1. Introduction
Archaeological interventions carried out in the interior of Baixo Alentejo, in the Southwestern Iberian Peninsula, have led to the identification of a significant number of hypogeum funerary contexts, which had previously been poorly documented in this region. It was only with Schubart, in 1975, that a distinct archaeological entity was recognised in the westernmost area of Iberia, spanning Alentejo, Algarve, and Huelva, with extensions into Seville and Badajoz [
1,
2].
The chronology of the Southwestern Bronze Age, initially structured by Schubart [
3,
4] on the basis of typological distinctions in material culture and funerary practices, distinguished the “Ferradeira Horizon” (c. 1800–1500 BCE), Southwestern Bronze I (c. 1500/1400–1100 BCE), and Southwestern Bronze II (c. 1100–800/700 BCE). These limits were later revised based on new radiocarbon dates [
5,
6], the most recent proposal being that of Mataloto et al. [
7], who argued for the absence of an Early Bronze Age, replacing it with a Late Chalcolithic (c. 2650–1930 BCE), a Middle Bronze Age (c. 2070–1170 BCE), and a Late Bronze Age (c. 1170–780 BCE). In parallel, critical historiographical analyses have questioned the operational value of the “Ferradeira Horizon”, arguing that it was constructed on a limited empirical basis and no longer reflects the variability revealed by recent excavation and dating programmes [
8]. Together, these works highlight the ongoing debate surrounding the temporal and cultural definition of the Southwestern Bronze Age.
In the funerary domain, until the late 20th century, cist burials were the main focus of archaeological research. These typically contained one or two inhumations placed in a foetal position and were sometimes accompanied by ceramic vessels or metal objects. Pit burials were also known [
9], as well as only one hypogeum burial, from Belmeque [
1,
6,
8]. Archaeological interventions linked to the construction of the Alqueva dam on the Guadiana River in the early 2000s revealed around 41 archaeological sites containing a considerable number of hypogea, as well as cists and pits [
10] (
Figure 1a). These findings demonstrated for the first time that this burial architecture is a notable component of the wider regional funerary system. However, only part of these sites and contexts has been published [
11,
12,
13,
14,
15], which justifies the relevance of an integrated study bringing together dispersed published and unpublished information.
Recent regional research has emphasised that the funerary record of the Southwestern Bronze Age is marked by strong architectural and ritual variability, with hypogea representing one of the most informative contexts for discussing ritual practice, depositional choices, and social differentiation [
8,
10,
12]. Within this context, hypogea are particularly significant due to their architectural complexity, evidence of repeated use, and frequent association with selected grave goods. These features have been interpreted as signalling socially meaningful spaces linked to memory, identity construction, and the negotiation of social status [
8,
10,
12].
Over the last two decades, several authors have produced detailed analyses of individual funerary contexts based on excavated sites, particularly within the framework of preventive and rescue archaeology, identifying recurring patterns in architectural morphology, body position, orientation, reuse practices, and the composition of funerary assemblages [
11,
12,
13,
14,
15,
16,
17]. These works have advanced hypotheses concerning social organisation, kinship relations, ritual standardisation, and processes of differentiation within local communities. In particular, variability in hypogeum morphology, patterns of body positioning, selective deposition of animal remains, and evidence of repeated reopening and reduction of human remains have been interpreted as reflecting socially regulated practices rather than random behaviour [
11,
12,
13,
14,
15,
16,
17,
18]. However, these interpretations have generally been developed within site-specific frameworks and remain unevenly integrated.
Despite these advances, significant gaps remain regarding the spatial organisation of burials, the orientation of structures and individuals, and the relationships between biological variables and funerary assemblages. It should be emphasised that the present study focuses exclusively on hypogeum funerary contexts and therefore analyses only one component of the broader regional mortuary record, which also includes cists and pit graves. Accordingly, the main objective of this study is to present the first integrated, multi-site analysis of Middle Bronze Age hypogea in southern Portugal, systematically gathering and analysing dispersed information in order to integrate previous site-based interpretations and discuss them within a broader regional framework.
2. Materials and Methods
In this study, 57 hypogea were analysed, originating from seven archaeological sites: Montinhos 6, Outeiro Alto 2, Torre Velha 3, Torre Velha 12, Aldeia do Grilo 1, Horta do Folgão, and Alto de Brinches 3 (
Figure 1b). Only those with technical–scientific reports from both archaeology and anthropology were included, and only when these provided methodological detail, plans and photographic records of the excavations, as well as documentation concerning the layout and deposition of bone remains or offerings (cf.
Table A1,
Table A2 and
Table A3 in
Appendix A).
The analytical framework incorporated the premises of Pearson [
19,
20], according to which funerary rituals represent structured moments of social action capable of expressing, reinforcing, or concealing collective relationships and practices. The interpretation of sex/gender categories followed Sofaer and Sørensen [
21], distinguishing sex as a biological category and gender as a social and symbolic construction, thereby avoiding deterministic inferences based solely on the presence or absence of objects associated with the burial. Classical descriptions of two-phase mortuary rites [
22] provided a theoretical framework for interpreting the observed displacement and partial rearrangement of skeletal remains, which are primarily understood as practical interventions related to successive interments rather than as clear evidence of intentional secondary funerary rituals. For the purposes of this study, secondary deposits are defined as reductions resulting from the partial rearrangement and displacement of previously deposited skeletal remains within the same funerary structure. These are characterised by the loss of anatomical articulation and by the grouping of skeletal elements along the margins of the chamber or at the back of the hypogeum, generally associated with the successive reuse of funerary space [
23]. This classification follows archaeothanatological criteria and does not imply the presence of formal or intentional secondary burial rites but rather reflects practical strategies of spatial management within confined subterranean contexts [
23], morphological, and palaeopathological data in the interpretation of funerary behaviour.
Data were analysed from an interdisciplinary perspective, integrating information from biological anthropology and archaeology obtained from reports and publications. This allowed for multi-scale interpretation combining palaeodemographic and funerary anthropological data with the architecture of the hypogea, body treatment, and funerary assemblages. This approach consisted of identifying patterns in the archaeological record and statistically verified relationships between variables to understand the community’s social dynamics.
A total of 20 radiocarbon dates were compiled from various publications. These dates were obtained from human and faunal remains or from textile fragments associated with hypogea from nearly all the analysed sites, except Aldeia do Grilo 1 and Alto de Brinches 3. The radiocarbon dates discussed here were selected from critically assessed regional datasets, in which samples with doubtful contextual association were excluded [
7]). They were calibrated during the course of this study using the latest online version of OxCal 4.4 [
24], together with the IntCal20 calibration curves [
25]. These data are synthesised in
Table 1. Although it was not possible to obtain absolute dates for all hypogea, their contextual and artefactual associations clearly correspond to the material horizon of the others, and thus similar chronologies were assigned.
The typology of the hypogea followed the proposals of Alves et al. [
26], Baptista et al. [
12], and Filipe et al. [
13], simplified and integrated into a single classificatory scheme distinguishing types A, A1, B, B1, C, C1, D, and E (
Table 2). Ages at death were grouped following Buikstra and Ubelaker [
27] (
Table 3). Depositional categories—primary inhumation, secondary inhumation, and reduction/collective bone rearrangement—followed the definitions of Duday [
23]. The funerary assemblage was recorded regarding ceramic, metal, and faunal typologies, relative position within the burial, and association with the individual. Adornments and the use of red pigments were also recorded.
Data were systematised in a database created in Microsoft Excel. To assess the statistical significance of associations between archaeological and biological variables, the Chi-Square test was applied; whenever conditions for its use were not met, Fisher’s exact test was used, with significance set at p ≤ 0.05, using online web statistical calculators (astaatsa.com). The polar histograms were generated in the statistical software R to visualise the distribution of data angles. This integration of structural, biological, and material data allowed for the identification of patterns of hypogea use, depositional practices, and internal organisation of funerary contexts, contributing to the interpretation of social and ritual dynamics of Middle Bronze Age communities of southwestern Portugal. It should be noted that the biological data compiled from published reports and grey literature were not always obtained using identical methodological criteria. Variability in skeletal preservation between sites, as well as differences in the methods applied for sex and age-at-death estimation, may introduce bias into comparative analyses. In cases where diagnostic criteria were not fully specified in the original reports, classifications were accepted as published. These constraints are inherent to studies based on previously excavated assemblages and should be taken into account when interpreting the patterns presented here.
Table 1.
Absolute dates of the hypogea.
Table 1.
Absolute dates of the hypogea.
| Lab. Ref. | Hypogeum | Sample | Data BP | 1 Sigma Cal BCE | 2 Sigma Cal BCE | Reference |
|---|
| Sac-2480 | 51 (TV3) | Bos sp. (radius) | 3410 ± 60 | 1770–1620 | 1770–1620 | [11,28] |
| Sac-2490 | 45 (TV3) | Bos sp. (radius; ulna) | 3410 ± 60 | 1770–1620 | 1830–1540 | [11,28] |
| Sac-2876 | 14 (MT6) | Human bone | 3350 ± 80 | 1696–1532 | 1782–1492 | [29] |
| Sac-2557 | 61 (HF) | Human bone | 3400 ± 50 | 1750–1616 | 1779–1540 | [15] |
| Sac-2827 | 47 (TV3) | Human bone | 3340 ± 80 | 1692–1518 | 1778–1445 | [11,28] |
| Sac-2878 | 6 (MT6) | Human bone | 3390 ± 40 | 1698–1622 | 1771–1598 | [29] |
| Sac-2867 | 6 (MT6) | Human bone | 3380 ± 40 | 1696–1616 | 1751–1538 | [29] |
| Sac-2877 | 8 (MT6) | Human bone | 3360 ± 45 | 1692–1608 | 1748–1516 | [29] |
| Sac-2879 | 17 (MT6) | Human bone | 3360 ± 40 | 1691–1608 | 1744–1532 | [29] |
| Sac-2666 | 24 (OA2) | Human bone | 3320 ± 50 | 1631–1514 | 1698–1498 | [7] |
| Sac-2465 | 46 (TV3) | Bos sp. (radius; ulna) | 3300 ± 50 | 1617–1510 | 1691–1492 | [11,28] |
| Sac-2831 | 55 (TV12) | Human bone | 3250 ± 70 | 1563–1444 | 1691–1396 | [29] |
| Sac-2489 | 40 (TV3) | Bos sp.(radius) | 3300 ± 45 | 1616–1516 | 1688–1496 | [11,28] |
| Beta-262199 | 41 (TV3) | Ovis aries (radius) | 3300 ± 40 | 1688–1496 | 1645–1497 | [11,28] |
| Sac-2825 | 35 (TV3) | Human bone | 3280 ± 50 | 1612–1503 | 1642–1439 | [11,28] |
| Sac-2466 | 52 (TV3) | Bos (radius) | 3250 ± 60 | 1545–1446 | 1642–1410 | [11,28] |
| Sac-2845 | 7 (MT6) | Human bone | 3250 ± 60 | 1545–1446 | 1642–1410 | [29] |
| Sac-2826 | 48 (TV3) | Human bone | 3170 ± 90 | 1533–1375 | 1636–1207 | [11,28] |
| Sac-2832 | 56 (TV12) | Human bone | 3200 ± 60 | 1518–1414 | 1616–1379 | [29] |
| Sac-2844 | 9 (MT6) | Human bone | 3240 ± 40 | 1536–1446 | 1566–1428 | [29] |
Table 2.
Hypogea typology.
Table 3.
Age ranges (Years).
Table 3.
Age ranges (Years).
| Category | Age Range |
|---|
| Foetus | Prenatal |
| Infant | 0–3 |
| Child | 3–12 |
| Adolescent | 13–18 |
| Young adult | 19–35 |
| Middle-aged adult | 36–50 |
| Older adult | >50 |
4. Discussion
Within the set of seven Bronze Age sites with hypogea analysed here, it should be noted that hypogea represent only one component of a broader funerary landscape, frequently coexisting with pit burials and other negative structures from the same chronological horizon [
11,
12,
13]. The conclusions drawn in this study therefore pertain specifically to this architectural category of Middle Bronze Age mortuary behaviour.
Most of the analysed sites (Montinhos 6, Outeiro Alto 2, Torre Velha 3, Torre Velha 12, Horta do Folgão, and Aldeia do Grilo 1) also contained structures from earlier periods, namely, the Neolithic and Chalcolithic (4th and 3rd millennia BCE). This indicates places with broad occupational diachrony. The recurrent presence of funerary contexts from the Neolithic through to the Bronze Age suggests continuity in the occupation and reoccupation of specific locations that appear to have remained symbolically active over time, even though the meanings associated with them may have undergone transformations. This pattern has been documented across the middle Guadiana basin, where Neolithic and Bronze Age funerary architectures are spatially contiguous or superimposed [
40]. In this sense, the concept of landscapes as places of memory, where socially significant people, events, and practices are inscribed, as proposed by Daróczi [
41], is particularly relevant. In this regard, Valera (11 of [
42]) notes that the social performance of these sites extends far beyond their original social context, functioning as catalytic poles and spatial markers, actively interfering in the construction of later landscapes and territories and contributing to the formation of sites with a strong symbolic charge.
Within this long-term framework, the internal organisation of funerary contexts is particularly relevant for understanding the social practices associated with death. Since the spatial structuring of funerary contexts may relate to social organisation and to the reaffirmation of kinship relations and ancestral ties [
19], the meaning of the different clusters identified at several of the studied sites deserves careful consideration. The individual analysis of each cluster revealed the presence of individuals of both sexes and different age groups, which may suggest the existence of family-based groupings. However, this hypothesis can only be robustly tested through the integration of ancient DNA and isotopic analyses, including carbon (
12C/
13C), nitrogen (
14N/
15N), oxygen (δ
18O), and strontium (
86Sr/
87Sr), which allow the assessment of kinship relations, mobility patterns, and dietary practices.
In southern Portugal, published strontium and oxygen isotope studies remain largely restricted to Neolithic and Chalcolithic contexts, particularly at Perdigões. Isotopic analyses of faunal remains indicate that most analysed animals display
87Sr/
86Sr and δ
18O values consistent with the local or regional geological background, while a smaller number show non-local signatures [
43]. Sequential isotopic analysis of caprine tooth enamel has further expanded this evidence base [
44]. Isotopic data from human remains have also been published for Perdigões and associated megalithic monuments [
45], as well as for a late 3rd millennium BCE individual from the Beja region [
46]. Together, these data provide useful baseline information for mobility and diet during the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic, though their direct application to Middle Bronze Age hypogeal contexts remains limited. Complementarily, analyses of δ
13C and δ
15N from Late Prehistoric burial contexts in central-western Portugal (Estremadura) reveal diets characterised by cereal-based agriculture and variable consumption of animal protein, with intra-site differences sometimes associated with age or social status [
47]. At the genomic level, while earlier studies document broader population changes during the Bronze Age and occasional biological relationships [
48], more recent investigations provide clear evidence that, in several Portuguese Bronze Age funerary contexts, individuals buried together were biologically related [
49]. In parallel, a recent ancient DNA study focusing on human populations from the 3rd and 2nd millennia BCE in the Douro basin revealed complex kinship configurations within collective funerary contexts, combining closely related and unrelated individuals [
50]. Together these results highlight the interpretative potential of biomolecular approaches and demonstrate that the combined application of genetic and isotopic analyses, already proven effective in southern Portugal, constitutes the most robust framework for testing hypotheses concerning kinship, mobility, and social structuring in the contexts analysed here.
An integrated reading of the analysed sites shows that hypogea rarely functioned as the sole funerary structures, often coexisting with pits containing human burials from the same chronological period, as observed at Torre Velha 3, Montinhos 6, and Outeiro Alto 2 [
11,
12,
13]. This coexistence points to a complex funerary landscape in which different architectural solutions operated simultaneously.
The present study focuses specifically on hypogeal contexts, which represent a distinct architectural and social investment within this broader mortuary framework. The architectural variability documented across the studied sites also warrants consideration. Typology A, corresponding to quadrangular or rectangular chambers, is clearly dominant in the analysed sample, while structures incorporating antechambers or more elaborated access sequences, such as typologies B, C, and D, represent a meaningful although less frequent component. At Outeiro Alto 2, Filipe et al. [
13] noted that the observable differences between type A and type B structures, both in morphology and associated assemblages, could suggest the existence of social differentiation between the individuals buried in each type, while acknowledging that these differences might equally reflect a chronological dimension that only systematic radiocarbon dating could resolve. A similar interpretive tension applies to the broader sample analysed here, where the current data do not allow for a systematic cross-analysis between architectural typology, demographic profiles, and grave good assemblages across all sites. This remains an avenue that future research, combining typological analysis with absolute dating programmes, could clarify. In this regard, Soares and Silva [
34] have suggested that such diversity may reflect social differentiation, with hypogea implying higher status due to their greater constructive investment. Although Valério et al. [
28] stress the importance of broader comparative approaches, the available evidence from hypogeal contexts, particularly at Torre Velha 3, suggests that individuals buried in these structures may have held specific social relevance, as indicated by the presence of artefacts commonly interpreted as prestige items, such as metal objects. However, these observations should be understood within the wider diversity of contemporaneous funerary practices, rather than as evidence of a rigid hierarchical model, bearing in mind that a systematic study of pit burials has yet to be undertaken.
Regarding the internal organisation of the hypogea, both single and multiple burials were identified, following the terminology used in the original excavation reports, which do not always specify whether multiple interments were contemporaneous. While multiple burials may in some cases reflect simultaneous depositions, several hypogea display taphonomic and spatial evidence consistent with successive use, including the reorganisation and reduction of human remains to accommodate new interments. These practices suggest the recurrent reopening of certain structures and a sustained relationship between communities and specific funerary spaces. Noteworthy as well is the case of hypogeum [573–574] at Torre Velha 3, in which no human remains were recorded and whose chamber had been deliberately sealed with a stone structure bonded with clay [
37]. While the absence of inhumations may reflect taphonomic destruction, the intentional nature of the closure raises questions about the significance of this structure within the funerary ensemble that the available data do not allow us to resolve.
Within the context of southern Portugal, negative funerary structures from the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic were already conceived as open and revisitable contexts, subject to repeated intervention, manipulation of human remains, and spatial reconfiguration within the same period of use [
40]. This tradition of successive deposition within individual funerary structures appears to have undergone a significant transformation during the Bronze Age. As noted by Senna-Martínez [
51], one of the defining features of Bronze Age funerary practices in southwestern Iberia is the individualisation of the burial ritual, with a marked preference for primary depositions of single individuals. The evidence from the sites analysed here is broadly consistent with this pattern.
Nevertheless, the presence of ossuaries, reductions, and multiple interments in several of the studied hypogea indicates that individualisation was not absolute. As documented at Torre Velha 3 [
11], Outeiro Alto 2 [
13], and Montinhos 6 [
12], Bronze Age communities continued to reopen funerary chambers to accommodate new depositions, reorganising pre-existing remains in the process. This practice of successive use within the same structure—distinct from the multi-period reoccupation of funerary spaces documented for earlier periods—suggests that certain hypogea functioned as loci of repeated funerary investment, maintained over time by the same community or kin group. This pattern is further attested during the Late Bronze Age at Monte da Ramada 1, where hypogeum 2 yielded a complex stratigraphic sequence of primary inhumations and ossuaries spanning multiple phases of use [
52]. Taken together, these data indicate that while the Bronze Age saw a clear shift towards individual primary burial, the boundaries of that individualisation remained socially negotiated, with some funerary spaces continuing to serve as sites of communal memory and repeated engagement with the dead.
The analysis of hypogeum entrance orientations presented here constitutes, to our knowledge, the first systematic examination of this dimension across multiple Middle Bronze Age hypogea sites in southern Portugal. It should be noted that this analysis is based exclusively on orientation data recorded in the original excavation reports—which themselves note the orientations descriptively without interpretative comment [
11,
12,
13] and do not employ formal archaeoastronomical methods. The tendencies identified are therefore descriptive in nature and must be interpreted with appropriate caution.
With this caveat in mind, the non-random tendencies observed may reflect a shared sensitivity to celestial phenomena that could have structured funerary space symbolically, consistent with approaches that understand the skyscape as a domain shaped by human action and social construction [
53]. Within this framework, Bronze Age communities may have mobilised celestial references as part of broader conceptions of time, cyclical renewal, and cosmological order [
54,
55]. Similar tendencies are observable in the orientation of bodies, predominantly aligned along NE–SW and SE–NW axes. These alignments may relate to specific “windows of visibility” on the horizon where solar movement becomes particularly meaningful, yet they should be interpreted as structural possibilities rather than rigid astronomical correspondences [
55]. The distribution of facial orientations among individuals with determinable facial direction adds a further layer to this picture. Faces were directed predominantly towards the southeast, northeast, and east on one hand, and towards the northwest, southwest, and west on the other, in roughly equal proportions, while north and south orientations were markedly rare. This broad bipartition along an east–west axis, combined with the near-total absence of north and south orientations documented both for facial direction and for hypogeum entrances, reinforces the impression of a structured spatial logic underlying funerary deposition. Whether this reflects an awareness of solar references, such as sunrise and sunset positions at particular moments of the year, remains a possibility that cannot be evaluated without formal archaeoastronomical analysis, and should be treated as a descriptive tendency rather than a demonstrated cosmological pattern. The distribution of body positions, with a tendency towards right lateral position among women and left lateral position among men, adds a social dimension to funerary organisation, potentially reflecting identity categories or ritual conventions embedded in the construction of bodily meaning [
20]. The spatial relationship between the body and the hypogeum entrance adds a further dimension to this pattern. The predominance of individuals deposited with their backs to the entrance, observed in 84% of the cases assessed here, extends and confirms the pattern previously identified in site-specific studies of some of the contexts included in this sample, notably at Outeiro Alto 2 [
13] and Montinhos 6 [
12]. However, this regularity may partly reflect practical constraints rather than deliberate ritual choice, given that the narrow access passages of these structures would have made the introduction of a body in that position considerably easier. Whether the pattern also carries symbolic or social meaning is difficult to assess independently of this functional explanation. At Montinhos 6, a possible sex-based nuance has been noted, with male individuals more frequently facing the entrance [
12], which may be harder to explain on purely practical grounds and could suggest an additional layer of intentionality, though the limited number of sexed individuals prevents firm conclusions.
Cumulativaly the articulation between architectural orientations, bodily alignments, and patterns of body positions suggests that deposition in hypogea may have been informed by shared cosmological conceptions and socially embedded ritual practices, expressed as recurring and flexible tendencies rather than uniform prescriptive rules, and remains an avenue open to future formal archaeoastronomical investigation.
The data concerning funerary offerings reveal significant patterns. Not all individuals buried in hypogea were accompanied by grave goods, and these patterns should be understood as reflecting socially mediated decisions made by relatives or community members rather than direct choices or possessions of the deceased [
20]. In general, adulthood proved to be a determining criterion for access to offerings, with adults more frequently associated with ceramic vessels, metal awls, and meat offerings. Weapons and red pigments occur more rarely, reinforcing the selective nature of these deposits.
Despite this general pattern, some non-adult individuals were identified with funerary offerings, including occasional associations with metal artefacts or more diverse assemblages. Notable cases include individual [5405] from Outeiro Alto 2, associated with an awl; individual [1534] from Torre Velha 3, accompanied by a ceramic vessel and faunal remains; individual [604] from Torre Velha 3, associated with a shell necklace and red pigments; and individual [2004] from Torre Velha 3, recorded with a ceramic vessel and a copper dagger. Although rare, these situations may suggest the existence of mechanisms for the social transmission of prestige through family affiliation, raising the possibility that status may have been, at least in some cases, partly hereditary, a hypothesis that, given the limited number of cases, must be treated with caution.
Female individuals were more frequently accompanied by ceramic offerings—a statistically significant association—and also presented, on average, more than one vessel. The same pattern was observed for metal awls, whose presence was significantly more frequent in female burials.
In the specific case of Torre Velha 3, this trend is particularly relevant, as female funerary contexts concentrate not only awls in arsenical copper but also the most technologically exceptional examples. Hypogea [1267]–[1792], [2356]–[2357], and [2417]–[2418], all associated with adult female individuals, include bronze awls, and in hypogea [1267]–[1792] and [2417]–[2418], bronze daggers were also recorded, the former additionally yielding silver rivets [
28]. Archaeometallurgical analyses demonstrated that these bronze artefacts present tin contents between 8 and 12% (Sn), compatible with a fully developed bronze metallurgy and suggesting an exogenous origin, since in southern Portugal this type of alloy only became widespread during the Late Bronze Age [
28]. This is a notable finding, as it situates these women in funerary contexts associated with access to prestige objects of non-local origin during the Middle Bronze Age.
By contrast, daggers in arsenical copper are associated with different contexts, namely, an adult individual of undetermined sex (hypogeum [1298]–[1695]) and a non-adult individual (hypogeum [2215]–[2231]) [
28]. Although weapons do not reveal statistically significant differences between sexes at the overall sample scale, the concentration of bronze weapons and silver elements in female burials at Torre Velha 3 suggests differentiated funerary practices compatible with specific forms of social recognition.
Assuming that adornments function as symbols of identity construction, social transmission, and prestige [
56], these occur in both female and male individuals, albeit with differences in expression and contextual association. At Torre Velha 3, two female burials stand out, hypogea [2356]–[2357] and [2417]–[2418], in which metal elements interpreted as possible components of a head-dress were identified [
28], in association with diverse grave good assemblages, suggesting a particularly elaborate funerary treatment. A metal ring was also identified in hypogeum [1019]–[1018] at Torre Velha 12, associated with a male individual accompanied by a ceramic vessel, a copper-alloy dagger, a meat offering, and pigments. Sporadic cases of non-adult individuals with adornments were also recorded, as well as a ring in association with an ossuary from hypogeum [5922]–[5921] at Montinhos 6.
Overall, the observed differences reveal specific practices in the treatment of the dead according to age and sex, suggesting patterns compatible with social differentiation and indicating a possible association between adult female individuals and enhanced funerary investment, as well as tentative evidence for mechanisms of intergenerational status transmission.
5. Conclusions
Archaeological interventions conducted in the interior of Baixo Alentejo have led to the identification of a significant number of hypogeum funerary contexts that were previously poorly documented in this region. This study presents the first integrated, multi-site analysis of these contexts for the Middle Bronze Age of southern Portugal, combining bioanthropological, spatial, archaeometallurgical, and funerary data across a regionally representative sample.
Most of the analysed hypogea date between the mid-18th and late 15th centuries BCE. From a spatial perspective, their organisation into clusters suggests structured funerary areas that may have held sustained significance within the landscape, indicating recurrent and possibly deliberate spatial choices over time. The architectural variability documented across the sample, spanning several distinct typologies, may reflect functional or social distinctions within this broad funerary category, a dimension that remains to be systematically explored.
Bioanthropological analysis indicates that access to hypogea was not restricted to a specific age group or biological sex, although certain criteria appear to have influenced funerary treatment. The frequent coexistence of primary inhumations with reductions and ossuary deposits evidences recurrent reuse of these structures, situating them within a long-term depositional tradition rooted in the Chalcolithic and persisting throughout the Bronze Age.
Recurrent behavioural patterns were identified in architectural orientation, body positioning, and the distribution of grave goods. A tendency for female individuals to be deposited in right lateral position and male individuals in left lateral position suggests patterned funerary differentiation associated with biological sex. The orientations of both entrances and bodies display non-random tendencies that may reflect structured spatial choices and potentially symbolic considerations. The distribution of facial orientations, broadly bipartite along an east–west axis with a marked absence of north and south directions, is consistent with this pattern. However, in the absence of formal archaeoastronomical analysis, any cosmological interpretation must remain tentative and warrants dedicated future investigation.
The analysis of grave goods indicates that age was an important factor in their distribution, with offerings occurring predominantly among adult individuals. Female burials more frequently exhibited a greater diversity of offerings, including ceramic vessels, metal awls, and in specific contexts, weapons. A particularly significant finding concerns the bronze artefacts from Torre Velha 3, whose tin contents of 8–12% suggest a non-local technological tradition, given that this alloy composition only becomes widespread in southern Portugal during the Late Bronze Age [
28]. The concentration of these technologically distinctive objects in female burials may indicate differentiated forms of social recognition and tentatively raises the possibility of intergenerational mechanisms of status transmission, a hypothesis that requires further bioarchaeological testing. The predominance of individuals deposited with their backs to the hypogeum entrance, observed across the sample, further attests to the existence of shared behavioural conventions in funerary deposition, whose precise meaning, whether practical, ritual, or both, remains open.
Taken together, these results contribute to a more nuanced understanding of Middle Bronze Age societies in southwestern Iberia. The evidence suggests communities in which funerary practices appear to have been structured by age, biological sex, and possible social differentiation and in which funerary architecture may have functioned as arenas for social memory, identity negotiation, and potentially symbolic expression. The absence of isotopic (strontium, carbon, oxygen) and ancient DNA data for Middle Bronze Age populations in southwestern Iberia represents a significant limitation in assessing residential mobility, diet, biological affinity, and kinship patterns. Future research integrating isotopic and genomic analyses would allow direct testing of the intergenerational status transmission hypothesis suggested here and clarification of the biological relationships between individuals sharing the same funerary spaces.