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Article

Exploring ALZHIR Through Dark Tourism Lenses: Representations, Commemoration and Emotions

Department of Human Geography, University of Szeged, Egyetem u. 2, 6722 Szeged, Hungary
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Authors to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Tour. Hosp. 2025, 6(4), 220; https://doi.org/10.3390/tourhosp6040220
Submission received: 26 August 2025 / Revised: 4 October 2025 / Accepted: 11 October 2025 / Published: 18 October 2025

Abstract

Dark tourism sites serve as powerful spaces where history, memory, and emotion intersect, shaping both individual experiences and collective narratives. The aim of this paper is to investigate how dark tourism narratives are constructed around post-Soviet memory and gendered suffering. A mixed-methods approach was employed, including content analysis of media sources (2013–2023), semiotic analysis of brochures and promotional materials, and survey data with Likert and open-ended questions (n = 250) collected via QR codes in 2023. ALZHIR (Akmolinski Lager Zhen Izmennikov Rodiny) is predominantly portrayed as a symbol of Soviet repression and gendered trauma. Media visibility remains limited due to geographic isolation, while museum narratives emphasize resilience and national unity. ALZHIR functions both as a commemorative and political space, blending authentic storytelling with state narratives. This study contributes to the international dark tourism literature by highlighting the transformative role of emotion, the politicization of memory in post-Soviet states, and the underexplored dimension of gendered suffering.

1. Introduction

Dark tourism, the visitation of sites associated with suffering and death, has increasingly become a significant field of academic interest due to its complex interconnection between history, memory, and emotional engagement. In addition to involving deeper cognitive and emotional experiences, this unusual type of tourism frequently forces tourists to face challenging or uncomfortable parts of the past (Stone, 2006). Because of their strong emotional and historical significance, places associated with political repression, such as the concentration camps of the Soviet Union, occupy a particularly significant position among these sites.
One destination that is becoming progressively more important in research on dark tourism is the Akmola Camp for Wives of Traitors to the Motherland, or ALZHIR as it is commonly known. Founded in 1938 outside the village of Akmol, close to modern-day Astana, Kazakhstan, ALZHIR was one of the biggest Soviet women’s work camps, housing more than 18,000 women whose main “crime” was their family relationships with males who were considered enemies of politics. A stark example of Soviet political repression, the camp was characterized by forced labor, appalling living circumstances, malnutrition, and profound mental distress brought on by the wrongful detention and family separation (Kukushkina, 2003).
Being a memorial site today, ALZHIR connects historical crimes with current initiatives for awareness-raising, education, and remembrance. In contrast to more widely known dark tourism destinations like Auschwitz, its portrayal in the media, marketing strategies, and tourist experiences remains comparatively understudied, despite its rich historical relevance and possible educational value. Exploring how ALZHIR’s storyline is created and consumed, as well as how these narratives impact historical consciousness and communal memory, is made possible by this important void in scholarly focus.
Unlike other labor Gulag camps, ALZHIR functioned as a site of gendered repression, incarcerating women solely due to kinship ties. This dimension of collective punishment not only differentiates ALZHIR within the Gulag archipelago but also profoundly shapes visitor responses to narratives of family separation and maternal suffering.
This study addresses this gap by examining three interconnected aspects of ALZHIR as a dark tourism site: media representation, marketing strategies employed by the museum, and visitor perceptions and experiences. By integrating content analysis of contemporary media, semiotic analysis of marketing materials, and quantitative and qualitative surveys of museum visitors, the research provides a comprehensive assessment of how ALZHIR is framed, presented, and perceived. Such an examination is particularly relevant given ALZHIR’s unique historical context and geographic isolation, factors that significantly shape both its representational narrative and visitors’ emotional experiences (Assylkhanova et al., 2025).
The purpose of this multifaceted research is to clarify the intricate details of ALZHIR’s dark tourism. It investigates how memories of adversity and resiliency are told and heard, as well as how they add to larger discussions about historical justice, national identity, and human rights education. Ultimately, understanding ALZHIR’s representation and perception offers significant insights into the broader dynamics of memory-making in post-totalitarian societies, highlighting the delicate balance between commemoration, commercialization, and emotional authenticity inherent in dark tourism. This study addresses the following questions: (1) How is ALZHIR represented in media? (2) How does the museum present itself through institutional marketing? (3) How do visitors emotionally perceive and respond to the site? Together, these guide the analysis of ALZHIR as a dark tourism space. This study not only describes how ALZHIR is represented but also advances theory by examining how emotions such as sadness and heartbreak operate as mechanisms of memory-making. Practically, it explores how geographic isolation constrains visibility while suggesting digital dark tourism as a compensatory strategy. Politically, the research interrogates how state-led narratives of unity intersect with victim-centered remembrance, shaping the commemorative landscape.

2. Literature Review

Lennon and Foley (2000) were the first to explicitly establish the idea of dark tourism, which is the practice of visiting locations that have historically been linked to death, misery, and tragedy. They linked this concept to the postmodern situation and the mediatization of trauma. The term “thanatourism,” introduced by Seaton (1996), emphasizes the death-related reasons for such travel. Since then, academics have highlighted the variety of reasons why people engage in dark tourism, from voyeuristic curiosity and emotional absorption to historical interest and education (Sharpley & Stone, 2009).
According to Stone’s (2006) taxonomy of the “dark tourism spectrum,” different locations have varying degrees of commercialism, authenticity, and political framing. Stone places sites such as the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum toward the “darker” end where authenticity, educational goals, and reverence dominate, while commercial horror attractions occupy the “lighter” end. ALZHIR, like other past political prisons, falls into the category of “dark camps of incarceration.” These websites offer a complex blend of emotional experience, ideological narrative, and educational mission. Like Robben Island in South Africa or Tuol Sleng in Cambodia, ALZHIR offers a deeply politicized, historically grounded, and emotionally resonant space. It is not simply about spectacle but about the act of remembrance, public education, and political identity formation. The site stands as a sobering testament to gendered suffering under totalitarian regimes and is now framed through institutional narratives that blend personal memory with national discourse.
Research in recent years has focused on figuring out why visitors are initially drawn to these emotionally charged destinations. In academic discourse, the emotional and motivational foundations of dark tourism have taken center stage. The recent work by Jiang and McCabe (2023), which examined basic human motivations via the perspective of dark tourism, is a particularly insightful contribution in this field. They contend that core motivations including family-related care, affiliation with a group, and social status drive visits to dark sites, drawing on evolutionary psychology. These motivations have a strong connection to moral engagement, empathy, and collective values in addition to personal curiosity and thrill-seeking. Their research also revealed that people’s interpretations and emotional reactions to these places were strongly influenced by their gender, cultural background, and past trauma exposure.

2.1. Soviet Dark Heritage

Across the context of dark tourism discussions, the portrayal of pain and repression in post-Soviet spaces, especially those associated with Stalinist atrocities, makes a unique case. Former Gulag camps occupy a more ambiguous space than Holocaust or apartheid memorial sites, whose memorialization and educational frameworks have been formed by a multinational moral consensus. These locations are torn between continuing political discussions about historical justice, selective remembering, and forgetting.
This complexity is particularly evident in Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan, a former Soviet republic and a key hub in the enormous Gulag archipelago, was the site of some of the most infamous work camps, such as ALZHIR, a camp exclusively for women who were the spouses of males who were deemed “enemies of the nation.” The country now faces the challenge of memorializing these repressive histories within a framework of national identity that simultaneously distances itself from Soviet authoritarianism yet remains culturally and institutionally shaped by its legacy.
According to academics like Merridale (2001) and Etkind (2013), Soviet trauma, especially that connected to the Gulag, was traditionally concealed. For decades, there was no public discussion or official acknowledgement since memory was institutionally and socially suppressed. However, there has been a slow movement in recent years to face this history. In this process, memorial museums like ALZHIR are essential because they serve as both venues for renegotiating collective memory and places of recollection.
As highlighted by Tumarkin (1994) and Light (2014), the conflict between political instrumentalization and genuine remembrance frequently shapes post-Soviet memorial rituals. Museums and memorials aim to educate the public and pay tribute to the victims, but they are also sometimes incorporated into state-sponsored narratives that support current political goals. For instance, public memorials in Kazakhstan frequently highlight the country’s resiliency and solidarity, portraying Stalinist persecution as a common hardship that bolstered Kazakhstan’s post-independence fortitude and multicultural culture (Kundakbayeva & Kassymova, 2016).
This duality is best illustrated by ALZHIR. The theme of gendered suffering frequently runs across its exhibits, brochures, and educational programs, highlighting the particular predicament of women who endure imprisonment purely because of their familial ties. In keeping with Kazakhstan’s larger soft-power strategy of cultural diplomacy and civic nationalism, the website is thoughtfully designed to advance principles of peace, human dignity, and national reconciliation (Laruelle, 2016). This story illustrates the changing relationship between memory, grieving, and sovereignty in a post-authoritarian setting; it is neither totally made up nor wholly natural.
In this context, Kazakhstan deliberately uses sites such as ALZHIR to project a narrative of national resilience and unity to both domestic and international audiences. Domestically, the memorial reinforces civic identity and collective suffering as a foundation of national solidarity, while abroad it is integrated into Kazakhstan’s soft-power initiatives that emphasize peace, tolerance, and reconciliation. This overt state strategy illustrates how dark heritage is mobilized not only for commemoration, but also for the construction of a civic national identity and the cultivation of international legitimacy.

2.2. Concentration Camps as Dark Tourism Sites

Former concentration camps worldwide have emerged as symbols within the landscape of dark tourism, serving as both pilgrimage sites and pedagogical arenas. Yet not all camps are remembered or marketed equally. Whereas Nazi camps like Auschwitz have become universally recognized as sites of genocide and historical horror, Gulag camps, including Karlag, or ALZHIR, continue to struggle for visibility within global collective memory.
While the Holocaust has been institutionalized through extensive networks of museums, education, and international commemoration days, the Gulag has not been as well incorporated into the global memory culture, according to Applebaum (2003) and Barnes (2011). This absence results from the complicated politics of remembrance following the Cold War, not from a lack of scope or suffering, millions of people died in Soviet labor camps. Remembrance of the Gulag is more politically charged since it is frequently embroiled in ideological ambiguities and Cold War legacies, in contrast to the Holocaust, which falls into a moral narrative of right versus wrong.
A memorial concept based on documentary realism and the preservation of genuine physical evidence has been created by sites such as Auschwitz-Birkenau in Poland. Though precisely organized, the experience focuses on historical witness, facts, and stillness. Similar themes of emancipation, resistance, and reconciliation have emerged in the story of Robben Island in South Africa, the site of Nelson Mandela’s detention as a political prisoner. Former inmates who lead tours add a personal, intimate element to the experience, enhancing its genuineness and emotional impact.
In contrast, ALZHIR navigates a more hybrid identity. It incorporates elements of both commemoration and state-directed didacticism. While the museum displays artifacts, personal stories, and memorial sculptures (like the evocative “Despair and Powerlessness” statue), it also reflects the state’s broader messaging. Guided tours often emphasize themes of moral resilience, the importance of family, and the value of peace messages that, while meaningful, may dilute the raw political critique inherent in the camp’s history.
Recently published research highlights how narrative framing significantly influences the experience of visitors to concentration camps. For instance, Lundin et al. (2025) contend that emotionally taxing material encourages moral thought and cognitive engagement when presented in a sympathetic and narratively rich setting. Furthermore, Sigala and Steriopoulos (2021) point out that the emotional impact of these locations is largely dependent on how physical architecture and personal narratives inspire reflection and empathy.
Comparative scholarship on post-Soviet dark heritage illustrates that Kazakhstan is not alone in mobilizing sites of repression for both remembrance and identity-building. In Latvia, for example, the Museum of the Occupation of Latvia in Riga documents both Soviet and Nazi repressions, presenting Latvians primarily as victims rather than perpetrators and reinforcing the country’s European democratic identity (Eglitis, 2002). The Karosta Prison Museum in Liepaja has become a well-known dark tourism attraction, offering immersive experiences of former Soviet military imprisonment while symbolically underlining Latvia’s historical suffering and resilience. Similarly, the Salaspils Memorial near Riga commemorates Nazi atrocities, embedding national victimhood within a broader international memory culture. These examples show how post-Soviet states integrate dark heritage into national and international narratives, using traumatic pasts as resources for political legitimacy, education, and tourism development. Kazakhstan’s case, with ALZHIR as a focal site, resonates with these trends but also differs in its emphasis on gendered suffering and multicultural solidarity as foundations of national resilience.
In the end, drawing parallels between Robben Island and Auschwitz or ALZHIR highlights the disparities in the institutionalization, dissemination, and consumption of historical tragedy. Each location offers a unique history as well as an emotive architecture that is influenced by local memory politics, geopolitical backdrop, and the target audience for the narrative.

2.3. Representation and Self-Representation in Dark Tourism

The way that tourists perceive and interact emotionally with dark tourism locations is greatly influenced by representation. According to Hall’s (1997) theory of representation, power dynamics shape language, symbols, and narratives, all of which are used to build meaning. These representations in the context of dark tourism are frequently selected by a range of stakeholders, including as local communities, state institutions, and the media, all of whom add to the interpretive framework of the site.
The importance of storytelling in improving visitors’ experiences at dark sites has been highlighted by recent studies. According to Lin et al. (2024), visitors’ flow experiences are enhanced by narrative, which also favorably affects their behavioral intentions. According to their research, national identity can mitigate these effects, implying that culturally relevant stories help visitors develop stronger bonds with the location. A deeper comprehension of the historical and emotional context of the location can be facilitated by the elicitation of empathy and compassion through effective storytelling.
At ALZHIR, self-representation involves curating narratives that emphasize victimization, resilience, and national unity. This approach aligns with Kazakhstan’s broader strategy of promoting a collective memory that transcends ethnic divisions. The site’s exhibitions and commemorative practices are designed to foster a sense of shared history and identity, reinforcing themes of endurance and reconciliation. Such narratives are instrumental in shaping visitors’ perceptions, guiding them toward a reflective engagement with the site’s past.
Digital media’s influence on representations at dark tourism destinations has also drawn awareness. In the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone, Laaksonen and Varga (2023) performed a multi-method analysis of tour guides’ attitudes toward tourists who took selfies. The study demonstrated the difficulties of self-representation in dark tourism situations by exposing conflicts between visitors’ ambitions for self-expression and guides’ demands for polite conduct. In order to strike a balance between site sensitivity and individual expression, these findings highlight the necessity of explicit regulations and instructional initiatives.

2.4. Tourist Perception and Emotional Experience

Emotional engagement is central to the dark tourism experience, often leading to transformative personal journeys (Assylkhanova, 2022). Visitors may initially experience feelings of sadness or discomfort, which can evolve into personal growth and increased well-being. Lundin et al. (2025) applied the Broaden-and-Build theory to dark tourism, demonstrating how negative emotions can lead to positive outcomes such as activism and enhanced well-being. Their research suggests that emotional challenges encountered at dark sites can broaden individuals’ thought–action repertoires, fostering resilience and social connectedness.
The importance of emotional involvement in the process of creating meaning at dark tourist destinations was highlighted by Sigala and Steriopoulos (2021). According to their autoethnographic research, storytelling and immersive encounters promote in-depth comprehension and introspection. Visitors might gain a more complex understanding of the site’s historical significance and current relevance by emotionally connecting with its narratives.
The emotional experiences of travelers are also influenced by sensory factors, especially visual stimuli. According to Lv et al. (2022), visual darkness can influence tourists’ emotions and perceptions, underscoring the significance of sensory design in dark tourism. According to their research, well-chosen visual settings might heighten the experience’s authenticity by provoking more intense emotional responses and in-depth mental processes.
The combination of narrative storytelling, sensory aspects, and self-reflection chances at ALZHIR results in a complex visitor experience. The site promotes a thorough comprehension of its historical background and lasting influence by appealing to a variety of senses and emotional pathways. This all-encompassing strategy strengthens the transformative potential of dark tourism by educating tourists while also encouraging empathy and a sense of commonality.

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Study Area

The ALZHIR Memorial Museum and Memorial Complex is situated in the village of Akmol in the Tselinograd district of Kazakhstan, approximately 20 miles southwest of Astana (See Figure 1). It occupies the historical site of the former Akmola Camp for Wives of Traitors to the Motherland. Established in 1938, ALZHIR was one of the largest women’s labor camps in the Soviet Union, incarcerating over 18,000 women (See Table 1 for ethnic composition of prisoners) whose primary “offense” was their association with men labeled as “enemies of the nation.” The ethnic composition of prisoners at ALZHIR underscores the camp’s transnational and multi-ethnic character (Museum ALZHIR, n.d.-b). As shown in Table 1, Russian women formed the largest group (n = 4390), followed by Jewish women (n = 852), Ukrainians (n = 740), and Poles (n = 173). Smaller but notable representations included Germans (169), Latvians (101), Kazakhs (88), Armenians (79), and Tatars (70), alongside isolated cases of French, Swedish, Japanese, Austrian, and other women (Museum ALZHIR, n.d.-b). This diversity illustrates the broad reach of Stalinist repression and reflects how political purges transcended ethnic and geographic boundaries. Importantly, the presence of women from both Soviet republics and European countries challenges narratives that frame ALZHIR solely within local or national histories (Museum ALZHIR, n.d.-a). Instead, it should be seen as a site of universal suffering and shared trauma across cultures and nationalities. These women endured severe conditions, including forced labor, inadequate nutrition, and the psychological trauma of family separation. The camp’s infrastructure included barbed wire fences, watchtowers, communal barracks, and facilities for agricultural and industrial work. Today, according to the memorial’s official website, the site functions as a memorial complex, featuring reconstructed barracks, commemorative monuments, and exhibitions that chronicle the harrowing experiences of its former inmates (Museum ALZHIR, n.d.-a). The website of the museum had a 3D tour for potential visitors.
The diverse ethnic composition underscores ALZHIR’s transnational character. With prisoners from more than 40 ethnic groups, the camp was not solely a Kazakh or Soviet site of suffering but a crossroads of global repression. Women from across the Soviet republics (Russians, Ukrainians, Kazakhs, Armenians, Tatars) were imprisoned alongside Europeans (Poles, Austrians, Germans, French, Swedes, and even Japanese) (Museum ALZHIR, n.d.-b). This diversity demonstrates how Stalinist purges transcended national borders and cultural boundaries, transforming ALZHIR into a space of universalized victimhood. In this sense, the camp should be interpreted not only as part of Kazakhstan’s national memory but as a transnational site that connects multiple histories of displacement, exile, and repression.
ALZHIR holds significant potential as a focal point for dark tourism in Kazakhstan. As noted by Assylkhanova et al. (2025), the site serves not only as a place of remembrance but also as an educational resource that fosters historical consciousness and dialogue about the Soviet-era repressions. The memorial complex attracts a diverse range of visitors, including scholars, students, and tourists, contributing to the broader discourse on human rights and historical justice. The integration of personal narratives, archival materials, and interactive exhibits enhances the site’s capacity to engage visitors emotionally and intellectually, thereby reinforcing its role in the collective memory of the nation.
This study uses a mixed-method research design, which is structured into three distinct methodological groups to analyze how ALZHIR is represented in media and perceived by visitors.

3.2. Methods Group 1: Media Representation

The study used content analysis methodology to perform media representation analysis. The research incorporated movies, books, academic research, and news articles as data sources which were published between 2013 and 2023. The research concentrated on understanding media portrayals of ALZHIR and examined whether specific Gulag sites receive more representation than others.
Media data were quantified and systematically coded into thematic categories: The study categorized media portrayals into three thematic groups, which encompass symbols of Soviet repression together with tourist sites of remembrance and political tools. The research introduced an Accessibility Rating to interpret findings based on geographical media bias. Four established criteria formed the basis for calculating this rating.
  • Proximity to major urban centers
  • Availability of public transportation
  • Quality and condition of roads and infrastructure
  • Presence of tourist services and facilities
A rating scale between 1 and 10 measured each criterion, where 1 represented very low accessibility and 10 represented very high accessibility, and the average of these scores determined the overall accessibility rating.

3.3. Methods Group 2: Marketing Representation

For marketing representation, promotional materials such as brochures, leaflets, official websites, and museum exhibits were collected and analyzed. Semiotic analysis techniques were employed to interpret the language and symbolic use within these promotional items.
This analysis investigated:
  • Whether marketing language emphasized historical accuracy or emotional commemoration.
  • Geographical representation, specifically assessing if ALZHIR’s marketing prioritized historical authenticity or enhanced visitor experience.
  • Colors meaning on the brochures and booklets ALZHIR used for marketing (Labrecque & Milne, 2012).

3.4. Methods Group 3: Visitor Perception

The survey instrument was developed following established visitor research protocols to ensure both validity and reliability. Questions were piloted with a small group (n ≈ 10) to refine clarity initially. Likert-scale items measured emotional response (“I felt sadness”, “I felt empathy”, etc.), and open-ended questions provided qualitative depth. The QR code distribution allowed voluntary, anonymous participation.
Quantitative data analysis was performed to explore:
  • Visitor demographics, including age distribution, geographic origin, and frequency of visits.
  • The proportion of visitors reporting emotional responses such as sadness, grief, and historical reflection.
Additionally, qualitative, and phenomenological analysis was applied to open-ended responses, focusing on:
  • The ways emotional experiences influenced visitor engagement.
  • Emotional geography, identifying which areas of the museum elicited the strongest emotional responses.
  • Examining the paradoxical relationship between emotionally challenging experiences and enhanced commemoration, considering why heartbreaking emotions might intensify visitors’ connection to historical events.
Each methodological step was carefully designed to ensure the integrity and comprehensiveness of the research findings, enhancing the study’s reliability and validity. Ethical approval was obtained from the institutional review board of the University of Szeged. Participation was voluntary, anonymity was ensured, and informed consent was obtained digitally prior to survey completion.

4. Results

4.1. Media Representation of ALZHIR

The representation of ALZHIR (Akmola Camp for Wives of “Traitors to the Motherland”) in contemporary media can be categorized broadly into three distinct frames: as a symbol of Soviet repression, a tourist site of remembrance, and a political tool within contemporary Kazakhstan.
The dominant media narrative often frames ALZHIR primarily as a symbol of Soviet repression. Media reports frequently highlight its tragic historical significance, emphasizing stories of suffering, resilience, and survival among women imprisoned unjustly as “enemies of the people” (Kukushkina, 2003; Kazakh History Channel, 2019). Movies like “The Fierce Cold of ALZHIR” and “Longer Than Life” vividly portray the harsh conditions and emotional trauma endured by the prisoners, reinforcing ALZHIR’s representation as a potent symbol of Soviet oppression (ALZHIR Memorial Complex, 2014; Violina & Pavlovskiy, 2013)
Additionally, ALZHIR is portrayed as a significant tourist site of remembrance. The museum and memorial complex regularly attracts visitors from various countries, facilitating awareness and education about Kazakhstan’s historical injustices (Azattyq TV, 2017). Media coverage of events like museum anniversaries or commemorative exhibitions often presents ALZHIR as a historical landmark and an educational platform dedicated to preserving historical memory (Azattyq TV, 2017).
Lastly, ALZHIR functions as a political tool, as media coverage occasionally aligns with broader narratives used by Kazakhstan’s government to shape national identity and historical consciousness. The publication of books such as “Kazakhstan Unites Us” and “Elbasynyn bastamasymen ashylghan edi” demonstrates how ALZHIR’s history is sometimes utilized to foster national unity and highlight political narratives promoting societal cohesion.
Geographical media bias significantly influences the visibility of Gulag sites, with certain locations receiving disproportionate attention. The representation of Gulag sites often correlates with accessibility and proximity to major urban centers, affecting how frequently they appear in international and national media reports. Remote sites such as ALZHIR are relatively underrepresented compared to sites closer to major cities or transportation routes. This bias towards more accessible locations can diminish global awareness of specific historical atrocities committed in geographically isolated areas.
Accessibility ratings presented in Table 2 were calculated based on a systematic rubric considering four main criteria: (1) proximity to major urban centers, (2) availability of public transportation, (3) quality and condition of roads and infrastructure, and (4) presence of tourist services and facilities. Each criterion was scored on a scale of 1 (low accessibility) to 10 (high accessibility), and an average was computed to determine the overall accessibility rating.
Table 2 presents a summary of the media representation of ALZHIR in comparison to other major Gulag sites, clearly illustrating disparities influenced by geographical factors.

4.2. Museum’s Self-Representation & Marketing

The ALZHIR museum explicitly presents itself through dual roles: educational and commemorative. Archival marketing materials such as brochures and leaflets consistently emphasize both the historical context and educational value of the site (Figure 2). For instance, specific exhibits, including the “Wall of Memory,” the “Train Carriage from Stalin’s time,” and various sculptures such as “Despair and Powerlessness,” are described in ways intended to evoke emotional engagement and reflection. These materials underscore ALZHIR’s purpose as a place of memory and preservation of victims’ stories, consistently reinforcing the museum’s commemorative role. However, despite the documented multi-ethnic composition of prisoners (see Table 1), ALZHIR’s marketing materials tend to focus more heavily on generalized victimhood or national unity rather than explicitly highlighting ethnic diversity. The emphasis on Kazakh resilience and feminine suffering sometimes eclipses the narratives of minority and foreign prisoners. This selective representation could influence how visitors perceive the camp’s historical inclusivity, potentially narrowing the scope of commemoration to more dominant identities.
An educational approach prominently features in ALZHIR’s marketing strategy, as demonstrated by offerings of guided tours and documentary films provided in multiple languages to cater to a diverse visitor base. Pricing strategies evident in brochures further reflect sensitivity toward different visitor segments, including students, pensioners, and disabled individuals, indicating the museum’s outreach towards both domestic and international audiences (Figure 3).
Geographically, ALZHIR’s isolation in Akmol village (formerly Malinovka) significantly contributes to its authentic representation as a dark tourism site. Promotional materials subtly leverage this remote location by emphasizing the authenticity of the historical setting, thus enhancing visitors’ immersive experiences (Figure 4).
However, this geographic isolation (Figure 5) simultaneously necessitates a marketing strategy that addresses visitor accessibility explicitly. Brochures historically included detailed contact information, precise visiting hours, and clear travel directions, implicitly addressing potential accessibility concerns.
The ALZHIR Memorial, a significant dark tourism site commemorating the hardships endured by women in Soviet-era labor camps, employs soft colors such as beige and blue in its informational materials. Beige, often viewed as a neutral and unobtrusive tone, symbolizes calmness and simplicity, helping to create an atmosphere of quiet reflection (Alnasuan, 2016). Blue, on the other hand, is widely associated with trust, stability, and serenity, offering a soothing visual experience that aligns with the memorial’s solemn narrative (Labrecque & Milne, 2012). The strategic use of these colors in brochures and booklets contributes to the emotional ambiance of the site, supporting visitors’ contemplative engagement with this painful historical legacy.
Although ALZHIR currently does not actively distribute marketing tools such as brochures or posters, historical promotional materials suggest careful balancing between promoting geographic authenticity and mitigating barriers related to visitor accessibility.

4.3. Visitor Experience & Emotional Perception

Visitor survey data indicated a pronounced relationship between emotional intensity, particularly feelings of sadness and heartbreak, and deeper engagement with historical narratives. Through cluster analysis of survey responses, three distinct visitor profiles emerged (Figure 6). Visitors reporting intense emotional experiences, notably high levels of sadness and feeling heartbroken, described significantly deeper historical engagement and stronger memory retention regarding their visit.
This analysis (Figure 7) aligns with existing research findings suggesting that emotional depth enhances historical empathy and long-term memory formation in visitors to dark tourism sites (Podoshen, 2013).
The survey responses also highlighted the role of ALZHIR’s geographic isolation in intensifying visitors’ emotional experiences. Respondents linked the remote location directly with feelings of historical authenticity, exile, and personal emotional impact, reflecting the landscape’s ability to deepen visitors’ emotional and cognitive engagement with the past. This observation aligns with the existing literature that emphasizes the critical influence of geographical context in dark tourism experiences (Stone, 2006).

5. Discussion and Conclusions

This study explored how the ALZHIR Memorial Museum represents a complex intersection of memory, emotion, and political narrative within the framework of dark tourism. By triangulating media representations, institutional marketing strategies, and visitor perceptions, our research provides a comprehensive understanding of how ALZHIR is constructed as a commemorative and educational site.
A key contribution of this study lies in bringing together media representations, institutional marketing, and visitor perceptions into a single analytical framework. While media narratives predominantly emphasize ALZHIR’s historical function as a site of Soviet repression and, at times, as a political tool in Kazakhstan’s nation-building, the museum’s marketing materials highlight resilience, unity, and reconciliation. These brochures and official websites often frame the camp not only as a place of suffering but also as a symbol of moral strength, reflecting a state-driven narrative of national endurance.
Visitor surveys, however, reveal a more complex emotional terrain. Although many respondents acknowledged the themes of resilience communicated in brochures, their strongest affective responses clustered around narratives of gendered victimhood and personal injustice. Feelings of heartbreak and empathy, especially when triggered by exhibits on family separation or the “Despair and Powerlessness” sculpture, resonated more deeply than abstract ideas of unity. In this sense, visitor emotions partly confirm but also contradict the institutional messaging: while they absorb commemorative narratives, they tend to privilege victim-centered stories over state-oriented themes.
The media coverage further complicates this relationship. International and local media accounts often echo the themes of repression and injustice but rarely engage with the museum’s emphasis on reconciliation or Kazakh national resilience. This disjuncture produces a fragmented representational landscape where media, marketing, and visitor perceptions overlap on certain points, such as the recognition of suffering, but diverge in others, particularly on whether the site should be remembered as a symbol of universal trauma or as a vehicle of state identity.
By comparing these three lenses, it becomes evident that ALZHIR operates within a field of tensions: between political utility and personal memory, between state messaging and emotional authenticity, and between local–national narratives and transnational potential. Recognizing these alignments and contradictions allows us to move beyond a “flat” descriptive analysis and toward a more dynamic understanding of how memory is produced, consumed, and contested at dark heritage sites.
One of the key findings of this study is the significant emotional engagement that ALZHIR generates among its visitors. As evidenced by the survey data, visitors frequently report feelings of sadness, heartbreak, and reflective sorrow. These emotional responses are not incidental but integral to the visitor experience. They align with findings from Lundin et al. (2025), who argue that exposure to emotionally charged content at dark tourism sites can stimulate moral reflection, cognitive engagement, and even lead to increased activism and personal growth. Emotional geography, as described by Sigala and Steriopoulos (2021), plays a vital role here, with particular spaces within the museum eliciting stronger affective reactions, thereby reinforcing the site’s mnemonic power.
Negative affect (sad emotions) at ALZHIR is not an end in itself but a trigger for broader reflection. As Broaden-and-Build theory suggests, initial sadness can expand visitors’ moral imagination, fostering empathy, civic awareness, and even activist engagement. Several open-ended responses indicated intentions to share stories with others or engage in further historical reading, showing how affect translates into social action.
ALZHIR’s geographic remoteness also emerges as a crucial factor influencing visitor interpretation and affective response. The site’s isolation intensifies perceptions of historical authenticity, exile, and emotional immersion, consistent with Stone’s (2006) framework that situates dark tourism sites on a spectrum of authenticity and educational depth. However, this same geographic isolation contributes to its relative underrepresentation in global media, particularly when compared to more accessible Gulag sites or international memorials such as Auschwitz or Robben Island. Media coverage, as our content analysis shows, is often shaped by logistical visibility, a pattern supported by Krzyżanowska (2022), who emphasize the spatial politics of remembrance.
Moreover, the museum’s dual narrative, balancing solemn commemoration with national resilience, raises important questions about the politicization of memory. While ALZHIR’s self-representation emphasizes gendered suffering and moral endurance, these narratives are also framed to support Kazakhstan’s national identity and civic values, as noted in prior research (Kundakbayeva & Kassymova, 2016; Laruelle, 2016). This dual role illustrates Tumarkin’s (1994) notion of “living memory,” which can be simultaneously sacred and instrumental. While such framing does not negate the authenticity of the site, it complicates the relationship between history, tourism, and state power.
These findings suggest that ALZHIR functions not only as a site of remembrance but also as a symbolic instrument of Kazakhstan’s cultural diplomacy. Through exhibitions, commemorations, and transnational outreach, the museum contributes to the country’s self-presentation as a resilient nation that has overcome repression, thereby aligning memory politics with state image-building (Assylkhanova et al., 2024).
The ethnic composition data presented in Table 1 further complicates the interpretive strategy at ALZHIR. While the site seeks to foster national unity, the fact that over 40 ethnic groups were represented among the prisoners suggests potential for broader transnational and comparative dark tourism narratives. Greater emphasis on this diversity in exhibits and outreach could open pathways for international solidarity, intercultural remembrance, and academic collaboration, particularly among post-socialist and post-authoritarian states seeking to address their repressive pasts through tourism and education.
Comparing ALZHIR to sites like Auschwitz and Robben Island further underscores the diversity in dark tourism frameworks. Auschwitz exemplifies a model of documentary realism and internationalized Holocaust memory (Applebaum, 2003), while Robben Island represents resilience and political liberation through experiential storytelling by former inmates. ALZHIR, in contrast, is still negotiating its position within both domestic and international memory landscapes. Its interpretive strategy, relying on curated exhibitions, evocative statuary, and multilingual storytelling, demonstrates a hybrid identity that merges historical narrative with educational objectives and emotional resonance.
Comparative perspectives from the post-Soviet space further contextualize ALZHIR’s representational strategy. For example, the Latvian Occupation Museum and the Karosta Prison Museum in Liepaja explicitly frame Latvia as a victim of both Soviet and Nazi repression, projecting an international image of resilience while distancing the nation from complicity. Similarly, the Salaspils Memorial addresses Nazi atrocities on Latvian territory, embedding the narrative within a broader victim-centered national identity. These sites demonstrate how dark heritage is actively mobilized across the region to renegotiate history, strengthen national narratives, and position post-Soviet states within the European memory landscape. Compared to these, Kazakhstan’s approach emphasizes gendered suffering and multicultural solidarity, highlighting both shared repression and national resilience.
The multi-ethnic profile of ALZHIR distinguishes it within the Gulag system and expands its potential significance beyond Kazakhstan’s borders. While the museum’s marketing materials often highlight Kazakh resilience, the demographic reality of the camp reveals a mosaic of shared trauma. This transnational character provides a bridge for comparative dark tourism debates (Schäfer, 2015). Just as Auschwitz has become a universal symbol of genocide and Robben Island a global emblem of political resistance, ALZHIR could be positioned as a site of collective suffering that crosses cultural and national lines. By emphasizing the multi-ethnic presence of its prisoners, the site can engage international audiences who recognize their own national histories within its walls.
Importantly, framing ALZHIR as a transnational memory site also challenges narrow nationalistic interpretations of Soviet repression. It opens opportunities for Kazakhstan to participate in broader global dialogues on human rights, reconciliation, and the memory of mass violence. This approach could foster cross-border collaborations with other memorial museums, support intercultural education, and expand ALZHIR’s visibility within international dark tourism scholarship.
Practically, these findings have implications for both curators and policymakers. To enhance its global presence and educational mission, ALZHIR could benefit from expanded multilingual outreach, virtual exhibitions, and partnerships with international memory institutions. Equally important is maintaining a sensitive balance between state narratives and victim-centered storytelling to avoid diminishing the historical gravity of the site. As Laaksonen and Varga (2023) notes, ethical representation in dark tourism must be constantly renegotiated in light of visitor behavior and institutional responsibility.
In conclusion, ALZHIR represents more than a site of Soviet political repression—it is a dynamic space where history, emotion, and national identity intersect. As a dark tourism destination, it challenges visitors to reflect on the past, confront uncomfortable truths, and engage with broader discourses of memory and justice. By advancing ethically framed, emotionally resonant narratives, ALZHIR and similar sites can contribute meaningfully to both public education and historical reconciliation.
While this study focused on Kazakhstan, parallels with other post-Soviet states demonstrate that dark tourism sites often serve as platforms for renegotiating historical narratives and international positioning. Kazakhstan’s emphasis on resilience and unity thus contributes to a broader regional pattern of mobilizing traumatic heritage for both remembrance and nation-building.

6. Limitations

This study is geographically limited to a single site (ALZHIR) and temporally limited to data collected in 2023. Visitor surveys were self-reported and may reflect response bias. Comparative analysis across additional post-Soviet sites would strengthen future studies.
This study also acknowledges its limitations. Emotional engagement was measured through short-term surveys, which may not fully capture the longitudinal impact of such experiences. Moreover, the study is geographically specific to Kazakhstan; future research should expand to include comparative analyses across post-Soviet memorial sites to better understand regional patterns in dark tourism representation and perception.

7. Recommendations

Future research should extend to multi-site studies in Central Asia and Eastern Europe, integrate digital visitor-tracking methods, and examine how multilingual/multicultural representation could expand accessibility. For practitioners, partnerships with other memorial museums and broader use of digital exhibitions are recommended.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, A.A. and L.B.; methodology, G.N.; validation, A.A., L.B. and G.N.; formal analysis, A.A.; investigation, A.A.; resources, L.B.; data curation, A.A.; writing—original draft preparation, A.A.; writing—review and editing, L.B. and G.N.; visualization, A.A.; supervision, L.B. and G.N.; project administration, G.N. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

Project number TKP2021-NVA-09 has been implemented with the support provided by the Ministry of Culture and Innovation of Hungary from the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund, financed under the TKP2021-NVA funding scheme.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Ethical review and approval were waived for this study due to full compliance with the Code of Ethics of the University of Szeged.

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

The original contributions presented in this study are included in the article. Further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding authors.

Acknowledgments

We would like to express our sincere gratitude to Samorokova Elena Sergeevna, specialist in the research department at the Aqmola Camp for Wives of Traitors to the Motherland Museum (ALZHIR), for generously providing access to invaluable materials. Her assistance with historical documents, books, documentary films, and original marketing materials, including brochures and leaflets was instrumental to the development and depth of this study.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

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Figure 1. Map of Kazakhstan with indicated gulag areas and indicated case study area ALZHIR.
Figure 1. Map of Kazakhstan with indicated gulag areas and indicated case study area ALZHIR.
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Figure 2. Poster of ALZHIR with brief information about memorial museum.
Figure 2. Poster of ALZHIR with brief information about memorial museum.
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Figure 3. Title page of the booklet ALZHIR was using for direct marketing in 2022.
Figure 3. Title page of the booklet ALZHIR was using for direct marketing in 2022.
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Figure 4. Page “Map of Gulag system” from brochures of ALZHIR.
Figure 4. Page “Map of Gulag system” from brochures of ALZHIR.
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Figure 5. Page “Map of Karlag including ALZHIR” from brochure.
Figure 5. Page “Map of Karlag including ALZHIR” from brochure.
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Figure 6. Gender distribution and age distribution of the surveyed visitors.
Figure 6. Gender distribution and age distribution of the surveyed visitors.
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Figure 7. Average emotional scores by visitor clusters.
Figure 7. Average emotional scores by visitor clusters.
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Table 1. Ethnic composition of women imprisoned at the Akmola Camp for Wives of Traitors to the Motherland (ALZHIR).
Table 1. Ethnic composition of women imprisoned at the Akmola Camp for Wives of Traitors to the Motherland (ALZHIR).
EthnicityCount
Abasin9
Abkhazians4
Austrian1
Azerbaijanian44
Armenian79
Assyrian2
Balkarian2
Bashkir1
Byelorussian134
Bulgarian6
Hungarian7
Dutchwomen1
Greek women14
Georgians146
Dagestans1
Jewess852
Zyryans1
Ingush women1
Italians1
Kabardians29
Kazakhs88
Kalmyks3
Karachaevka10
Komi2
Koreans7
Latvian101
Lezghin women1
Litvins1
Lithuanian14
Moksha1
Moldavian4
Mordvinian21
Nagais1
Germans169
Norwegian1
Osset1
Poles173
Romanians3
Russians4390
Tadjik women1
Tatars70
Turkish4
Turks3
Uzbek6
Uigur1
Ukrainian740
Uman1
Finn12
French women4
Gipsy1
Circassians8
Chernogorks1
Czechoslovaks1
Czechs1
Chuvash2
Sweden1
Estonian21
Japanese1
The other20
Source: https://museum-alzhir.kz/en/statistika (accessed on 2 March 2025).
Table 2. Media mentions representation and accessibility rating of major Gulag sites.
Table 2. Media mentions representation and accessibility rating of major Gulag sites.
Gulag SiteTotal Media Mentions (2013–2023)Accessibility Rating (1–10)
ALZHIR1204
Vorkuta3007
Kolyma2506
Perm-364509
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Assylkhanova, A.; Nagy, G.; Boros, L. Exploring ALZHIR Through Dark Tourism Lenses: Representations, Commemoration and Emotions. Tour. Hosp. 2025, 6, 220. https://doi.org/10.3390/tourhosp6040220

AMA Style

Assylkhanova A, Nagy G, Boros L. Exploring ALZHIR Through Dark Tourism Lenses: Representations, Commemoration and Emotions. Tourism and Hospitality. 2025; 6(4):220. https://doi.org/10.3390/tourhosp6040220

Chicago/Turabian Style

Assylkhanova, Aigerim, Gyula Nagy, and Lajos Boros. 2025. "Exploring ALZHIR Through Dark Tourism Lenses: Representations, Commemoration and Emotions" Tourism and Hospitality 6, no. 4: 220. https://doi.org/10.3390/tourhosp6040220

APA Style

Assylkhanova, A., Nagy, G., & Boros, L. (2025). Exploring ALZHIR Through Dark Tourism Lenses: Representations, Commemoration and Emotions. Tourism and Hospitality, 6(4), 220. https://doi.org/10.3390/tourhosp6040220

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