal elements in addressing FGM within the context of environmental stressors. Recommendations include mobile education units, community-based empowerment programs, and partnerships with local leaders to foster sustainable change. This case study contributes valuable insights into the challenges of combatting FGM in the face of environmental stressors, shedding light on the intricacies that hinder progress. It advocates for a comprehensive, context-specific approach that recognises and navigates the intersecting challenges posed by cultural norms and environmental crises in the fight against FGM. Full article

In spring 2023, controversy arose over Spring Fever, an annual campaign to promote sexual and relationship education in primary schools in The Netherlands. This led to parliamentary questions and even death threats against employees of Rutgers, The Netherlands Center on Sexuality, which developed the program. This article examines how child sexuality was framed both in the Spring Fever project and in the resulting controversy. The analysis is based on newspaper articles from March to June 2023. One premise of Spring Fever is that children are seen as sexual agents able to develop their sexuality safely through age-appropriate education, which aims for children’s healthy development, including negotiating consent and experiencing pleasure. During the 2023 controversy, discourses of childhood innocence emerged in response to this, alongside accusations of focusing too much on “woke” themes, such as gender diversity. This paper concludes that, due to global anti-gender movements and local right-wing politics, the Dutch model of sex education—pragmatic, comprehensive, and evidence-based, as seen in Spring Fever—no longer maintains its depoliticizing effect. Additionally, the Spring Fever controversy signals a shift in the politics of sexual nationalism in The Netherlands. Full article

This study explores the representation of radical and anti-radical ideologies among German Islamic TikTok creators, analyzing 2983 videos from 43 accounts through qualitative content analysis. The results reveal two main content clusters: religious practice involving social/lifestyle issues and political activism around Muslim grievances. Victimization, found in 150 videos, was the most common indicator associated with radicalization and emerged as a source of political activism and subversive discourse. Overall, indicators of radicalism were scarce, suggesting that visible mainstream Islamic creators do not exhibit high levels of radical ideology. However, this also reflects a selection bias in the design of this study, which systematically overlooks fringe actors. In addition, religious advocacy was the most common topic (1144 videos), serving as a source of guidance and motivation, but was occasionally linked to sectarianism and rigid religious interpretations. Male creators posted more religious/theological videos; female creators posted more lifestyle videos. However, gender distinctions are limited due to the low representation of female creators (6). Some topics, such as the hijab, served as an intersection between religious practice and politicized narratives. This study highlights TikTok’s role in promoting diverse ideological views and shaping community engagement, knowledge sharing, and political mobilization within Germany’s Muslim digital landscape. Full article

The outbreak of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has greatly threatened the global health system and triggered the public health emergency. In order to manage the COVID-19 pandemic, healthcare and prevention information have been delivered through omni-media channels (e.g., television, radio, social platform, etc.). As a traditional outlet, the short message service (SMS) can timely provide abundant anti-epidemic alerts to mobile users. In this paper, we aim to investigate mobile users’ attitudes toward COVID-19 public-interest SMS sent from government authorities and then explore the insight from messaging texts collected between January and April 2020 in China. In general, respondents show a positive attitude towards content and the necessity of public-interest SMS during the pandemic. However, we find that gender and age differences not only affect content evaluation, but also influence reading and forwarding behaviors. For the necessity of SMS, it shows significant difference between the 18–25-year-old and over 40-year-old group, with the middle and elder group showing serious attitudes and giving higher remarks than the youth due to the habits of media usage. However no significant difference is presented between females and males. In terms of content, the category of topics and releasing institutions are analyzed, respectively. Due to the centralized responses and coordination of prevention and control in China, the messages from COVID-19 disposal organizations (e.g., municipal steering group and provincial CDC) account for more than 70% among four cities. Full article

Throughout the Trump administration, media coverage of extremist factions of the American right grew considerably, as did the actual membership and numbers of those factions. Included among these factions, and operating on a spectrum that ranges from the center-to-fringe right, are white supremacist, Christian nationalist, and militia/patriot/sovereign citizen (broadly termed constitutionalist) movements. While the American right is heterogeneous, most of these groups are composed of white men, and male supremacism is often a common ideological denominator. Based on historical trends, recent activity, and ongoing movement mobilizations, we should anticipate increased recruitment and activism on the part of anti-statist right-wing groups during the Biden administration. While much has been written about the threat of terroristic violence these groups pose and their varying levels of engagement with white supremacist beliefs, examinations of gender have largely focused on masculinity. This note takes up the relationship between anti-statist right-wing movements and women by sketching three key areas that warrant further examination: (1) how collective interpretations of the law leave women vulnerable by refusing the legitimacy of federal legislation; (2) the threat of militia violence against women, particularly those who hold elected office; (3) how racial and gender exclusions preclude women from having their claims to membership in anti-statist right-wing movements be fully recognized. As we take stock of the growing threat posed by these movements, it is incumbent on us to critically examine the threats to women’s rights posed by the anti-statist right. Full article

Considering the importance of the cutaneous tissue investigation and the need for the development of new protocols to non-invasively establish the safety and efficacy of dermocosmetics and topical products, we aimed at developing an HPLC-TBARS-EVSC (high performance liquid chromatography–thiobarbituric acid reactive species–ex vivo stratum corneum) assay for the lipid peroxidation measurement on subjects’ stratum corneum (SC) obtained by tape stripping; additionally, we applied the HPLC-TBARS-EVSC assay in an emulsified sunscreen system containing ethylhexyl triazone and bemotrizinol as UV filters. HPLC analysis was performed in isocratic mode with 35% methanol/65% phosphate buffer (pH 7.0) as the mobile phase. The diode detector was set at 532 nm to quantify the malondialdehyde (MDA)-TBA adduct. An ex vivo tape stripping method was applied in 10 volunteers in three pre-defined regions of the volar forearms: the control; the irradiated; and the site containing the sunscreen (2.0 mg·cm⁻²). Ten adhesive tapes per region were used for SC removal. An exclusive ex vivo protocol to measure SC lipid peroxidation was preliminarily developed with linearity and selectivity. The protocol suggested the use of an artificial irradiation dose (5506 KJ·m⁻²) to improve the assay response from the SC. The sunscreen system had a significative decrease in SC lipoperoxidative damage compared to the control. Our protocol can aid in the efficacy establishment of anti-UV and antioxidant agents, for instance, in studies that aim at elucidating the level of SC lipid peroxidation and even in carrying out baseline investigations characterizing different ethnicities and genders. Full article

Context. Asynchronous messaging is increasingly used to support human–machine interactions, generally implemented through chatbots. Such virtual entities assist the users in activities of different kinds (e.g., work, leisure, and health-related) and are becoming ingrained into humans’ habits due to factors including (i) the availability of mobile devices such as smartphones and tablets, (ii) the increasingly engaging nature of chatbot interactions, (iii) the release of dedicated APIs from messaging platforms, and (iv) increasingly complex AI-based mechanisms to power the bots’ behaviors. Nevertheless, most of the modern chatbots rely on state machines (implementing conversational rules) and one-fits-all approaches, neglecting personalization, data-stream privacy management, multi-topic management/interconnection, and multimodal interactions. Objective. This work addresses the challenges above through an agent-based framework for chatbot development named EREBOTS. Methods. The foundations of the framework are based on the implementation of (i) multi-front-end connectors and interfaces (i.e., Telegram, dedicated App, and web interface), (ii) enabling the configuration of multi-scenario behaviors (i.e., preventive physical conditioning, smoking cessation, and support for breast-cancer survivors), (iii) online learning, (iv) personalized conversations and recommendations (i.e., mood boost, anti-craving persuasion, and balance-preserving physical exercises), and (v) responsive multi-device monitoring interface (i.e., doctor and admin). Results. EREBOTS has been tested in the context of physical balance preservation in social confinement times (due to the ongoing pandemic). Thirteen individuals characterized by diverse age, gender, and country distribution have actively participated in the experimentation, reporting advancements in the physical balance and overall satisfaction of the interaction and exercises’ variety they have been proposed. Full article

The present article analyzes the category of “sexual exploitation” based upon the practices that are generally pointed to as part of this category, paying particular attention to its implications and effects on the lives of adolescents and upon state, social movement, and academic abilities to understand the social relationships framed by this category. Our analysis is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out between 2010 and 2015 among state agents and youth in the sex markets of two Brazilian cities in the Amazon border region. Our empirical data are connected to national and international literature, institutional documents, and our participation in educational activities regarding “sexual exploitation”. Our work indicates that “sexual exploitation” has been institutionally constructed as a poorly defined device that mobilizes conservative moralities regarding youth, sexuality, money, mobility, and gender experimentation. We also find that the youth involved in sex markets do not recognize the legitimacy of the policies carried out in the name of “combatting anti-sexual exploitation”. We conclude that the performative production of “sexual exploitation” as a logic of governmentality feeds back into an institutional grammar of distancing, perplexity, immobility, and excuses. This grammar does not contemplate—let alone care about—the gender experiences, sexualities, economic lives and affective troubles of the youth it targets for surveillance and tutelage. Full article

This article is an empirical investigation into the visual mobilization strategies by far-right political parties for election campaigns constructing Muslim immigrants as a “threat” to the nation. Drawing on an interdisciplinary theoretical approach of social movement studies and research on media and communication, I focus on the far-right political party Alternative for Germany (AfD), which has produced several widespread inflammatory series of visual election posters featuring anti-Islam rhetoric, combined with provocative images of gender and sexuality. By approaching visual politics through a perspective on actors constructing visual forms of political mobilization, I show how far-right populist “movement parties” are supported by professional graphic designers commercializing extremist ideologies by creating ambivalent images and text messages. My findings on the AfD’s visual campaign politics document the instrumentalization and appropriation of the rhetoric of women’s empowerment and LGBT rights discourse, helping the AfD to rebrand its image as a liberal democratic opposition party, while at the same time, maintaining its illiberal political agenda on gender and sexuality. Visual representations of gender and sexuality in professionally created election posters served to ridicule and shame Muslim minorities and denounce their “Otherness”—while also promoting a heroic self-image of the party as a savior of white women and Western civilization from the threat of male Muslim migrants. By documenting the visual politics of the AfD, as embedded in transnational cooperation between different actors, including visual professional graphic designers and far-right party activists, my multimodal analysis shows how far-right movement parties marketize and commercialize their image as “progressive” in order to reach out to new voters. Full article

While coming out or the telling of sexual selves for LGBTQ+ people is often seen as the final step toward living a free and healthy life, lesbians who also identify as feminists embark on a life-long journey in which the plot ebbs and flows around activism and mobilization. Their goal is not only to come out, but to be out. Both cisgender radical-lesbian feminists and trans feminists consider coming out as not only crucial for the realization of self, but also an important tactic for taking up space and intervening in a heteronormative world. But, while the original theories of radical feminism advocated a fierce anti-essentialism, some contemporary radical feminists continue to focus on biology and questions like “what is a woman?” I hope to refocus the question to ask: how are narrative audiences, discursive forms of text, and spaces important for feminists as they realize lesbian or trans identities and communities? Data come from a historical printed newsletter by self-described radical feminists practicing lesbian separatism and two current micro-blogs, one surrounding radical-feminist narratives and the other around trans feminism. Through a textual analysis, I show how self-proclaimed radical feminists and trans feminists use poetic and emotive writing to produce different kinds of narratives about coming out and being out in different spaces and for unique audiences. Ultimately, these discursive forms are important for communities as members’ stories challenge and are impacted by public narratives of gender, essentialism, and cis- and hetero-normativity. Full article