School Bullying Among Students with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD): The Role of the Educational Setting

Abstract

Students with autism are more likely to be victims of bullying. There are many factors that play a critical role in this. One of these is the school context. This study explores the experiences of bullying among students with autism based on school type. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with children diagnosed with ASD from different regions of Greece. The 16 children who participated in the study were aged between 12 and 15. Four attended special schools, two attended mainstream schools with educational support, and the remainder attended mainstream schools with support from special classes. The interviews were analysed using thematic analysis, revealing five main themes: (1) school experience, (2) friendship, (3) school bullying management and reactions, (4) where school bullying takes place, and (5) emotions arising from school bullying. The findings suggest that a safe and protective school environment can reduce bullying in children with ASD. These findings could contribute to the development of policies and intervention programmes aimed at addressing bullying in students with ASD.

1. Introduction

This study investigates bullying of children on the autism spectrum at school, depending on the context of the school they attend (i.e., a mainstream school with co-teaching support and inclusion classes, or a special school). According to Olweus (1994, p. 98), bullying is defined as “a phenomenon in which a person is bullied or victimised by one or more people over a period of time through repeated negative actions”. The present phenomenon can be regarded as an “umbrella term”, with various offshoots referring to the different forms it can take. These include “direct bullying”, involving physical attacks on the victim (e.g., kicks, pushes, and bites), and “indirect bullying”, where the actions are more covert and aimed at the emotional exhaustion of the individual (James, 2010; Olweus, 1994; Olweus et al., 2019). School bullying is a multifactorial phenomenon concerning not only the entire school community (students and teachers) but also parents (Asimopoulos, 2014). Thus, a multitude of factors contribute to its perpetuation, development, and manifestation (Kourkoutas, 2017).

The socio-ecological model proposed by Bronfenbrenner and his colleagues (Tudge & Rosa, 2020) provides a useful framework through which to understand how children’s characteristics interact with environmental factors in order to either promote or prevent victimisation. The model encompasses the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and chronosystem, and we can examine how relationships within these systems contribute to the emergence and perpetuation of bullying (Espelage, 2014). Espelage (2014) defines the microsystem as encompassing the influence of family, peers, community, and school. The presence of profound communicative and caring relationships, along with the implementation of effective parenting practices, has been identified as contributing to children’s emotional well-being, psychosocial development, and behavioural adjustment (Cerezo et al., 2018). The school climate is regarded as a multifaceted construct encompassing numerous dimensions, including the quality of school life, experiences, goals, values, relationships between students and teachers, students’ support networks, teaching practices, and discipline and compliance with strict yet fair rules (Mucherah et al., 2018). Empirical evidence has demonstrated that a positive school climate fosters students’ well-being by engendering favourable emotions. This not only enhances their self-esteem and sense of belonging but also cultivates the development of healthy interpersonal relationships with their peers (Ding et al., 2020; Dow-Fleisner et al., 2023). Within the mesosystem, the focus is on the interaction between these factors, paying particular attention to the role of teachers (Espelage, 2014).

Teachers have the potential to transform the classroom environment into a united community with respect as its core value (Dietrich et al., 2023). In the exosystem, schools are situated within a wider neighbourhood context, which can be unsafe and lead to bullying in schools (Espelage, 2014). The macrosystem studies the relationships between systems, meaning the occurrence of bullying is influenced by different contexts and cultures (Espelage, 2014). The final level of the socio-ecological model is the time system, which encompasses changes in either the immediate environment or the mainstream environmental context, affecting children’s development and behaviour (Espelage, 2014). However, research has shown that adolescents with strong and meaningful friendships and peer acceptance are less likely to engage in bullying or victimisation than those lacking social support and experiencing loneliness (Mucherah et al., 2018). Disability is one of the critical factors of victimisation, which is why the majority of children with disabilities are often bullied (Espelage, 2014). Consequently, children and adolescents with neurodevelopmental and psychiatric challenges are at a heightened risk of victimisation due to their difficulties in expressing emotions effectively, regulating behaviour, and engaging in social interactions (Abregú-Crespo et al., 2024).

Although there is limited research on bullying of students with autism spectrum disorder (ASD), it is widely accepted that these children are more likely to experience bullying than their peers without ASD (Campbell et al., 2017; Cappadocia et al., 2012; Zablotsky et al., 2014). ASD is characterised by difficulties in communication and social interaction, accompanied by repetitive patterns of behaviour and a limited range of interests or activities (American Psychological Association [APA], 2022). However, the manifestation and severity of symptoms can vary, affecting each individual’s level of functioning differently (Wilmshurst, 2017). The DSM 5 and DSM 5TR (American Psychological Association [APA], 2022; First, 2024) delineate three levels of severity, depending on the level of support required.

One particularly vulnerable population has received little attention: students with autism spectrum disorder (ASD). Specifically, the prevalence of bullying among typically developing children during school hours is estimated to be 20–30%, whereas among autistic children, this figure is 50% (Forrest et al., 2020), and in some cases, it is as high as 94% (Hsiao et al., 2022). Numerous studies have demonstrated that children diagnosed with ASD experience a higher incidence of physical, verbal, and social bullying than their peers, with social bullying being the most prevalent form (Forrest et al., 2020; Hsiao et al., 2022; Campbell et al., 2017; Cook et al., 2016). Notably, despite spending twice as much time online, cyberbullying is less prevalent among children with ASD (Campbell et al., 2017). Several factors have been identified that make children with autism more likely to be victims of bullying. These include symptom severity, such as limited interests, sensory difficulties, and repetitive stereotypical behaviours (Eroglu & Kilic, 2020), as well as the presence of mental health problems, including anxiety and difficulty managing emotions (Zablotsky et al., 2014). These symptoms increase their vulnerability to victimisation (Andreou et al., 2022; Cappadocia et al., 2012; Eroglu & Kilic, 2020; Zablotsky et al., 2014).

One controversial factor, in terms of its potential impact on victimisation and stigmatisation, is diagnosis. Research by R. White et al. (2020) suggests that adolescents diagnosed with autism are more likely to be victimised and compelled to avoid negative attitudes from others. Furthermore, stigmatisation is defined as “the process by which a person is labelled as undesirably different from the norm and experiences discrimination and loss of status as a result of being associated with negative stereotypes” (R. White et al., 2020). Conversely, parents argue that diagnosis is an appropriate tool for reducing stigmatisation because they believe it will provide a neurological explanation for their children’s behaviour, reducing the personal responsibility attributed to the child and, consequently, the malicious behaviour of the perpetrators (R. White et al., 2020). Another key factor is the communication difficulties faced by these children (Cappadocia et al., 2012). Having friends at school is a protective factor, whereas not having friends is a risk factor (Cappadocia et al., 2012; Zablotsky et al., 2014). Furthermore, they may be particularly vulnerable due to their challenges in deciphering their peers’ non-verbal cues, their underdeveloped capacity to interpret metaphorical language, and their propensity for externalising and internalising behavioural issues (McClemont et al., 2021; Rowley et al., 2012). According to the literature, the age of the children constitutes an additional risk. Researchers are divided on this issue, as some studies suggest that bullying increases with age (Eroglu & Kilic, 2020; Rodriguez et al., 2021) and becomes more severe (Morton et al., 2019).

However, some studies have found that bullying decreases in adolescence as children’s empathy increases during this period (Morton et al., 2019).

A final risk factor is the undeveloped ability of the “Theory of Mind” in children with ASD (Faro et al., 2023). The theory of mind is defined as the cognitive ability that enables individuals to make inferences regarding the beliefs and dispositions of others in specific circumstances, facilitating the interpretation of others’ behaviours and the anticipation of their subsequent actions (Pérez-Vigil et al., 2024). Consequently, children with autism are unable to comprehend abuse (Forrest et al., 2020). Research by Najeeb and Quadt (2024) indicates that rather than focusing on the deficits of children with autism in predicting whether they are potential targets of bullying, as the medical model does, it would be more appropriate to adopt a neurodiversity-affirming perspective to reach more concrete conclusions. According to the neurodiversity-affirmative model, rather than trying to reduce the difficulties experienced by children with autism, we should identify their strengths and help them develop these in a supportive environment, bringing us one step closer to inclusion. Rather than looking for ways to accommodate their difficulties, we should find ways to develop their talents and adapt the system to these positive elements. However, this model does not overlook the potential difficulties; it simply focuses on realising the potential of children with autism (Najeeb & Quadt, 2024).

Moreover, factors such as friendship, a supportive family environment, and a supportive school context can protect against bullying (Stasinos, 2020). The modern education system is particularly focused on inclusive education, providing equal opportunities for the active and full participation of students from all backgrounds (Stasinos, 2020). Specifically, it aims to facilitate the attendance of children and adolescents with ASD in mainstream school classes, either with or without the support of a co-teacher, special support staff, or a school nurse, or in inclusion classes or special school units (Papoutsaki & Bakopoulou, 2023; Syriopoulou-Delli & Polychronopoulou, 2017).

More specifically, parallel support (PS) is a co-teaching programme designed to address the educational needs of students with special educational needs in inclusive classrooms. This teaching method was introduced to Greece in the 2003–2004 school year, when Law 2817/2000 on special education was renamed the “Education of Individuals with Special Educational Needs” law. It has also become popular as an alternative to special education, aiming to enhance the inclusion of students with disabilities in mainstream educational environments, thereby contributing to systemic educational reform. It has been implemented at all levels of education in Greece, from primary to secondary, supporting students with various special learning needs in subjects such as language and mathematics. The main objective of co-teaching is to enhance academic performance and foster the social development of these students. It involves the collaboration of at least two teachers: a mainstream teacher and a special educational needs teacher. They provide combined teaching to one or more students with various special educational needs in the same classroom (Mavropalias & Anastasiou, 2016).

On the other hand, inclusion classes (ICs) in mainstream schools in Greece are closed structures that aim to include all students with special educational needs in mainstream school settings, providing them with individualised or specialised programmes that consider their learning needs and social skills. According to Law 3699/2008, two types of programmes have been determined by the Local Centre for Interdisciplinary Evaluation, Counselling and Support (KEDASY): The first is a ‘standard and specialised programme’ for students with mild special educational needs, with no more than fifteen instructional hours per week. The second is a ‘specialised team-based or individualised programme’ for students with more severe special educational needs (Giavrimis, 2024). In Greece, the framework for their integration into schools is determined by the Centres for Interdisciplinary Evaluation, Counselling and Support (Papoutsaki & Bakopoulou, 2023; Syriopoulou-Delli & Polychronopoulou, 2017).

When selecting school settings for children diagnosed with autism, the objective of preventing bullying must be emphasised. According to Zablotsky et al. (2014), children attending mainstream schools are more likely to be victims of bullying than those attending special schools. Consistent with these findings, research by Chen and Schwartz (2012) indicates that children with autism attending mainstream schools face a significantly higher risk of bullying than typically developing children. Students on the spectrum may develop a negative self-image, considering themselves to be “different” from their peers (Williams et al., 2019), and may feel rejected and isolated in mainstream schools, whereas they feel that they belong in special school settings (Cook et al., 2016). Furthermore, a systematic literature review by Maiano et al. (2016) revealed that the majority of analysed studies identified the school environment as the primary predictor of risk. These studies hypothesised that students with ASD are more susceptible to bullying due to increased interaction with typically developing children. Rowley et al. (2012) corroborate this assertion, observing that children with a strong inclination to socialise and interact with children in a mainstream school environment are more susceptible to bullying. This phenomenon occurs because the more these children seek the attention and acceptance of their peers, the more socially vulnerable they become. The existing literature on this topic suggests that including such children in learning contexts may pose risks of social exclusion and bullying. This can be explained by the fact that special education classrooms in mainstream schools tend to focus on the skill deficits of students with ASD. Consequently, they are considered to hinder full integration into the school environment, thus compromising the fundamental objectives of inclusion: access and acceptance (Zakai-Mashiach, 2023). Conversely, the neurodiversity-affirmative theory challenges current approaches to understanding and supporting children with autism. Specifically, according to Najeeb and Quadt (2024), it challenges the medical model, which focuses on the disadvantages experienced by children with autism. Instead, it tries to highlight their positive and unique characteristics in order to develop them and improve their social life. This can be achieved by changing the way therapists address autism, for example, by changing the language they use. Neurodiversity theory does not intend to undermine or underestimate the difficulties experienced by children with autism; rather, it acknowledges these difficulties by highlighting the strengths of autism. Therefore, inclusion should be based on the strengths of children rather than on how to limit their deficits (Najeeb & Quadt, 2024).

In the context of special educational needs, both pupils and parents have attested to a pervasive sense of safety, which is attributable to the effective and judicious management of bullying by teaching staff. There is also a notable emphasis on paying attention to pupils throughout the school day. Parents and children unanimously agree that there is no need for any modifications to the institution, with children expressing a profound sense of belonging (Shaw, 2017). This is due to the belief that the framework provides children with the necessary tools for future success. The only concern expressed by parents and children alike is the school’s focus on developing children’s social skills. As demonstrated above, all factors must be taken into consideration so that children and parents can determine which school context is suitable for the child at this stage, bearing in mind that all schools have positive and negative elements (Shaw, 2017). On the other hand, the inclusive educational system aims to give students with ASD access to advanced academic learning and to develop basic social skills by interacting with their peers (Zakai-Mashiach, 2023). Sterzing et al. (2012) reported that the inclusion of children with autism in mainstream schools acts as a protective factor against bullying, with the likelihood of improving social skills through imitation and modelling of typically developing children being increased by interacting with them. This results in the acceptance and inclusion of these children in activities, and thus a reduction in negative stereotypical perceptions.

However, without intervention through various strategies, rates of victimisation in schools are likely to exceed those observed in special settings (Sterzing et al., 2012). It is therefore crucial to recognise the interplay between the factors that contribute to bullying and its consequences. Specifically, research has shown that children who are bullied are more likely to experience mental health issues, such as heightened anxiety and reduced self-esteem (Rodriguez et al., 2021). Furthermore, victimisation has been shown to exacerbate communication difficulties and reduce a child’s number of friends (Rodriguez et al., 2021). The repercussions of bullying extend beyond the victim, as evidenced by the detrimental impact on the well-being of parents who are aware of their child’s victimisation (Cappadocia et al., 2012). The phenomenon of dropout is also of major importance. Research by Bitsika et al. (2022) revealed that a significant percentage of students who had been victimised requested to stay home with their parents. Furthermore, research by McClemont et al. (2021) corroborates the phenomenon of school dropout, characterising it as a defensive mechanism against “bullying”. The study asserts that 53% of children on the autism spectrum appear reluctant to attend school due to the systematic bullying they experience. This phenomenon merits close examination, as failing to attend school regularly can significantly impact academic and social performance. It is also important to consider the emotional development of young adolescents and the risk of dropping out of secondary education early.

A notable finding is the involvement of children with autism in bullying incidents as perpetrators. This figure has fallen considerably, from 67% to 29%, representing the percentage of bullying victims (Park et al., 2020). This phenomenon is primarily attributed to imitating peer behaviour and potential peer coercion, in the expectation that such actions will lead to forming social bonds (Cuba Bustinza et al., 2022). Additionally, difficulties with the ‘theory of mind’ may contribute to an inability to perceive the consequences of one’s actions, including the potential to cause physical and psychological harm to others (Hwang et al., 2018). It is important to note that the motivation behind aggressive behaviour is not pain and discomfort, but rather a lack of empathy and understanding. This highlights the necessity of a distinct approach to address this phenomenon (Park et al., 2020).

In conclusion, while there is a lack of relevant studies, particularly in Greece, that have sought to describe the bullying experiences of children with autism, studies that have compared victims in mainstream and special settings are still rare. This study aims to investigate school bullying of children with autism depending on the school context they attend (i.e., a mainstream school with co-teaching support and inclusion classes, or a special school). To achieve this, we will examine all aspects of school life, such as academic performance, friendships, playtime, and relationships with teachers. This will help us to determine not only the frequency of bullying in each context but also its causes and where it occurs. A holistic understanding of the school experience of children in these contexts is also important. This includes not only bullying but also their learning and socialisation experiences. It is also imperative to empower children to articulate their personal experiences and proffer strategies that can be employed to mitigate or address this phenomenon. Our research questions according to the main aim of our study, which is to investigate bullying of children on the autism spectrum at school, depending on the context of the school they attend (i.e., a mainstream school with co-teaching support and inclusion classes, or a special school), are as follows: How does attending a mainstream school with co-teaching support affect school bullying in children with autism? How does attending a mainstream school in inclusion classes affect school bullying in children with autism? How does attending a mainstream school affect school bullying in children with autism? How does attending a special school affect school bullying in children with autism?

2. Materials and Methods

• Design

The research design is qualitative. Semi-structured interviews are the research method employed.

2.1. Participants

The participants in this survey were classified as a convenience sample. Participants were selected using the ‘snowball’ or “chain sampling” method. This strategy was implemented due to the difficulty of identifying the appropriate population; it was not possible to access data indicating which schools have students with an ASD diagnosis (Hossan et al., 2023). An initial attempt was therefore made to contact school psychologists and social workers, who provided access to other members of the population. Participants were recruited from four provincial cities in Greece. Participants had to meet the following inclusion criteria: be aged between 11 and 15 years old, have received an ASD diagnosis, have the capacity to communicate their experiences through interview (as all participants were functional and able to engage in dialogue), be willing to respond to specific questions, and assent (both themselves and their parents) to participation in the study. Conversely, participants were excluded if they had not developed speech or exhibited a relatively high level of communication difficulty.

The present study involved sixteen participants who were diagnosed with ASD. Of these, twelve attended mainstream school (five with a teaching assistant and five in inclusion classes), while four attended a special school (see

Table 1. Students’ demographics.

Code	Gender	Age	Type of School
N1.STS	Male	13	Typical Education
N2.STS	Male	14	Typical Education
N3.SSS	Male	14	Special Education
N4.SSS	Female	14	Special Education
N5.SSS	Female	14	Special Education
N6.SSS	Male	14	Special Education
N7.SCT	Male	13	Mainstream Education (Co-Teacher)
N8.SCT	Male	14	Mainstream Education (Co-Teacher)
N9.SCT	Male	15	Mainstream Education (Co-Teacher)
N10.SCT	Male	14	Mainstream Education (Co-Teacher)
N11.SCT	Male	12	Mainstream Education (Co-Teacher)
N12.SIC	Male	12	Mainstream Education (Inclusion Class)
N13.SIC	Male	13	Mainstream Education (Inclusion Class)
N14.SIC	Male	13	Mainstream Education (Inclusion Class)
N15.SIC	Male	14	Mainstream Education (Inclusion Class)
N16.SIC	Male	13	Mainstream Education (Inclusion Class)
Mean	13.55

). To ensure anonymity, the researcher assigned a unique code to each participant. These codes were created based on the order in which the interviews were conducted and the first letter of the child’s school. SCS denotes students with a co-teacher, SIC denotes students in an inclusive classroom, STS denotes students in a typical school without co-teachers, and SSS denotes students in a special education school.

2.2. Procedure

For the present study, the researchers designed a semi-structured interview with the aim of exploring the children’s experiences. During the pilot phase, we asked the children if they wanted their mothers to be present during the interviews. All of the children in our study agreed that their mothers should be present. The interview guide was developed to provide the researchers with a structured framework (Naz et al., 2022). The interview process for the child was divided into five parts. The first part consisted of questions about the child’s school performance (e.g., Which subjects do you like?). The second part included questions about the concept of friendship (e.g., Tell me about your friends). The third part involved explaining the term ‘bullying’ and asking related questions (e.g., Have you ever been involved in such a phenomenon?). To ensure the child fully understood the term “school bullying”, the researchers presented videos and cards depicting cartoon scenes of bullying and explained the term using vocabulary appropriate to the child’s developmental age. Finally, to avoid upsetting the child, it was made clear from the beginning that the researchers could stop immediately and skip questions that would probably cause difficulty without forcing the child to justify their response. To ensure the children’s emotional stability, mothers were present to provide immediate support if needed. The final segment of the interview was dedicated to collecting demographic data from the parents who were present. It should be noted that the majority of interviews were conducted in person; a small number took place via Skype due to logistical challenges experienced by the researcher when trying to access all the interviewees’ locations. Following the provision of consent and assent, the interviews were recorded.

2.3. Data Analysis

Data analysis was carried out according to the steps described in thematic analysis. According to Braun and Clarke (2022), the thematic method facilitates the identification, analysis, and interpretation of significant patterns within qualitative data. This method consists of six steps. The first step involves transcribing the interview recordings and familiarising oneself with them. More specifically, this involves converting the recorded verbal interactions into written text according to defined rules of notation. Familiarisation with the data involves identifying and collecting the extracts corresponding to each research question. Through the copy and paste process, these extracts were collected in a separate file for each question and sub-question. The second phase involves coding the data. The third phase involves moving from “codes” to “themes”. According to Braun and Clarke (2019), themes are defined as the conceptual constructs that are more abstract and general than codes. They result from processing, comparing, and merging codes and correspond to a recurring pattern of meaning. The fourth phase involves reviewing the themes to ensure they are useful and accurate representations of the data. Step five is a crucial step: it is the phase in which the researchers define and name the themes. This involves formulating the exact meaning of each theme and giving it a representative and understandable name. The final step is to write up the data analysis and present it in academic form (Braun & Clarke, 2022).

The themes were created using the social ecological model. Specifically, after coding, the anonymised participants were divided by context so that the themes were related to the school contexts to which the participants belonged (mainstream school, inclusion class with a co-teacher, and special school). This was carried out to make the extracted data more objective and unbiased, preventing the researchers from acting subjectively and unwittingly drawing conclusions that confirmed their hypothesis. Blinding was a key step to avoid confounding error.

Due to the sensitive nature of the data, as it relates to children, the researchers analysed the data with great care, adhering to the Code of Ethics for Psychologists. More specifically, before conducting the thematic analysis, the researcher assigned a personal code to each participant to ensure anonymity and impartiality. Once the thematic analysis was complete, the file was locked in a folder on the researchers’ computer, accessible only to them. These files are scheduled for destruction 24 months after the end of the research.

• Ethical issues

The ethical considerations of this study were reviewed and approved by the Ethics Committee of the University of Crete (protocol number 66/03/04/2023). The consent form for parents to allow their children to participate in this study clearly explained the procedure, emphasising that participation was voluntary and could be withdrawn at any time. To avoid upsetting the child, it was made clear from the outset that the researcher could skip questions that would probably cause difficulty without being asked to justify their decision. For this reason, mothers were present to provide immediate support to the children. Researching children is different from researching adults. When working with children, researchers should use language appropriate to the child’s developmental stage to ensure they understand the instructions. Research techniques and methods should also facilitate the child’s participation and be adapted to their abilities and preferences. The principles outlined in Articles 3 and 12 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, as well as the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, guided the interviews. The following principles were applied in the research with children:

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Absolute clarity about the role and purpose of the child’s participation in the research;

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Obtaining parental approval for the child’s participation in the research;

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Using research language, methods, and tools that are accessible to the child;

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Creating a climate of trust with the children;

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Ensuring their right to refuse to participate in the research (Alderson & Morrow, 2020; Fraser, 2004).

To ensure anonymity, all names have been replaced with unique identifiers, and all data files contain no information that could identify participants. In addition, all data collected during the survey will be kept confidential in accordance with national and EU legislation and will only be disclosed with the participants’ written consent. The recording was made after informing the parents/guardians of the participants of their rights and obtaining their verbal consent. In particular, it was made clear that the researchers are obliged to provide interviewees with a copy of the recording upon request. Parents of participants were also given the right to edit and check the transcript, as well as delete parts that participants did not wish to be included. It is understood that data requested by parents to be deleted will not be used for research purposes. Please note that if the survey results are published or presented at conferences, no information will be included that could reveal the participants’ identities. Parents of participants can be informed of the survey findings by contacting the researcher. All data collected for this research and all related files are stored on the researcher’s computer in accordance with high security standards. These files will be destroyed after a 24-month period at the end of the research.

3. Results

Thematic analysis revealed five overarching themes: (1) school experience, (2) friendship, (3) school bullying management and reactions, (4) where school bullying happens, and (5) emotions arising from school bullying. The analysis also identified four main sub-themes concerning the experiences of children in four different school settings: mainstream school without support; mainstream school with a co-teacher; mainstream school with an inclusion class; and special school (Figure 1).

3.1. Topic One: School Experience

The first topic relates to the mainstream school experience of children with autism, including friendship, potential performance anxiety, and bullying. The mainstream school experience for children with autism is often characterised by efforts to balance positive inclusion with managing significant challenges related to friendship, performance anxiety, and bullying. Students’ experiences at school are related to the broader picture they have created of the school environment. Overall, all children indicated that they had a positive experience at school. However, some children did allude to instances of abuse within the school context. However, these instances did not change their generally positive view of school. According to the interview findings, none of the children had experienced isolation or rejection during PE lessons. It is also worth noting that one of the pupils interviewed wished to participate in school trips, enjoyed the company of friends during break time, and had a classmate sitting next to them at their desk in the classroom. The sub-themes are (a) mainstream school without support; (b) mainstream school with co-teacher; (c) mainstream school with inclusion class; and (d) special education.

• Mainstream School without Support

In the mainstream school setting, all children highlighted the generally positive atmosphere. More specifically, they expressed enthusiasm for school trips, enjoyed having friends to play with at break time, and sat next to their peers in the classroom. They felt included and were chosen as teammates in group activities during physical education lessons. Regarding their academic experiences, they mentioned their favourite subjects as well as those they found more challenging without expressing any particular complaints. One student did, however, express a desire for the educational system to be structured according to the German model. On the contrary, they perceived themselves as excellent students.

For example, N2.STS reported, “During the breaks, I hang out with kids from other classes. Either we talk about our own stuff, or we sit around and talk about football and the World Cup.”

Also, N2.STS mentioned, “R: Do you want to go on school trips or do you prefer staying at home? N2.STS: Of course I want to go!”

NI.STS, for example, reported, “As an example of foreign countries, Germany… Teachers try to teach children what they want to focus on learning, not what they do not particularly want to learn.”

Also, NI.STS, added, “R: How were your grades at school? NI.STS: Last year I got around 19 and something.”

• Mainstream School with Co-Teacher

Pupils who are supported by a co-teacher often prefer to spend their free time with the co-teacher during breaks, or on their own, in both outdoor and indoor spaces such as classrooms. Within the classroom, they usually choose not to actively participate in lessons, as feelings of shame or anxiety can prevent them from doing so. However, when they need help, they mainly turn to the co-teacher, which demonstrates the trust and sense of security they feel towards them. Moreover, they prefer to avoid group activities as they find it difficult to socialise. Therefore, they prefer to work exclusively with the co-teacher, thus strengthening their relationship. Additionally, one child highlighted the importance of eliminating bullying, underlining the necessity of a safe and inclusive school environment. Finally, the majority of children receiving co-teaching support reported heightened anxiety levels during tests and lessons.

For instance, N7.SCT mentioned, “In most cases, I do not participate in class because I am afraid of saying something wrong”, “Yes, I get stressed if I don’t have anyone to help me. I get more stressed than I would with the co-teachers”.

N8.SCT added, “I just don’t want to cooperate with others. I have trouble communicating because I have autism, and because of that, I almost never communicate with the other kids in the classroom”, “I usually just stay in the classroom during the break and spend more time with the co-teacher.”

Ν10.SCT stated, “During breaks, I usually prefer to be by myself, sitting by the door and singing. However, I also spend some break time with the co-teacher”, “I generally cooperate well with other students, but I remember one time when I was assigned to a different group during the technology lesson and they excluded me, saying that they didn’t want me in their group.”

Ν11.SCT said, “I do not intend to participate in class because I feel too embarrassed; I prefer to just listen.”, “I don’t play during the break; I either sit alone or with the co- teacher and we talk”.

• Mainstream School with Inclusion Class

Specifically, all students who attended mainstream schools reported that teachers treated them equally in the inclusion class. Several students noted, though, that teachers provided corrections and observations when their behaviour did not align with school expectations. Regarding social interactions, all students stated that they have a sufficient number of friends with whom they spend time during breaks. However, one student mentioned that in addition to interacting with peers, he also engages in conversations with teachers. Furthermore, all pupils perceived the inclusion classes as a supportive context for both academic and social development. They also said that teachers responded effectively to their needs and offered the necessary support. In terms of classroom collaboration, students generally reported no significant difficulties. In most cases, the subjects identified as more accessible were STEM subjects, such as mathematics, computer science, and biology. The majority of students indicated heightened anxiety, particularly in subjects in their area of interest where they strive for high performance. Additionally, one student expressed concern about making a mistake in class, which affects their willingness to participate. Nevertheless, most students appear to integrate smoothly into the classroom environment and actively engage in the learning process. Notably, one student reported experiencing anxiety due to loud noises, while another stated that procedural aspects of school excursions cause him stress.

Ν12.SIC mentioned, “I don’t mind attending the inclusion class; the teachers treat everyone the same.”, “I enjoy mathematics.”, “I get anxious about saying something wrong.”, “I get along with everyone and we collaborate well—mainly, boys tend to cooperate with boys and girls with girls.”, “Generally, I spend break time with the boys and we play a game called ‘castles’.”

Ν13.SIC: “It’s good in the inclusion class; the teachers help me there.”, “Sometimes I prefer not to participate in the lessons… I don’t want to say something wrong because I’ll embarrass myself.”, “It depends on the subject. In math, I might participate because I want to do well. But in a subject I don’t care about, no, I won’t get anxious.”, “I collaborate well with my classmates, though I might not talk much.”, “Sometimes they make noise on purpose and shout so we won’t do the lesson—and that bothers me.”, “During break time, I mostly hang out with the boys.”

N14.SIC reported, “It’s the same for me. I find some subjects easier in the inclusion class. I typically spend my breaks with my friends, but there are one or two occasions when I chat with my teachers”.

Ν15.SIC: “The teachers treat me well, although sometimes not so nicely when I do something silly- they might raise their voices. Still, they are supportive, and I do participate in class.” “Um…when we have a school trip and need to bring forms or money, that makes me anxious.” “I cooperate well with the other students… it’s good.” “Uh, I have a lot of friends—I’ve met many people, even from the other class.”

• Special School

This topic takes a holistic approach to analysing the school experiences of children attending special schools. More specifically, children in special schools reported that they were given the opportunity for further socialisation at break times, on school trips, and in gymnastics classes and did not feel isolated. In contrast, two children from a special school highlighted that breaks were challenging due to bullies and groups of children making them feeling isolated. Moreover, the performance anxiety of children regarding their academic performance is examined. Only the two girls who attended the special school appeared to express such concerns. More specifically, they stated that they lack self-confidence when it comes to their performance.

N4.SSS mentioned, “R: And how are you getting on in your classes? N4.SSS: Terribly, I think. R: Why? N4.SSS: Um, something just feels wrong. R: With the subjects?N4.SSS: Yes. R: Do the teachers help you? N4.SSS: They could help if they wanted to. R: What did they say? N4.SSS: They said the best things.”

N6.SSS also reported, “R: So, are there difficult days during the holidays too? N6.SSS: Impossible days.”

N5.SSS also added, “R: Tell me about your favorite school trip you’ve been on. N5.SSS: … Oh right, we had also gone to the beach, that was my favorite trip. R: Oh, and what did you do? Why was that your favorite trip? What made it different from the others? N5.SSS: Because we did a lot of things.”

N3.SSS stressed, “R: Is there teamwork in P.E. class, or are there some kids who are left out?N3.SSS: There’s teamwork. R: So, do you feel comfortable there?N3.SSS: Yes.”

3.2. Topic Two: Friendship

The second topic concerns the friendships of children with ASD. Friendship is defined as companionship, both inside and outside the school context. This theme includes the four sub-themes below: (a) mainstream school without support; (b) mainstream school with co-teacher; (c) mainstream school with inclusion class; and (d) special education.

• Mainstream School without Support

This sub-theme outlines the social life of children attending a mainstream school without support, as well as their friendships within and outside the school environment. One student reported that he has created a circle of friends through his extracurricular activities (basketball) and at the school, and that they socialise outside school hours. In contrast, the second participant used to go on walks outside school hours in elementary school, but this decreased quite a bit in secondary school.

More specifically, N2.STS mentioned, “R: Yeah. So, with these children, do you also go for walks outside of school, like at the weekend or in the afternoon? N2.STS: Oh yes, yes, yes, sometimes we do that! R: Well done!”

N1.STS stressed, “R: So, do you have any other extracurricular activities besides school? N1.STS: Uh, basketball or a walk. R: Do you go on walks with kids from your school, or with the kids from basketball?N1.STS: With the basketball team.”

• Mainstream School with Co-Teacher

In this subsection, it is observed that many students maintain a restricted circle of friends with whom they mainly engage in typical social interactions, such as greeting others, and do not tend to spend time together outside school. In the classroom, they avoid joining groups either due socialisation difficulties or previous experiences of peer rejection. Some pupils reported having experienced situations that made them feel unworthy or unimportant, which negatively affects their self-image and confidence in social interactions. Furthermore, despite desiring to develop friendships, a student stated that he felt ashamed and found it difficult to start new relationships, probably due to experiences of bullying. A lack of trust often leads to conflicts with peers, which further hinders the formation of healthy interpersonal relationships. Another pupil reports that he maintains friendly contacts and participates in extracurricular activities mainly due to encouragement and pressure from his mother. In contrast, another student seemed to have more friends, but recognised that some of them might take advantage of him by asking for money or excluding him from activities without informing him. Although most pupils maintain contact with their classmates, the intensity and quality of these relationships can vary. While some actively engage with social groups, others may find themselves on the margins or experience difficulty integrating. Some students mentioned,

N7.SCT: “Half of my friends are probably using me by asking me money. There are times when some of my friends haven’t told me about things, but I think it’s probably just because it didn’t occur to them. I think that’s why they didn’t tell me. Not that they don’t want me.”

Ν8.SCT: “My mom somewhat wants me to be friends with them, but instead, I don’t really like socializing. At the same time, I kind of enjoy it when I do. Still, I find it difficult, because I don’t know how to socialize properly.”

N9.SCT stressed, “I want to hang out with other kids, but I’m ashamed. I’m ashamed and anxious about how it’s going to turn out”, “I feel insignificant… No, we don’t go out anywhere. On weekends I just stay at home… There have been many times when they didn’t invite me, and I caught them hanging out with students who bother me… Their behavior changes when they are with that group, and that makes me feel bad, because it’s those same students who have been mean to me.”

Ν10.SCT: “At school, I think I have two friends. I usually just greet them, and sometimes during breaks we might eat together. They have asked me for money.”

• Mainstream School with Inclusion Class

On this sub-theme, it appears that all students maintain a broad social network and strong friendships that serve as a source of support in their daily lives. During school breaks, they spend time with their peers, enjoying games, conversations, and social events. Moreover, their friendships extend beyond the school setting—they often meet for outings and recreational activities. These interactions promote positive emotions and improve their social integration. However, in certain cases, it has been observed that these friends frequently ask the students for financial support, which may impact the dynamics of their relationships.

Ν14.SIC: “It feels terrible… almost to the point of suicidal thoughts.” (Referring to collaboration with classmates)… “We don’t get along very well… I don’t like it.” “I have many friends from different places -from football, summer camp, and other activities.” “I feel better when I’m with my friends. I don’t get bored because I don’t like being alone and having nothing to do.” “It’s not very common, but there have been a couple of times when I’ve talked to teachers during break.” “We go out together, or do things -just the usual stuff all kids do.”

N15.SIC reported, “I enjoy spending time with my friends; I have a good time with them and I feel happy.” “During break, we talk, play football, or play tag.” “Sometimes they tease me.” “They might meet up secretly without telling me.” “They may behave differently toward me.”, “Yes, it has happened to me; someone asked me for money to buy something.”

N16.SIC mentioned, “We talk, joke around and eat together during breaks. I spend my time exclusively with my friends. We also meet at the weekends, go for walks and sometimes we play video games at home.”

• Special School

This subtopic focuses on children’s friendships and social interactions. More specifically, only one girl from the special school stated that she spends time with her classmates outside of school and is invited to their birthday parties. Furthermore, the desire to form friendships is evident in N3.SSS’s wish to receive sign language lessons so she can communicate with a classmate with hearing difficulties. Additionally, it is worth noting that children attending special schools feel that they belong to a group, which makes it easier for them to socialise and develop friendships. One girl mentioned that she communicates with her best friend, who lives in another part of Greece, via social media. In conclusion, almost all the children chose to participate in extracurricular activities primarily to make friends. Despite the challenges they face, it is clear that all the children need and want friends and find ways to achieve that. For example, N3.SSS stressed, “I didn’t mention that! R: Then tell me! N3.SSS: My friend, my classmate, had his birthday and I went to his place”. N5.SSS mentioned, “Here I felt that I belong somewhere.” N3.SSS also added, “R: Do you have any friends at school? N3.SSS: Yes, there’s a girl, but she doesn’t speak. R: And what do you do during breaks? N3.SSS: We sit together, but I told my mom I want to learn sign language so we can talk”. N6 reported that, “I have one friend, Eva, and I call her every Saturday.”

3.3. Topic Three: School Bullying Management and Reactions

This topic analyses how children would react if they saw such a phenomenon playing out in front of them. It includes the sub-themes of (a) mainstream school without support; (b) mainstream school with co-teacher; (c) mainstream school with inclusion class; and (d) special education.

• Mainstream School without Support

This topic analyses how children would react if they witnessed such a phenomenon. Both children would intervene: one by informing an adult, and the other by intervening directly. It becomes apparent, then, that friendship is also a contributing factor in how actively a child will intervene. In this sub-theme, the participants analyse how often they see such phenomena taking place in school, as well as in which areas of the school and in which subjects. More specifically, children attending a mainstream school without support highlighted that they were both victimised at primary school and in the park across from the school. The park was chosen by the perpetrators to prevent teachers from noticing and coming over.

For example, N2.STS reported, “If you saw a child hitting or making fun of another child, and you were standing right there, what would you do? N2.STS: I would tell either the duty teacher or the headmistress.”

N1.STS stressed, “First of all, it depends and it’s more childish. If you don’t know the other child, you’ll defend the child who was hit up to a point, to find out what happened, and try to defend them. But if it’s your friend or someone you know, you’ll just go and defend the other child and see what you can do. Usually, it depends too.”

Ν2.STS also mentioned, “When I was in fourth grade, a classmate was making fun of me at the park, outside of school. The moms got into a fight and the police came.”

N1.STS also stated, “N1.STST: Yes, once it happened… and I was involved too. It happened in second grade at elementary school, but we were friends and now me and that kid have a good relationship.”

• Mainstream School with Co-Teacher

This subtopic refers to how children react to and manage school bullying and how their friends, teachers, and other bystanders respond. The investigation revealed that when students with ASD disclose bullying incidents to their teachers, the teachers predominantly respond with severity and verbal remarks. It also emerged that students with ASD who had a network of friends were more likely to receive assistance from their peers, such as informing a superior, separating the bullies and victims, or providing support. The rest of the classmates were found to be either apathetic or to adopt an uninvolved observer role. Furthermore, a number of students reported experiencing violent or disturbing behaviour. Bullying has been observed to manifest in a hierarchical manner, initially physical, subsequently verbal, and finally relational. However, the latter form of bullying is not reported by students.

N7.SCT stated, “I’ve talked about this many times. It happened to me the other day when five guys came forward to defend me and told those who had hit me not to bother me. Then a friend of mine saw it, called the teacher and pulled me out of it”, “I didn’t hit him, but I called a friend to go to the teacher so that it would be over.”

N9.SCT mentioned, “The children went to the headmistress and she punished them”, (About the reaction of friends who were present) “It was as if they weren’t even there—I handled everything by myself. When I argue with another student, other children may gather around, but no, they won’t step in to stop us; they just watch. It’s the teachers who intervene and separate us.”

Ν10.SCT: “I remember a student once hit me, and I told him I would report it to the principal. But he said the principal was his friend.”

• Mainstream School with Inclusion Class

This section indicates that some of the students who attend inclusion classes have experienced some form of bullying. However, the presence of a strong social support network appears to serve a protective role, as friends actively intervene and defend their peers in both verbal and physical bullying incidents. Additionally, students who experience bullying often seek assistance from a teacher, who, in turn, reprimands those involved. Notably, one student, after prolonged exposure to bullying, has adopted a passive stance and now responds with indifference.

N14.SIC: “The teachers tell them off and things like that… and then my friends start coming over to support me when I’m being mocked.” “This happens every day (mocking)—I just act like I don’t care because I’ve gotten used to it.” “There have been times when I’ve heard other students speaking badly about me.”

N15.SIC stressed, “They will come over and support me… they will help me (friends)… I will go to the principal, or my parents will inform them”.

N16.SIC reported, “I don’t feel well when I am mocked, but I try to ignore it”, “They call me stupid and laugh at me.” “At first, I used to report it to the teachers… now I’m used to it, and I just ignore it.” “Yes, the teachers would tell them off—they raised their voices and said it wasn’t right.” “Other students will stand up for me; they’ll speak to a teacher.” “My friends help me.”

• Special School

This subtopic refers to the reactions and management of school bullying by the children themselves who attend special school. More specifically, while children in mainstream schools would intervene on their own, it becomes apparent that children in special schools turn to their teachers for help or have learned to say “stop” and defend themselves. However, the bullies do not seem to care and continue bullying until a teacher intervenes. Finally, there was no mention of whether they would stand up for a friend in need, which highlights their difficulty in feeling empathy.

N6.SSS emphasised, “R: What exactly does he do? N6.SSS: He bothers me; he annoys me in so many ways that I don’t want him to. R: What do the teachers do about that? Have you talked to them? N6.SSS: I tell someone about it. They have helped me with that”.

N3.SSS mentioned, “N3.SSS: When they see a student acting silly, someone might say, or I might say, calm down! stop! R: So, do you defend your friends or yourself when that happens? N3.SSS:Yes”. N3.SSS also reported, “The troublemakers just don’t pay attention”.

3.4. Topic Four: Where School Bullying Takes Place

This topic analyses how often the children with ASD see phenomena of school bullying taking place in the school context, but also in which area of the school and in which lesson. For this reason, the topic is divided into four subtopics: (a) mainstream school without support, (b) mainstream school with co-teacher, (c) mainstream school with inclusion classes, and (d) special school.

• Mainstream School without Support

This topic analyses the place where such phenomena unfold in the mainstream school without support. More specifically, children attending a mainstream school without support highlighted that they were both victimised in primary school and outside the school setting, in the park opposite the school. This area is chosen by the perpetrators in order to prevent teachers from noticing them and responding with sanctions.

N2.STS reported, “Most of the bullies tend to not do certain things at school and do them outside, that is, farther away so that they are not seen.”

N1.STS also stressed, “It only happened in second grade; since then, nothing like that has happened again.”

• Mainstream School with Co-teacher

It has been observed that a significant proportion of children diagnosed with ASD have been subjected to disruptive and bullying behaviour on multiple occasions. This phenomenon seems to be particularly prevalent in cases of physical bullying, as evidenced by pushing and physical violence. A significant percentage of students report experiencing such behaviour. It is also important to acknowledge that a large percentage of children report having been victims of financial exploitation, with peers and friends asking for money. Finally, a few students report being verbally bullied, mainly through laughter and mockery. The bullying environment is mainly school-based, and bullying primarily takes place during school breaks, although one child reports instances of bullying occurring away from school.

N7.SCT reported, “Children I don’t associate with sometimes make fun of me and mock me. I have been informed by other children that they speak negatively about me.” They may tell me many times to give them money. It can happen outside of school as well.”

N8.SCT: “Mostly it was {@}, who was only in first grade of junior high and acted somewhat like the “school bully”. Once, {@} knocked my notebook to the ground, and I started crying.”

N9.SCT: “There were times when I was physically attacked…Two students beat me up- they seriously assaulted me. I tried to fight back using my legs, but I couldn’t stop them. They wouldn’t stop, and I couldn’t do anything to defend myself against the two of them.”, “Um… it tends to happen during break time.” “Yes, I’ve heard them speak badly about me, and I can’t forgive them for that—I will simply hate the ones who do that to me.”, “I’ve experienced being pushed and betrayed—I remember it clearly, and I won’t forgive it.”, “Yes, they do pick on me in class.”

N11.SCT said, “Sometimes they make fun of me, but I don’t want to. Why don’t they like me?”

• Mainstream School with Inclusion Class

This section highlights that the majority of students attending inclusion classes have experienced bullying, with verbal bullying being the most prevalent form. Specifically, students report incidents involving mocking comments and derisive laughter from peers. Although less frequent, instances of physical aggression, such as pushing and punching, have also been recorded. A recurring pattern observed in all cases is the demand for money from students targeted by bullying behaviour. All incidents of bullying take place within the school environment, with the majority occurring during breaks. In contrast, bullying in the classroom is relatively rare and primarily manifests as mockery and laughter. Additionally, only one student reported experiencing bullying outside of school, specifically within their family environment.

N13.SIC mentioned, “Basically, some kids pushed me to the ground and started laughing. Then, when I tried to get up, they pushed me again. R: ‘Has this happened before? N13.SIC: A few times… I think… only at schoolN14.SIC: Yes, I have been teased so many times that I can’t even count how many. They come up to me and call me “sissy” and “problematic.”, “Outside of school, it only happens with my brother.” (referring to the fact that his brother bothers him)

Ν15.SIC stated, “It only happens at school; it doesn’t occur outside of it.”, “ What has happened to me is that he went like this —” (the student makes a gesture indicating being punched in the face) “— and it scared me.”, “Yes, it has happened on other occasions as well.”, “Yes, there’s a student who asks me for money to buy things.”

Ν16.SIC: “What some students do is call me stupid and laugh at me.”, “Yes, it happens often—they tease me.”, “It has happened a few times in class—they call me stupid or an idiot…sometimes they also ask me for money.”, “Being pushed? Yes, that happens too.”, “It only happens at school.”

• Special School

It has been observed that a significant proportion of children diagnosed with ASD have been subjected to bothersome and intimidating behaviours on multiple occasions. This phenomenon appears to be particularly prevalent in cases of verbal bullying and sexual harassment, with a significant proportion of students reporting such experiences, particularly those enrolled in integration classes. The bullying environment is predominantly school-based, although one child reports instances of bullying occurring outside of school. Furthermore, it has been observed that within the special school environment, there have been instances where children with ASD have engaged in bullying behaviours without being aware of it, seemingly influenced by the observed behaviours.

N5.SSS reported that, “… and I, another time if I see someone doing stupid things I will get him to lick body fluids and then make inappropriate sounds and to say you are sick for revenge. I heard him telling me to do whatever inappropriate I can and I told him no!!!!! I don’t want to do it”. N4.SSS stated that: “Yes, one boy bothers me, he only ripes mine notebooks. R: And what did you do? N4.SSS: I told the teachers and they yelled at him.”

N6.SSS mentioned, “To have fooled me yes (.) Too many times we talk, I can’t count those times.”

N3.SSS added that, “Yes, they bother me in many ways that I don’t want them to do.”

3.5. Topic Five: Emotions Arising from School Bullying

This topic analyses the emotions that arise in children after they are exposed to incidents of school bullying. This theme includes the following sub-themes: (a) mainstream school without support, (b) mainstream school with a co-teacher, (c) mainstream school with inclusion classes, and (d) special school.

• Mainstream School without Support

This topic examines the emotions that arise in children after they are exposed to incidents of school bullying. In this subsection, we examine the emotions that children in mainstream schools without additional support experience as a result of school bullying. Generally, they did not report systematic occurrences of such phenomena, resulting in less intense emotions in this area. However, they appear vigilant and ready to intervene whenever necessary.

For example, N1.STS said, “Some individuals engage in banter and tease each other; this is usually not serious, but it can become so if someone takes it to heart.”

Also, N2.STS added, “When the moms were yelling at the park… I got scared that the police would take my mom away.”

• Mainstream School with Co-Teacher

The majority of students report experiencing negative emotions, such as sadness and fear, as the result of bullying. In one instance, a student expressed profound anger at the way his classmates treated him.

N7.SCT mentioned, “I feel bad. I don’t like them doing it. It’s not right to hit kids.”

N9.SCT said, “After the beating I have suffered, I want to get revenge. I cried so much… I’m not a bad kid; I just wanted them to disappear forever. I was crying so much that the rest of my classmates were trying to stop my tears. I was very angry about that.”

Ν10.SCT: “I felt bad and afraid.”

• Mainstream School with Inclusion Class

Some students who experienced teasing or even physical bullying reported that they did not feel comfortable, primarily experiencing negative emotions such as sadness and fear.

N13.SIC stated, “I don’t like it when they do that”.

N15.SIC mentioned, “Fearful and sad”.

N16.SIC: “I don’t feel well when I am mocked, but I try to ignore it”.

• Special School

A number of students have reported experiencing violent or disturbing behaviour. It has been observed that bullying manifests in a hierarchical manner: initially physical, subsequently verbal, and finally relating to social exclusion. The latter form of bullying, however, is not reported by the students. The majority of students report experiencing negative emotions, such as sadness and fear, when subjected to bullying. When such behaviour is accepted, a passive or neutral attitude is adopted, or the treatment is even mocked, but few react. For example, N6.SSS stated, “He bothers me in many ways and I don’t want him to do it”. N5.SSS also mentioned, “R: Have you seen some kids hitting or making fun of others? N5.SSS: Yes.R: And what did you do at that moment?N5.SSS: I was just sitting alone”. N3.SSS added that, “I heard him telling me to do whatever inappropriate thing I could, and I told him, No! I don’t want to do it!…… When I hear someone yelling or complaining, or even just raising their voice, I get really scared.”

4. Discussion

4.1. Debate

The primary aim of this qualitative study was to explore school bullying among children with ASD according to the context of the school they attend. To achieve this, the following variables were studied: the experience of learning; friendship; and bullying, depending on the school context. The specific data collected provides a wealth of information about the wider school experiences of sixteen children, reflecting the need to give children with ASD a voice to communicate their experiences. In light of the above findings, it is clear that, despite most of the children having a supportive environment, family, and friends, this did not prevent them from being involved in school bullying. The socio-ecological model offers a comprehensive framework for understanding school bullying, examining the interplay of individual, relational, community, and societal factors. This approach is particularly insightful when comparing bullying dynamics in mainstream and special education settings. More specifically, all the children mentioned that they had been involved in school bullying, either as a target, a bystander, or even as an unintentional perpetrator. Research by Cook et al. (2016) and Zablotsky et al. (2014) has confirmed that mainstream schools are one of the risk factors for incidents of bullying, with incidents being more frequent and systematic. However, due to the severity of autism symptoms and the diversity of disabilities present, bullying incidents tended to be more severe in special education schools. For instance, participant N5 SSS, who attends a special school, reported an incident of sexual harassment. The development of a sense of belonging intensifies the emotional impact of such incidents. More specifically, the results of the interviews underline that the phenomenon of school bullying is widespread in mainstream schools, occurring in both co-teaching and inclusion classrooms. Nevertheless, this study does not clearly establish whether the educational framework (special school, mainstream school without support, mainstream school with co-teacher, mainstream school with inclusion class) itself creates conditions that lead to school bullying. Nevertheless, the manifestation, intensity, and form of school bullying vary, with the phenomenon being more widespread in the context of co-teaching. Almost all pupils have experienced physical violence at least once, especially in this context, while verbal violence, social exclusion, and exploitation are more prevalent and systematic in both settings. The results also highlighted some risk factors related to the school environment and the individual characteristics of children with autism. These include weaknesses in the theory of mind, i.e., in perceiving the motivations, intentions, thoughts, and feelings of others. This can make them socially naïve (Cresswell et al., 2019), increasing their social vulnerability and likelihood of manipulation, e.g., through financial exploitation (Altomare et al., 2017), and victimisation (N9.SCT: “After the beating I have suffered, I want to get revenge. I cried so much”, N4.SSS: “Yes, one boy bothers me, he only ripes mine notebooks”, N16.SIC: “sometimes they also ask me for money”, N6.SSS: “He bothers me in many ways and I don’t want him to do it”) (Brewer et al., 2023). Additionally, they may lack practice in navigating everyday social challenges (N9.SCT: “I want to hang out with other kids, but I’m ashamed. I’m ashamed and anxious about how it’s going to turn out”, N8.SCT: “I just don’t want to cooperate with others. I have trouble communicating because I have autism, and because of that, I almost never communicate with the other kids in the classroom”). However, there were also several protective factors, such as resilience and inner strength, as well as external factors such as the presence of specialised staff, family, and friendships, which contributed to the smooth management of the phenomenon (N4.SSS: “I told the teachers and they yelled at him”, N7.SCT: “Then a friend of mine saw it, called the teacher and pulled me out of it”, N15.SIC: “They will come over and support me…they will help me (friends)… I will go to the principal or my parents to inform them”, N6.SSS: “They have helped me with that”) (Hebron & Humphrey, 2014; Taylor, 2011; Šmigelskas et al., 2018). Conversely, in special schools, although there were incidents of bullying, it is unclear whether the bullies intended to harm the victims. This is because children with autism may not realise that their actions are harming others and may simply be mimicking behaviour they have seen (Cresswell et al., 2019; Faro et al., 2023; Pérez-Vigil et al., 2024). The educational placement of students with autism is determined by the Local Centre for Interdisciplinary Evaluation, Counselling and Support (KEDASY) and is based on the severity of their symptoms. For students with autism, the type of school setting is chosen based on the extent of their functional difficulties and educational needs. This ensures they receive the necessary support to maximise their development and inclusion (Giavrimis, 2024).

4.2. Suggestions for Dealing with Bullying in Schools

It is widely acknowledgement that school bullying is not confined to the bully and the victim; rather, it also involves teachers, parents, and the broader support network of peers. As demonstrated in the findings, children receiving parallel support (i.e., individualised assistance within the classroom) are subjected to bullying more frequently compared to those who do not receive such support. For this reason, the socio-ecological model was selected as the analytical framework, as it offers a holistic approach to understanding and addressing this phenomenon. This model allows for the inclusion of all relevant stakeholders—teachers, peers, and other members of the school community—when designing effective interventions. The scoping review of J. White et al. (2023) examined strength-based approaches for students with ASD in mainstream schools. It used the Bioecological Model of Development to identify key elements contributing to their implementation. Eighteen articles were analysed, revealing one person-related element—students’ strengths and interests—and twelve environmental elements across different layers of the school system: six in the microsystem (specialised instructions, curriculum integration and differentiation, common interests with peers, reciprocal roles, and adult involvement), three in the mesosystem (matching resources and activities, real-life learning experiences, and benefiting all students), and three in the exosystem (cost-effectiveness and time-saving, collaboration with colleagues and parents, and teachers’ attitudes and knowledge). The findings show that strength-based approaches are key to improving social, emotional, academic, behavioural, and transitional outcomes for autistic students. These outcomes are achieved by leveraging their unique strengths and interests, fostering supportive relationships, and adjusting environmental factors. The review makes clear the vital importance of individualised planning, peer and adult support, interdisciplinary curriculum design, and teacher professional development. These are the key elements that must be in place to create inclusive and empowering school environments for students with ASD. According to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, intervention is initially imperative at the microsystem and mesosystem levels (Tudge & Rosa, 2020; Espelage, 2014). The microsystem encompasses the most immediate and influential aspects of an individual’s environment, such as family, school, friends, and teachers. The mesosystem, meanwhile, refers to the interactions between these components, such as the collaboration between parents and educators. Once effective intervention has been established within these two systems, it can be extended to broader levels. The macrosystem encompasses overarching societal influences, such as legislation and cultural values, and can be shaped to foster a more supportive environment. The exosystem, which includes external factors that indirectly affect the individual, such as parental workplace conditions, should also be considered when designing interventions. Finally, the chronosystem pertains to long-term social and environmental changes that influence development and is therefore crucial in understanding the enduring effects of such interventions (Tudge & Rosa, 2020). Firstly, it is important to distinguish between special and mainstream settings in the microsystem, as different approaches are needed. In special schools, clear rules and whole-class discussions are among the most effective methods (Bauman et al., 2008). Furthermore, Begotti et al. (2018) reported that peer mediation, which is popular in mainstream contexts, was the most functional coping method based on children’s accounts. More specifically, Smith et al. (2003) describe how involving students in dealing with bullying encourages action by the majority of children who oppose such phenomena. In addition, social skills training programmes and interventions using social robots are pioneering intervention proposals. However, these should be utilised more widely, and further research is needed to confirm their reliability and effectiveness (Cavanaugh, 2012; Chung, 2021). Moreover, providing teachers with specialised training on special educational needs and different categories of educational requirement will improve communication between teachers and students, helping teachers to recognise students’ real needs in mainstream schools (Kossyvaki, 2021). A teacher from the integration department also referred to a holistic approach involving cooperation between the school administration, teachers, psychologists, social workers, perpetrators, and victims. This strategy is therefore crucial for dealing with and preventing bullying (Ulu Aydin et al., 2023). Finally, it would be helpful for parents to assist their children in developing social skills to help them manage such situations. Additionally, emotional empowerment and the development of emotional resilience will help them build a shield against such occurrences. Friendship can have a similar effect to that of parents. It aims to create a shield against school bullying (Karst et al., 2015). Regarding the mesosystem, collaboration between parents and teachers to identify common goals and priorities for addressing school bullying would be highly beneficial, as would maintaining quality communication with teachers to discuss emerging issues (Rapp et al., 2025).

According to neuro-affirmative theory, the primary goal is to implement practices that are tailored to the priorities set by autistic children themselves. By carefully listening to their needs, their psycho-educational requirements can be identified and addressed effectively (Van Den Plas et al., 2024). Therefore, schools should create an inclusive environment that caters to the individual needs of all students. This involves designing an educational setting that ensures all students feel safe, accepted, and supported. Inclusive school settings must provide equal opportunities and access to learning through approaches that respond to individual needs. A socially inclusive atmosphere is essential for facilitating students’ ability to develop and maintain meaningful friendships, enhancing their overall well-being and academic success. To promote peer support, strategies such as educating students about ASD and fostering an understanding of neurodiversity can be implemented. Raising awareness of ASD and encouraging tolerance of differences can lead to greater acceptance and meaningful interactions among peers. Such measures contribute to the development of a more inclusive educational setting where students feel valued and supported by their learning community (Saggers, 2015). Schools should also establish structured and adaptable environments that cater to diverse sensory sensitivities. Quiet relaxation areas should be made available to students who are experiencing emotional overload (Saggers, 2015). Classrooms should be modified to include features such as adjustable lighting, noise-reducing devices, and a designated sensory retreat space to help regulate sensory input (Li et al., 2024). The school environment should support academic learning and foster social skill development in students with ASD through structured interventions. For example, power cards employing visual cues can effectively reinforce appropriate social behaviours and facilitate understanding in various social contexts (Ulu Aydin et al., 2023). The teaching approach should focus on designing inclusive instruction, fostering student engagement, and minimising barriers to learning and participation. Additionally, it aims to cultivate inclusive policies and practices and promote diversity and equality. Furthermore, educators’ ability to support students with diverse abilities is crucial (Gusho & Goci, 2024). In conclusion, it is crucial to recognise the strengths associated with ASD and integrate them into educational practices. This approach can support students’ development and help them to navigate challenging situations more effectively (Ulu Aydin et al., 2023).

4.3. Limitations and Strengths of the Research

Despite the significant findings, this research has both limitations and strengths. One limitation is that the interview relies heavily on the communication skills of the respondents. This is difficult to expect from children with ASD in all cases and therefore there is potential for unreliable responses. Additionally, pupils with ASD are often reluctant to describe experiences of bullying, which hinders the achievement of clear and representative results that are crucial for understanding the role of the educational context in their lives. Despite these limitations, the present study is significant for several reasons. Firstly, it is pioneering in the context of Greek education as it gives a voice to children with autism, who are already considered a vulnerable group, and it serves as a catalyst for further research in this area with a larger sample size and the potential involvement of additional key stakeholders, such as teachers and parents. Finally, it paves the way for the development of effective intervention programmes to address school bullying, ensuring these initiatives are grounded in the real needs of the children as expressed through their own accounts and experiences.

4.4. Suggestions for Future Research

Firstly, to avoid communication difficulties due to ASD, it would be beneficial to investigate the present phenomenon using different research tools. For example, an activity-based interview method could be employed to promote extroversion (Winstone et al., 2014). Furthermore, a larger and more representative sample should be investigated to gain a better understanding of the school context and the different levels of education, as there is a lack of recorded facts on this topic in the Greek literature. An approach that could significantly improve the quality and ease with which information is elicited from children is the implementation of Lundy’s Model of Child Participation and the Mosaic Approach. These approaches substantially bolster children’s engagement in research and ethically commit to respecting and amplifying their voices. Specifically, Lundy’s Model of Child Participation proposes four elements: space, voice, audience, and influence (Ward & Lundy, 2024). This framework enables child participation in decision-making and research and advocates the use of methodologies such as the Mosaic Approach. The Mosaic Approach, developed by Alison Clark and Peter Moss, recognises children as experts in their own lives and asserts that they have equal rights to adults. It uses various tools, such as observation, photography, mapping, and drawing, to collect children’s views and experiences in early years settings (Clark, 2001; Gözütok & Özgün, 2024). Combining these approaches enables researchers to create environments where children’s voices are heard and valued, thereby promoting their active participation in the research process.

5. Conclusions

In conclusion, the results showed that all children, regardless of school setting, had experienced bullying at school. However, more striking is the finding that children attending co-teaching appear to have fewer friendships and therefore a smaller social support network. They also appear to be more socially isolated and more likely to be on the receiving end of teasing and annoying behaviour. This is because the public authority (KEDASY), which is responsible for determining the educational framework for each child with autism, places them in a mainstream school setting with a co-teacher. This signifies that these children are assessed as being less independent and functional. The severity of their symptoms often results in a stronger reliance on the co-teacher, which may lead to a more fragmented social tapestry, leaving them more isolated and without a robust network of social interactions. The presence of a co-teacher, the lack of a verdant social network, and the intricate nature of their symptoms create a labyrinth of stigma, which increases the risk of them becoming victims of school bullying. While the purpose of co-teaching is to facilitate the child’s seamless integration into the school environment, this goal is not always easily achievable as the realities of inclusion transcend structural placement to encompass the complex mosaic of social belonging and acceptance. According to Qualls et al. (2025), “Co-teaching” is a high-leverage, collaborative practice that involves two or more educators jointly planning and instructing social, emotional, and behavioural practices and evaluating how to support the diverse needs of students, particularly those with disabilities. Actually, co-teaching is based on the collaboration of general educators and special education teachers, who bring complementary skills: the former are familiar with the curriculum and its structure, while the latter specialise in adapting content for students with specific learning difficulties. This practice improves teaching in inclusive environments, reduces the student-to-teacher ratio, enhances responsiveness to student needs, and provides models of collaboration for students. Furthermore, it contributes to removing the social stigma faced by students with special learning needs (Hackett et al., 2021). But it is clear that many teachers lack specialised training or professional development in special needs education or inclusive teaching practices. This undoubtedly reduces their effectiveness in handling diverse learners, especially those with disabilities. Collaborative co-teaching models are promising. They involve general and support teachers working together to meet individual student needs. However, they are currently underdeveloped due to unclear roles, insufficient collaboration, and lack of training (Nápoles, 2024). Ručman and Šulc (2025) highlighted the need for systematic interventions, greater awareness, and ongoing training for school staff to effectively prevent and address bullying in inclusive educational settings. On the other hand, in the context of the inclusion classes, pupils experience friendship in a more qualitative way by having a wider network of social support, while fewer pupils have been physically bullied. In addition, the school context also plays an important role, but not in the expected way. More specifically, although the special school is characterised by overstaffing and security, it accommodates many children with behavioural problems, which has a negative impact on the orderly and friendly environment of the school. On the contrary, in the mainstream school, the teachers are not specialised in children with disabilities, which automatically makes them a risk factor. As we can see, no school context is ideal, but the special one tends to cover the needs of these pupils better than the mainstream one. Additionally, the educational system and its staff should aim to embrace diversity and difference, provide equal opportunities for students with special educational needs to attend mainstream schools, cultivate empathy and respect for these students, and facilitate their seamless integration while safeguarding them from social rejection and bullying in the school environment (Gusho & Goci, 2024; Li et al., 2024). However, a supportive framework and extracurricular activities, such as basketball (N1.STS), appear to play a crucial role in preventing and managing bullying at school. These activities provide opportunities for students to socialise with their classmates or teammates outside of the classroom. This enhances their self-confidence and fulfils their need for a sense of belonging.

Ultimately, this study not only gave a voice to children with autism, who constitute a particularly vulnerable group, but also paved the way for further research into bullying among children with autism in Greece. Furthermore, it emphasised the potential for devising more effective intervention strategies based on the children’s own experiences and perspectives.