Genealogy of Ethnomotography: Rituals and Identity of a Women’s Motorcycle Group in Adana (Türkiye)

Abstract

This study examines the rituals and identity formation processes of a women’s motorcycle group in Adana (Türkiye) through an autoethnographic perspective. While motorcycles are often associated with male-dominated cultures, women riders have increasingly established their own communities and collective practices. Drawing on participant observation, the study introduces the concept of “ethnomotography” to describe autoethnographic research conducted within motorcycle culture. Data were collected through long-term participation in group activities, meetings, rallies, and everyday interactions as a member of the group between September 2022 and June 2024. The findings demonstrate that group identity is constructed and maintained through a series of rituals that resemble “rites of passage”. These rituals include initiation processes, the symbolic use of club insignia and vests, participation in weekly meetings and rallies, collective social responsibility projects, and mechanisms regulating membership continuity. The findings demonstrate that these rituals function as cultural mechanisms through which belonging, solidarity, and collective identity are produced. At the same time, the study shows that while the women’s motorcycle group provides an important space for mutual support, visibility, and empowerment within a predominantly male motorcycle culture, it also selectively reproduces organizational norms commonly associated with motorcycle clubs. Finally, the study suggests that belonging may persist beyond formal organizational membership, indicating that ritual participation produces identities that extend beyond institutional boundaries. By introducing ethnomotography as a perspective for studying motorcycle cultures from within, this research contributes to discussions of ritual, gender and identity.

1. Introduction

Although many people continue to perceive motorcycling as a dangerous activity, motorcycle use has increased steadily in recent decades. This trend can be attributed to economic, ecological, demographic, and infrastructural factors, including inadequate road networks, insufficient public transportation systems, and limited parking availability. Studies suggest that motorcycle ownership and usage tend to increase as countries achieve higher levels of human development; in other words, a certain degree of socioeconomic development makes motorcycles a more attractive transportation option (Bastos et al. 2020). Parallel to this trend, the number of women motorcycle riders has also increased. Research indicates a notable rise in the proportion of female motorcyclists, particularly in highly urbanized societies (OECD/ITF 2015).

Adana is the seventh most populous province in Türkiye, with approximately 88% of its population residing in urban areas. Owing to its strong industrial and service sectors, as well as its agricultural potential, the city has experienced a significant migration and urbanization (Koyutürk 2026). According to data published by the Turkish Statistical Institute (TÜİK) in February 2026; 268,037 motorcycles were registered in Adana out of a total of 965,130 motor vehicles (TÜİK 2026). Although no official statistics are available regarding the number of female motorcyclists in the province, observations suggest that their numbers are increasing, mirroring the broader national trend. In fact, several motorcycle groups composed exclusively of women riders have emerged in recent years.

The inclusion of motorcycle groups in academic research is relatively recent. One of the pioneering studies in the social sciences is the ethnographic work of Wolf (1991), conducted among a Canadian outlaw motorcycle club. Wolf challenged the dominant public image of motorcycle groups as violent and drug-oriented subcultures, arguing that this stereotype was largely constructed and perpetuated by the media. According to Wolf, non-violent motorcyclists had spent decades attempting to overcome the anti-hero image associated with biker culture.

Another important contribution was made by Maxwell (1998), who examined motorcycle clubs from the perspectives of urban anthropology and social organization. Maxwell emphasized the sociocultural significance of motorcycle clubs and rallies, arguing that these settings facilitate interaction among riders and foster a sense of community. Shared values, organizational structures, and ritualized practices contribute to the maintenance of enduring social ties and collective identities. Maxwell also observed a growing presence of women in motorcycling, particularly following the Women & Motorcycling National Conference organized by the American Motorcyclist Association (AMA) in 1997, noting that a substantial proportion of female riders were white-collar professionals.

Ethnographic studies of motorcycling frequently begin with thick descriptions of rituals and symbolic practices. Austin’s (2009) study of a BMW motorcycle rally, for instance, explores the role of ritual in the construction and maintenance of social boundaries. Drawing on Durkheim’s ([1915] 1965) understanding of religion, Austin argues that modern societies transform religious elements into secular forms, and that ritual practices strengthen participants’ attachment both to the group and to the broader social order. As both a researcher and a BMW rider, Austin employed participant observation, surveys, and interviews, incorporating the experiences of a female rider to enhance the representation of women within the study. He concluded that recreational communities function as consumer tribes whose ritual practices reinforce collective identities and distinguish group boundaries through symbols such as clothing, norms, and motorcycle preferences. Austin argues that such communities have become increasingly important in both post-industrial societies and contemporary identity formation.

Building upon these perspectives, Wiggen (2019) employed the framework of “structural symbolic interactionism,” adapted from Stryker (2007), to examine the development of shared meanings and identities within a motorcycle club composed of active-duty and reserve military personnel. Through an autoethnographic approach, Wiggen investigated both positive and negative leadership behaviors. His findings indicated that transformational leadership practices—such as embodying organizational values, prioritizing collective interests, and fostering a shared sense of purpose—strengthened group cohesion and participation. Conversely, ego-driven decision-making, ineffective communication, disrespect, and deviations from organizational values generated uncertainty regarding members’ social identities, reducing participation and, in some cases, leading to disengagement from the group.

As these studies demonstrate, women riders remain underrepresented in motorcycle research despite the increasing visibility of female participation in motorcycling. Moreover, motorcycle environments have often been conceptualized as spaces in which masculinity is reproduced and reinforced. Lipman-Blumen (1976) described the tendency to seek and prefer same-sex companionship as a “homosocial” process that emerges in childhood and is reinforced by social institutions throughout life. Within patriarchal social systems, men are generally assigned positions of greater social value than women. In this context, outlaw motorcycle clubs—whose members often organize their lives around motorcycling and develop distinct consumption patterns, lifestyles, and behavioral norms—may be understood as homosocial environments in which masculinity is reproduced and alternative masculine identities are constructed (Altundaş 2015). Hopper and Moore (1990) similarly noted that membership in outlaw motorcycle clubs is typically restricted to heterosexual men, highlighting the exclusionary gender dynamics embedded within such organizations.

The present study differs from earlier research in several important respects. While Wolf’s (1991) ethnography focused on a Canadian outlaw motorcycle club and Maxwell’s (1998) work examined motorcycle communities within a United States context, this study investigates an all-women motorcycle group in Türkiye. Furthermore, unlike the predominantly male or mixed-gender groups discussed in previous studies, the group examined here consists entirely of women riders. Unlike Austin’s (2009) study of a BMW rally, which approached motorcycling as a form of consumer tribalism, and Wiggen’s (2019) examination of a military motorcycle club shaped by occupational identities and leadership dynamics, this study focuses on the ways in which women riders construct belonging, solidarity, and collective identity through shared rituals within a female-only motorcycle community. Finally, whereas previous studies primarily relied on ethnographic observation, the present research adopts an autoethnographic perspective grounded in my long-term participation as a member of the group. These differences provide a unique opportunity to explore how rituals, belonging, and collective identity are constructed within a women’s motorcycle community operating in a cultural context that has received little scholarly attention.

Although motorcycle culture has attracted increasing scholarly attention in Türkiye, existing studies have primarily focused on motorcycle group membership (Ertaş and Aktaş 2019), recreational motorcycle use and motivation (Ardahan and Güleç 2020), motorcycle tourism (Kaya and Çoban 2018), motorcycle museums (Keskin 2018), and the construction of masculinity in motorcycle clubs (Altundaş 2015). However, research focusing specifically on women motorcyclists remains very limited. To the best of my knowledge, no ethnographic or autoethnographic study has yet examined the rituals, identity formation processes, and lived experiences of an all-women motorcycle group in Türkiye. The women’s motorcycle group examined in this study consists exclusively of women riders. Therefore, compared to motorcycle groups composed of men—contexts in which gender norms and hegemonic masculinity are often reproduced—it occupies a distinctive position for examining the relationship between gender, identity, and motorcycle culture.

This study focuses on a women’s motorcycle group in Adana (Türkiye), where motorcycle use is widespread and where women riders operate within a broader motorcycle culture that remains predominantly male. The primary aim of the study is to examine how collective identity is formed and maintained through ritual practices. By analyzing the rituals of a women’s motorcycle group, the study demonstrates that motorcycles are not merely modes of transportation but also important sites for cultural reproduction, identity construction, and social belonging. Although motorcycle culture has historically been associated with masculinity, women have increasingly established their presence within this field and developed their own forms of collective organization. Examining an all-women motorcycle group therefore provides an opportunity to explore not only how collective identity and belonging are produced through ritual practices, but also how gendered norms may be challenged, negotiated or reproduced within women’s communities. The significance of this study lies in addressing a notable gap in the literature by providing an autoethnographic account based on long-term participant observation within a women’s motorcycle group.

2. Materials and Methods

Ethnography is one of the principal field research methods in anthropology, a discipline concerned with collective ways of life and cultural practices (Augé and Colleyn 2005). It focuses on culture and social behavior within their natural settings. The significance of ethnographic research lies in its emphasis on “being there,” experiencing, and observing social life directly. From this perspective, understanding the native’s point of view can only be achieved through sustained participant observation (Altuntek 2009). As Blommaert and Jie (2010) argue, ethnography is a learning process in which the researcher initially enters the field as an outsider but gradually moves from the margins of the social environment toward a more central position. Through prolonged engagement, the researcher observes rituals, recurring social practices, and the patterns of thought and belief expressed through everyday actions (Creswell 2013).

Ethnography, however, is not limited to observation and data collection. It also constitutes a framework for analysis, interpretation, and writing that requires reflexivity and self-disclosure regarding the researcher’s position within the field (Creswell 2013). One form of ethnographic writing is autoethnography, defined as research and writing that seeks to describe and systematically analyze personal experience in order to understand cultural experience (Ellis 2004; Holman Jones 2005; Ellis et al. 2011). In autoethnographic research, the researcher examines culture from within, drawing upon personal experiences and a shared cultural identity. Thus, cultural meanings are interpreted through the researcher’s own lived experiences.

Based on this perspective, the present study draws upon the experiences of the researcher, who is both a motorcycle rider and a member of the women’s motorcycle group examined in this research. The study is based on participant observation conducted between September 2022 and June 2024 and focuses on the rituals through which group identity and a sense of belonging are created and maintained. The research introduces the concept of ethnomotography to describe this particular form of autoethnographic inquiry. In this term, “ethno” refers to cultural experience, while “moto” refers to the motorcycle as the central object around which this experience is organized. Furthermore, the Turkish word oto (auto) is embedded within the term m(oto), symbolically linking personal experience to motorcycle culture. Accordingly, ethnomotography is proposed as an autoethnographic approach that explores cultural experiences through and within motorcycle communities. Readers will therefore encounter not only the collective experiences of the group but also the researcher’s own experiences as part of that shared cultural world. While this study is grounded in the principles of autoethnography, I use the term ethnomotography to emphasize several features that are specific to motorcycle culture and to the research process through which this culture is experienced and interpreted. Autoethnography broadly refers to the systematic analysis of personal experience in order to understand cultural experience (Ellis 2004; Ellis et al. 2011). However, in motorcycle communities, cultural participation is inseparable from movement, embodied practice, and the shared experience of riding. The term ethnomotography therefore highlights the role of the motorcycle not merely as a research setting, but as a central medium through which cultural meanings, identities, relationships, and forms of belonging are produced and experienced. Riding together, navigating routes, participating in rallies, wearing protective equipment, and engaging in motorcycle-specific rituals constitute embodied and mobile forms of cultural practice that shape both the field experience and the research process itself. Accordingly, ethnomotography may be understood as an autoethnographic approach that foregrounds mobility, embodiment, and motorcycle-mediated experience as central dimensions of cultural participation and knowledge production.

The women’s motorcycle group examined in this study consists of approximately forty members. All members were assigned female at birth, although several identified as non-binary. The group includes riders from diverse age groups, occupational backgrounds, and social positions. Membership is not restricted by motorcycle brand or engine capacity. To ensure confidentiality and protect participants from potential harm, neither the official name of the group nor identifying personal information has been disclosed. All participants provided informed consent, and identifying information was removed to ensure confidentiality.

As a participant-observer, I took part in regular meetings, motorcycle rides, rallies, festivals, social responsibility projects, and informal gatherings organized by the group. My experiences throughout the participation formed the basis of the analysis, which focused on ritual practices, symbolic meanings, group norms, and processes of identity construction. Reflexivity constituted an essential component of the research process and enabled me to critically experience my dual role as both a participant and a researcher while reflecting on the lived experience of group membership. Although this study examines the rituals, collective identity, and sense of belonging of a women’s motorcycle group, the analytical focus remains my own lived experience as a member of that community. The observations and interpretations presented throughout the manuscript are therefore not intended as objective descriptions of the group itself, but as reflections on how I experienced, interpreted, and made sense of its cultural practices.

Drawing on Aygün Cengiz’s (2025) conceptualization of autoethnography, I understand my personal experience as inseparable from the cultural context in which it emerged. Riding a motorcycle is not merely an individual act; it is a culturally situated practice shaped by gendered expectations, social norms, and shared symbolic meanings. Accordingly, the experiences presented in this study are examined not simply as personal memories, but as culturally embedded experiences through which broader processes of identity formation, belonging, and ritual practice can be understood. Data analysis was conducted in accordance with the interpretive logic of ethnographic and autoethnographic inquiry rather than through a formal coding procedure. During the writing process, I repeatedly revisited memories of these experiences and reflected on recurring practices, symbols, narratives, and interactions associated with rituals, belonging, identity, and group membership. The analysis was therefore guided by a process of participation, observation, reflection, interpretation, and writing. Accordingly, ethnomotography is employed not simply to document motorcycle culture, but to understand how riding a motorcycle becomes a culturally situated, embodied, and gendered experience through which both personal and collective meanings are produced.

3. Results/Findings

As previous studies have indicated, motorcycle groups have certain common rituals that fulfill community functions (see Wolf 1991; Maxwell 1998; Austin 2009; Shabanowitz 2013; and Wiggen 2019 for further reading). Turner (1964) defines rituals as a social process composed of symbolic expressions. He argues that symbols are the building blocks that make up rituals and to understand the profound structure of the ideas imbued in a ritual, we must understand how the culture carriers who perform that ritual interpret their own symbols. In this study, the rituals and symbols of a women’s motorcycle group located in Adana will be examined to understand how the group maintains the sense of community and identity.

Researchers argue that with the transition from traditional to postmodern societies, the relation of consumption with identity became a key indicator while alternative types of lifestyles developing around sports have been a way of asserting cultural identity (Wheaton 2000). In motorcycle culture, image-based identities are created through the special protective equipment and motorcycle types. Global brands such as BMW and common types like choppers, cross and enduros have their own groups and rallies in different cities of the world. The group examined in this study is not limited to any brand or segment; in addition, it provides a setting in which riders of motorcycles of all styles, sizes and brands can ride together. This creates a space where women from diverse economic and social backgrounds can interact and collaborate, effectively eliminating socio-economic differences such as income and educational backgrounds or ethnic and religious origin. Having riders from all walks of life and professions with equal rights within the group expands the social circle of group members and allows them to meet more people. Furthermore, riding with other women provides a sense of security and strengthens solidarity in the face of any mishaps that may occur during the rally. The group maintains specific riding and safety standards; riding motorcycles without helmets and equipment is forbidden. Group members generally regard clothing such as tights and shorts as inconsistent with the group’s safety-oriented riding norms. The common thread among the women in the group is that they see motorcycling not just as a means of transportation and a leisure activity, but as a lifestyle and appearance and riding attire play an important role in the construction of identity. In this sense, motorcycling as a woman is a form of social existence for the group members, integrated with their own experiences, skills and personalities.

According to anthropologists, human life consists of transitions from one social status to another, each marked by distinct stages with similar beginnings, endings, and new beginnings. These stages such as birth, social maturity, marriage, fatherhood, and death are accompanied by rituals that facilitate the individual’s transition from a defined position to another equally well-defined one. van Gennep ([1960] 2004) calls these rituals “rites of passage” and examines them in three stages: “separation (preliminal), transition (liminal), and incorporation (postliminal).” The first stage of separation involves the symbolic behavior of the individual or group indicating their departure from a previous specific position within the social structure or from a set of cultural conditions. During the entry into the liminal process, the characteristics of the ritual subject are still unclear; they are transitioning to a cultural realm with very few features of the past or future state. In the final stage, the transition is complete. The ritual subject is once again in a relatively stable state. Gennep emphasizes that in burial rituals performed by various human communities, the transition from one state to another is repeatedly staged. Örnek (1971) states that rituals clustered around three important “transitions”—birth, marriage, and death—govern these “transitions,” and that the purpose of these rituals is to celebrate and sanctify the person’s new state, while also protecting them from the dangers and harmful effects believed to intensify during the “transition.” Thus, he argues that the customs, traditions, and ceremonies clustered during “transition” periods constitute one of the main parts of the folklore of the country, geographical region, or smaller social units such as cities, districts, and villages under study. As mentioned above, motorcycle groups possess distinctive rituals, practices, symbols and jargon that make them particularly suitable subjects for ethnographic inquiry. Some of them will be analyzed below.

3.1. Initiation

As noted in the previous literature (Wolf 1991; Austin 2009; Altundaş 2015; and Wiggen 2019), motorcycle clubs have acceptance rules for riders. These rules are sometimes limited by the number of kilometers traveled by motorcycle, while other times they are determined by the type of motorcycle used. In some groups, a rider is temporarily accepted as a hangaround until becoming a prospect after gaining sufficient experience in group riding and proving his/her loyalty and earning the respect of the other members. Upon acceptance as a prospect, the rider is given the group’s vest, emblem, and patch. The initiation process therefore serves as more than a procedure for admitting new members. It constitutes a symbolic transition through which riders move from the status of outsiders to recognized members of the community. Through participation in group rides, adherence to collective norms, and eventual acceptance by existing members, individuals internalize the values of the group and develop a sense of belonging grounded in shared experiences.

The women’s motorcycle group in Adana has several ways to connect; it is easy to communicate via social media or to meet a member on the way. It is possible to join a group ride by attending one of their weekly meetings on a specific day. Before each ride, the riding plan and hand signals are explained in detail. On the first ride, a hangaround would be positioned in a way that does not endanger the group, and after the rally is evaluated by the leaders, provided that the rider complies with safety equipment requirements and have not engaged in any reckless behavior such as overtaking or wheelies, a hangaround could participate in future group activities and become a prospect.

My relationship with motorcycles began long before I ever rode one. As a child, I encountered motorcycles through the American films I watched, where they were almost always large chopper-style motorcycles ridden by men. It was the early 1980s, and I had not yet heard of pioneers such as Elspeth Beard. In Türkiye at that time, women who rode motorcycles were virtually invisible; even women drivers were relatively uncommon.

By the early 2000s, I was in my late thirties. I had completed my thesis, was married, and was a mother. The COVID-19 pandemic became an unexpected turning point in my life. Having completed my doctorate and reached a stage where my daughter had become relatively independent in her daily life, I felt that it was finally time to pursue aspirations that I had postponed for many years. At the same time, women motorcyclists had become increasingly visible in everyday life and on social media, making it easier to imagine myself occupying a space that had once seemed exclusively male.

When I decided to learn to ride a motorcycle, I enrolled in a riding school in Ankara. Motorcycle training in Türkiye often follows a rather limited model: trainees are taught to memorize the licensing area after only a few hours of practice and are then expected to pass the examination, despite having little control over the motorcycle itself. The school I chose, however, promised not merely to prepare students for the license but to teach them how to ride safely.

During my very first lesson, I successfully completed the slalom between the cones and felt an overwhelming sense of excitement and accomplishment. As I stopped the motorcycle, exhausted but happy, I called out to the instructor, who was speaking with another trainee nearby. In a split second—before I fully understood what had happened—the motorcycle lurched backwards, throwing me to the ground and trapping my leg beneath it. When the motorcycle was lifted off me, I realized that I could no longer move my leg. I later underwent surgery.

Following the accident, many members of my family and several friends urged me to give up motorcycling, insisting that it was simply too dangerous. While a part of me accepted the logic of their concerns, another part refused to abandon an aspiration that I had only just begun to pursue. I was unable to ride again for almost a year. Ironically, just as those around me assumed that I had permanently quit, I came across the women’s motorcycle group in Adana through social media. Having recently been appointed Adana, I decided to contact the group and eventually became one of its members.

Returning to motorcycling was accompanied by considerable anxiety. I was afraid of falling again, and my previous accident remained vividly present in my mind. Yet, during my first meeting with the women in the group, I heard stories of accidents, fears, and recovery that closely resembled my own. Listening to these experiences reassured me that vulnerability and fear were not individual weaknesses but shared dimensions of riding. Experienced motorcyclists often repeated a well-known saying within motorcycle culture: “Once you get the poison, you can never give it up.” The phrase refers to the enduring passion for riding that persists despite accidents, fear, or the risks associated with motorcycling. As I listened to the women’s stories, I gradually understood what this expression meant. Despite my injury and the doubts expressed by those around me, I realized that I no longer wanted to abandon motorcycling.

As a first step, I purchased a small retro-style pink scooter and began riding it on campus. During this period, members of the group repeatedly offered to accompany me whenever they had time, patiently helping me regain both my riding skills and my confidence. My next step was to ride between my home and the campus, a route I had deliberately chosen because it involved relatively light traffic. Riding my pink scooter around campus attracted considerable attention. Instead of hostility, drivers often greeted me with unexpected courtesy. Eventually, I was invited to join my first group ride within the city. The women gathered and came to escort me to the meeting point, ensuring that I would not have to ride alone. For me, this was far more than practical assistance. It was my first tangible experience of solidarity within the group, and riding alongside the other women made me feel safer, more confident, and, above all, that I truly belonged.

The women’s motorcycle group in Adana has a denim vest with the group emblem and patch on the back of it. My group vest carried my road name, “Berry,” embroidered on the front, with my blood type displayed directly beneath it. Wearing the vest made me realize that it represented far more than membership in a motorcycle group. It publicly signified both my identity within the community and my responsibility to uphold the group’s values whenever I wore it. Beyond simply making group members possible to distinguish from others, the vest is a garment with symbolic meaning, reflecting the values of the club. Therefore, it is emphasized that the vest-owner represents the group in every situation and should not engage in behavior that violates social norms. Such issues have been discussed in group meetings, and members have been warned accordingly. For instance, a member’s behavior at night venues and in pubs attracted the attention of members of an all-male motorcycle club, was deemed inappropriate, and was reported to the women’s motorcycle group leaders. During a weekly meeting, the women’s motorcycle group leaders warned the member in question, which led to some controversy within the group. While some members argued that private lives should not be subjected to group intervention, others maintained that the action would be attributed to all members because the group and members were widely known. In this respect, the group seems to provide a context for the reproduction of masculinity and its norms, despite being a women-only environment. Such situations show that the group identity takes precedence over individuality in some situations. Besides signifying the identity of the club, the vest serves both as a uniform and a status symbol. In short, the vest, which is a means for the club to be recognized by other clubs, also serves as a means for club members to express themselves; in addition to its function of conferring social status, it is an important symbol that represents the presence of individuals in the club and makes them tangible. In this sense, the vest functions as a material representation of collective identity. Beyond identifying group membership, it symbolizes commitment, responsibility, and recognition within the community. By wearing the vest, members publicly express their belonging to the group while simultaneously becoming representatives of its values and norms. Observing these discussions from within the group made me aware that wearing the vest involved responsibilities that extended far beyond motorcycle riding itself. I gradually realized that the group’s expectations also encompassed members’ behaviour in their private lives, since individual actions were often interpreted as reflecting upon the collective identity of the group. Although the group offered women an alternative space within a male-dominated motorcycle culture, I also witnessed how certain forms of social control and behavioural regulation resembled norms that have traditionally characterized male motorcycle clubs.

However, group members could also receive support from the group leadership and other members in difficult situations they experienced outside or with the members of other groups. For instance, the group showed solidarity with a group member who was being violently threatened by the man who she had been divorced from or with a member who was having an argument with members of other groups. In some rallies, a solo male rider encountering the group on the road, attempts to join the formation without invitation in order to attract attention. In such cases, with the coordination of the road captain and the tail gunner, the wings intervene, ensuring that the unwanted guest is removed, and unsolicited interference and mansplaining is prevented from the group. Another advantage of riding in a female group is that other vehicles are less likely to harass in traffic when in a group consisting of female drivers. These practices of mutual support reinforce the perception of the group as more than a riding community. The group becomes a source of emotional security and social solidarity, strengthening members’ attachment to the collective and deepening their sense of belonging beyond motorcycle-related activities. In conclusion, although it was stated that the homosocial process and stratification system rank individuals and groups according to their values to society, in the case of female riders, it could be observed that solidarity may sometimes challenge prevailing gender hierarchies and social stratification.

Looking back on this process, I realized that my initiation into the group did not occur at a single moment, nor was it marked solely by being accepted as a member. It began with my decision to return to motorcycling after my accident, continued through the encouragement and support I received from the women in the group, and gradually unfolded as I participated in rides, meetings, and everyday interactions. Over time, I came to understand that belonging was not granted simply through membership, but earned through shared experiences, mutual trust, and commitment to the group’s values. Experiencing this process from within also enabled me to recognize initiation not merely as an organizational procedure but as a cultural ritual through which both individual and collective identities are continuously negotiated and reaffirmed.

3.2. Weekly Meetings, Organizations and the Rally

Most motorcycle clubs hold regular meetings on specific days of the week. For the women’s motorcycle group of Adana, the meeting day is Thursday, on which important issues are discussed, members’ birthdays are celebrated, and future plans are made. Except for the meeting day, the group members go on a ride mostly on the weekend. Members are encouraged to share meetings and rides on social media, with a tag of the group profile. Regular attendance at meetings is important, and absenteeism is not tolerated. Members who are absent multiple times in a row will be warned by the administration, and if it continues, it is possible to be expelled from membership. Regular meetings play an important role in the maintenance of collective identity. By bringing members together on a routine basis, they create opportunities for the continuous reaffirmation of group values, shared memories, and interpersonal relationships. Attendance therefore functions not only as participation in organizational activities but also as a ritual reaffirmation of membership.

My understanding of commitment to the group deepened, especially when I decided to replace my scooter with a geared motorcycle. After selling my scooter, I was temporarily unable to participate in rallies as a rider and occasionally had to join as a pillion. However, there was not always a rider available to take me. On such occasions, I still chose to accompany the group by car, transporting members’ bags or belongings so that the riders could travel more comfortably. These experiences made me realize that belonging to the group was not defined solely by riding a motorcycle. Membership required regular participation, reliability, and a willingness to contribute to the collective in whatever way was possible. Group membership involved not only rides but also meetings, social events, organizational responsibilities, and mutual support. In this sense, commitment to the community was performed through sustained participation rather than simply through motorcycle ownership or riding itself.

One of the events that the women’s motorcycle group has regularly attended for the past three years is the Orange Blossom Festival of Adana. This is a traditional street festival held every April in Adana since 2013, transforming the city’s streets into a carnival area. It is Türkiye’s first and most comprehensive street carnival. During carnival week, large parades are organized in central locations of the city. Costumed participants, dancers, and music groups fill the streets. Traditional delicacies are served and examples of handicrafts are displayed, non-governmental organizations, and cultural/artistic institutions operating in the city featuring along with motorcycle groups. Motorcycle groups gather in designated areas during the festival, setting up their tents and host motorcycle groups from other cities who have come to support and participate in the festival. It is expected that motorcycle groups coming from other cities will reciprocate these visits at events they organize. Motorcycle groups also lead the parade organized for the festival. Although the women’s motorcycle group has participated in the festival for three years, they do not take part in the parade due to concerns about its riding safety. However, they host their guests in their designated area and develop relationships with other motorcycle groups. Throughout the festival, the women stay in tents within the festival area. On the last day of the festival, the women motorcycle group organizes a large breakfast; this is significant because it hosts motorcycle groups from other cities, fosters the spirit of motorcycling and solidarity, and demonstrates the group’s presence to other motorcycle groups in the city through the number of attendees. Participation in the Orange Blossom Festival also contributes to the public performance of collective identity. By hosting guests, interacting with other motorcycle groups, and maintaining a visible presence within the festival space, members collectively represent and reaffirm their identity as women motorcyclists.

One of the favorite routes of Turkish motorcycle groups is Taşyol in Kemaliye (Erzincan), and it is accepted as the “pilgrimage of motorcycling”. Anyone who has ridden this route has proven their skills. I completed the Taşyol journey at the end of August 2024 as a pillion of a solo ride. Over the course of a week, we travelled nearly 3000 km across Türkiye, riding from the western part of the country to the east and back again. Throughout the journey, we exchanged the traditional motorcyclists’ greeting with other riders. Performed by briefly removing the left hand from the handlebar and extending the index and middle fingers downward in a V-shape, the gesture symbolizes the wish that the rider’s two wheels remain safely on the ground. Along the way, we met many Turkish and international motorcyclists, all of whom immediately recognized us as fellow members of the same riding community through this simple ritual.

The journey exposed us to constantly changing conditions. At times, we rode beneath the scorching summer sun; at others, we continued through heavy rain. Unlike travelling by car, motorcycling never allowed me to separate myself from the surrounding environment. Rather than being enclosed within steel, glass, and airbags, I felt directly immersed in the landscape. The wind, temperature, smells, and changing light became part of the riding experience. Risk was never absent; it was an inherent element of motorcycling. Yet, instead of producing constant fear, this awareness demanded complete concentration. Focusing entirely on the road and on the next corner, while temporarily leaving behind everyday concerns, became a therapeutic experience for me, as many motorcyclists describe.

Riding through Taşyol itself was both demanding and unforgettable. Carved into the steep cliffs of the Dark Canyon, its narrow tunnels and dramatic landscape transformed the ride into something that many Turkish motorcyclists describe as a pilgrimage. Although I experienced the journey as a pillion rather than a rider, completing Taşyol represented far more than reaching a destination. It marked my symbolic acceptance into a broader motorcycling community and provided me with a shared experience that continues to shape both my identity as a motorcyclist and my understanding of the cultural meanings attached to riding.

On the other hand, the women’s motorcycle group in Adana often organizes local-area rides. The largest and most important ride of the group is the Petrolettes rally. The Petrolettes is a global platform bringing female+ (community’s usage) riders together in all riding levels and motorcycles via the motosisters platform. The women’s motorcycle group in Adana joins the rally of Petrolettes every year. Women riders in different countries organize a rally at the same time and they connect via the internet during the Petrolettes rally. The rally route is limited to a maximum distance of 250 km. Participating groups upload photographs to social media shortly after the ride with the tag of the Petrolettes and they connect each other by video call during the breaks at the checkpoints so that they aim to inspire and empower women around the love of motorcycles and share freedom and adventure as well as the awareness of being a part of a wider community and feeling seen. Small gifts such as t-shirts and badges are sent by the sponsors to participating groups as a memento of the rally. Unlike local rides, the Petrolettes rally connects participants to a broader transnational community of women riders. This experience expands members’ sense of belonging beyond the local group and enables them to perceive themselves as part of a global network of female motorcyclists who share similar values, experiences, and aspirations.

One of the significant activities carried out by the women’s motorcycle group in Adana is their social responsibility initiatives. One such initiative is a campaign to collect sanitary pads for women affected by the February 2023 earthquakes, who lacked access to hygiene products. While Adana was one of the affected provinces, sanitary pads were also sent to women in other provinces with significant destruction, such as Hatay and Adıyaman. This can be considered more than just a solidarity event; it is an act of sharing grief and strengthening social bonds. Faced with this large-scale devastation, many segments of society spontaneously mobilized and launched a campaign to meet the needs of the earthquake victims, and this spirit of solidarity revived public consciousness. The women’s motorcycle group in Adana also joined this solidarity from a perspective that prioritized the needs of earthquake-affected women. These initiatives demonstrate that collective identity within the group is not constructed solely through riding practices but also through shared values and acts of social responsibility. Participating in such activities reinforces social bonds among members while strengthening the moral foundations of group belonging.

3.3. Departure

Like other motorcycle clubs, the members of the women motorcycle group of Adana are expected to remain active participants, as prolonged inactivity may result in exclusion from the group. They should try to attend as many activities and rides as they can. Sometimes members face conflicts between the club and family responsibilities, more than a male club member. For a woman, it might be more difficult to balance two of them. For some weekly meetings, women had to come with their baby and children. A member had also a conflict due to the fact that she had to keep her shop open at the weekend so she could not attend the rides several times in a row during riding season. Membership needs to spend most of the weekends at the riding season so miss some family and/or job responsibilities. Despite these dedications, it is considered against the rules and will be criticized if current group members continue to communicate with a member who has been expelled from the group. In this context, it could be said that expulsion from the group resembles a form of symbolic social death, as the individual loses access to the group, its symbols, and collective identity associated with membership. Also, the patch and items such as the group vest and t-shirt of the expelled member are requested back. It is known that in some clubs, the group vest is forcibly taken from former members who do not return it, often through physical violence. Such a practice does not exist in the women’s motorcycle group in Adana.

My own departure from the group reflected this tension between collective solidarity and organizational loyalty. During my time as a member, I formed close friendships with several women in the group. We supported one another in learning to ride, overcoming fears, coping with personal difficulties, and navigating everyday life beyond motorcycling. These relationships extended beyond the formal boundaries of the group and became meaningful friendships in their own right.

However, after one of these women left the group, I chose to continue our friendship. At the time, the group was engaged in ongoing discussions about whether members should maintain contact with former members. Remaining in contact with someone who had left the group was increasingly viewed as incompatible with loyalty to the organization, and members found themselves implicitly expected to choose between the group and those who had departed. Faced with this situation, I chose to leave the group myself.

After my departure, I removed the group patch from my vest and never wore it again, although I did not return it to the group. I still wear the cap bearing the group’s name and my road name, “Berry.” Although I am no longer an active member, I continue to value what the group gave me: a culture of solidarity, confidence as a motorcyclist, greater visibility as a woman rider, and a sense of belonging that fundamentally shaped my experience of motorcycle culture. My departure therefore did not represent a rejection of the community itself, but rather a different way of carrying its influence into my life beyond formal membership.

From the perspective of rites of passage, departure represents the reverse of incorporation. Just as initiation rituals symbolically integrate individuals into the community, expulsion or withdrawal removes access to the social relationships, symbols, and shared identity associated with membership. Consequently, leaving the group may be understood as a form of symbolic social death.

However, my own experience suggests that departure is not always simply the reverse of initiation. Although I was no longer recognized as a formal member of the group, the rituals, relationships, and shared experiences through which I had become a motorcyclist continued to shape my identity. Removing the group patch from my vest marked the end of my organizational membership, yet continuing to wear the cap bearing my road name, “Berry,” reminded me that the identity I had developed within the group endured beyond formal affiliation. Reflecting on this experience, I came to realize that leaving the organization did not necessarily mean leaving the community or abandoning the values it had fostered in me. This experience suggests that while organizations may regulate the boundaries of membership, the meanings, relationships, and identities produced through shared rituals often extend beyond those formal boundaries.

4. Discussion

The findings of this study demonstrate that the women’s motorcycle group in Adana develops and maintains a strong collective identity through a series of ritualized practices from an autoethnographic perspective. The rituals described throughout this study were not merely organizational practices but embodied experiences through which belonging and identity gradually emerged. Because these rituals were experienced through my own long-term participation in the group, they also illuminate how motorcycling is learned not only as a technical skill but as a cultural practice.

Consistent with Turner’s (1964) understanding of rituals as symbolic social processes, the observed activities function not merely as organizational procedures but also as mechanisms through which members internalize group values, establish social bonds, and reinforce collective identity. The significance attributed to the group vest, participation in rallies, regular meetings, and collective social activities illustrates how material and behavioral symbols contribute to the construction of a distinctive group identity.

The initiation process identified in the study closely resembles van Gennep’s ([1960] 2004) rites of passage. New participants first enter the group as outsiders, undergo a transitional period during which they learn group norms and demonstrate commitment, and eventually become full members. This process not only regulates membership but also strengthens the symbolic boundaries between insiders and outsiders. Similar patterns have been reported in studies of motorcycle clubs and riding communities as listed above, suggesting that ritualized admission practices remain central to motorcycle culture. Viewed through the lens of rites of passage, the rituals observed within the women’s motorcycle group function not only as organizational practices but also as mechanisms through which collective identity is created, negotiated, and maintained. These rituals establish symbolic boundaries between members and non-members while fostering a shared sense of belonging among participants. The rituals of initiation, participation, and departure collectively create, reinforce, and regulate group identity and belonging within the women’s motorcycle community. My own experiences suggest that becoming a motorcyclist cannot be reduced to obtaining a riding licence or purchasing a motorcycle. Rather, identity developed gradually through learning, vulnerability, recovery, repeated participation, shared stories and recognition by other riders. Initiation therefore represents not simply admission into an organization but an ongoing process through which individuals learn to understand themselves as members of a motorcycle community.

The findings also support previous arguments that leisure and consumption-based lifestyles play an important role in contemporary identity formation (Wheaton 2000). The present study further suggests that motorcycles are experienced as far more than recreational vehicles or means of transportation. Throughout my fieldwork, riding gradually became associated with freedom, competence, responsibility, visibility, solidarity, and belonging. Practices such as exchanging the motorcyclists’ greeting, participating in Taşyol, wearing the club vest, and taking part in collective rides transformed riding into an embodied cultural practice through which personal and collective identities were continuously negotiated. Accordingly, motorcycles function not merely as material objects but as symbolic resources through which riders interpret themselves and their place within the wider motorcycle culture.

An important contribution of this study concerns the gendered dimension of motorcycle culture. Existing representations of motorcycling frequently emphasize masculine identities and male-dominated club structures. In contrast, the women’s motorcycle group examined here provides a social environment in which women riders can develop supportive relationships, exchange knowledge and experience, and negotiate challenges that may arise both within motorcycle culture and in broader social life. The examples of solidarity observed among members indicate that the group serves not only recreational purposes but also social support functions. My own experiences of returning to motorcycling after a serious injury illustrate how practical assistance, emotional encouragement, and shared experiences within the group facilitated the rebuilding of confidence. In this respect, the findings demonstrate the importance of women-centered communities in terms of social support, empowerment, and identity formation.

On the one hand, the women’s motorcycle group simultaneously challenges and reproduces elements of the gendered norms that have historically characterized motorcycle culture. The group provides a space in which women riders can support one another, develop riding skills, share experiences, and establish a collective identity independent of male-dominated motorcycle clubs. From this perspective, the group functions as an alternative social environment that expands women’s visibility and participation within motorcycling culture. On the other hand, some of the practices observed within the group suggest the persistence of norms that resemble those found in broader motorcycle culture. The expectation that members represent the group appropriately in public, the monitoring of behavior while wearing the club vest, and the prioritization of collective reputation over individual autonomy indicate that certain forms of social control continue to operate within the group. Thus, the findings suggest that women’s communities do not simply resist dominant gender structures; they may also selectively reproduce organizational norms and disciplinary mechanisms that are embedded within the wider motorcycle culture.

The study further demonstrates that collective activities such as participation in the Orange Blossom Festival, the Petrolettes rally, and social responsibility campaigns strengthen internal cohesion while simultaneously increasing the public visibility of women riders. These events create opportunities for members to represent themselves collectively and challenge conventional assumptions regarding gender and motorcycling. These events also extend the symbolic boundaries of the group beyond local organizational life, allowing members to represent themselves within regional, national, and international motorcycle communities. Thus, rituals operate both internally, by reinforcing group identity, and externally, by communicating that identity to wider society.

At the same time, the departure narratives reveal that maintaining membership requires sustained participation, commitment and loyalty to the group. Tensions may emerge between organizational expectations and personal responsibilities. For women riders in particular, family obligations, childcare responsibilities, and social expectations may complicate continued participation. My own departure from the group further demonstrated that leaving the organization did not necessarily mean abandoning the identity that had been developed through participation. Although my formal membership ended, the friendships, values, practices, and sense of belonging cultivated within the group continued to shape my relationship with motorcycle culture. This finding suggests that while organizations define the boundaries of membership, the identities and meanings produced through shared rituals frequently extend beyond those formal boundaries.

Taken together, ethnomotography offers a useful perspective for examining motorcycle cultures from within. By combining long-term participation, reflexive engagement, and attention to ritual, mobility, symbolism, and lived experience, ethnomotography makes it possible to understand motorcycles not simply as vehicles or leisure objects but as cultural media through which identity, belonging, gender, and community are continuously produced and negotiated.

This study has several limitations. Initially, it focuses on a single women’s motorcycle group in Adana and therefore does not claim to represent all women riders or motorcycle communities in Türkiye or the world. Secondly, the autoethnographic approach inevitably reflects the researcher’s experiences as a member of the group. Nevertheless, this perspective also provides unique access to meanings, emotions, and everyday practices that may be difficult to capture through external observation alone.

Future research could compare women’s motorcycle groups from different regions or examine interactions between women’s and mixed-gender motorcycle communities. Comparative studies conducted in different cultural contexts would further contribute to understanding how rituals, gender, and collective identity intersect within contemporary motorcycle cultures.