1. Introduction
Islamic thought in Indonesia has become deeply institutionalized in diverse religious educational establishments. Initially, Islamic education developed through informal institutions, such as
surau (prayer halls), mosques, and
pondok pesantren (Islamic boarding schools) founded by religious scholars (
ulama). The Islamic education system in Indonesia dates to the 13th century. It began with the proselytizing activities (
da’wah) of merchants from the Middle East and Gujarat (
Mahrisa et al., 2020). During the Dutch colonial period, Islamic educational institutions faced significant challenges and restrictions. Nevertheless, they showed resilience through organizations such as Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama, which advocated advancing Islamic education and the welfare of the Muslim community (
Zulfirman et al., 2024).
Following Indonesia’s independence in 1945, Islamic educational institutions underwent significant development and became integrated into the national education system. The government acknowledged the importance of these institutions by establishing the Ministry of Religious Affairs, which assumed responsibility for religious education and for empowering the Muslim community. Quantitatively, the current number of Islamic educational institutions in Indonesia is remarkably substantial, demonstrating rapid and consistent growth year after year.
Data from the Ministry of Religious Affairs shows a consistent increase in the number of Islamic boarding schools (pondok pesantren) each year. In 2024/2025, Indonesia recorded 42,433 pondok pesantren across multiple provinces. West Java had 13,005 institutions, followed by East Java with 7347. The expansion of pondok pesantren grew quickly after the Islamic Boarding School Law (Undang-Undang Pondok Pesantren).
Meanwhile, the total number of Madrasah Aliyah (Islamic High School), both public and private, reached 10,130 in 2024. At the Islamic higher education level, the number of State Islamic Religious Colleges (PTKIN) and Private Islamic Religious Colleges (PTKIS) also grew significantly. There are 58 PTKIN in Indonesia, including 29 State Islamic Universities (UIN), 24 State Islamic Institutes (IAIN), and 5 State Islamic Colleges (STAIN). Additionally, Private Islamic Religious Colleges (PTKIS) number over 870.
This remarkable phenomenon is unmatched by any other nation globally. Nearly 10% of Indonesia’s current population now studies within its Islamic education system. However, the growth of these institutions has been insufficient and largely ineffective in addressing the real and persistent challenges facing Indonesian Muslims. Key issues, such as inadequate education quality, worsening unemployment (
Widyatama, 2025), growing religious intolerance (
Asyifa, 2025), and other urgent matters, remain unresolved despite significant institutional expansion.
The facts described above show that Indonesia’s education system remains dichotomous. Abuddin Nata argues that the Islamic education system still separates religious sciences from general knowledge and treats them as isolated domains. Each works independently, without meaningful integration. This separation leads to a tendency to elevate one field of knowledge and undervalue the other (
Nata, 1997, p. 43).
A fundamental objective of Islamic education is to enhance human resources morally and intellectually. This means Islamic education should produce people of high integrity, intellectual capacity, empathy, and progressive mindsets. They should contribute to the development of society, the nation, and the state (
Zainal et al., 2016, p. 128).
Another phenomenon is that Islamic education, including in Indonesia, is more apologetic than scientific. Majid Daneshgar stated that Islamic apologetics is a defensive, theological strategy promoting religious teachings through academic discourse (
Daneshgar, 2020). Daneshgar also agrees with Aaron W. Hughes, who said that apologetics is theologically oriented, manipulative in its use of sources, and deviant in its conclusions (
Hughes, 1968).
A system meant to rediscover truth has become constrained by ideological and sectarian dogma. This leads to insularity and neglect of historical, social, cultural, and contextual aspects. An apologetically oriented Islamic education system tends to romanticize and promote a literal worldview in interpreting sacred texts. This perspective often cites Islam’s golden age as the sole ideal, exemplified by groups like
Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) (
an-Nabhani, 1998, p. 240). The focus on literalism in religious texts also dulls critical reasoning.
The above analysis demonstrates persistent flaws in Indonesia’s Islamic education system, specifically its logocentrism and school-centrism. An educational model built on these untenable principles cannot foster genuine inclusivity or intellectual growth in Indonesia’s pluralistic society. These frameworks not only perpetuate problematic separations and dichotomies in knowledge but also reinforce regressive ideological and dogmatic power structures.
Employing Muhammad Abed al-Jabiri’s critical-analytical approach, this article deconstructs Indonesia’s traditional Islamic education system. Without such intervention, Islamic intellectual discourse may remain repetitive and sterile, as described in terms of “normal science” (
Nuh, 1970, p. 104).
Al-Jabiri’s deconstruction is not about language, but focuses on cultural formations in the Islamic world, especially related to knowledge systems (
Al-Jabiri, 2011, pp. 10–31). Here, deconstruction is a methodological lens for critiquing root causes in Indonesian Islamic education, rooted in logocentrism and mazhab-centrism. The central thesis calls for a deliberate, gradual epistemological shift. This shift should foster a more critical framework.
As a result, Islamic studies prioritize a ‘context of justification’ over a ‘context of discovery.’ This paradigm dominates the Muslim worldview and limits potential knowledge revolutions in Islamic discourse. Indonesia’s Islamic intellectual scene, shaped by logocentrism and school-centrism, presents a case needing scrutiny. An in-depth investigation is needed to clarify the causes and recommend solutions.
3. A Critique of the Islamic Educational Reasoning
To attain authentic truth, a Muslim must employ critical reasoning and cannot accept any information as taken for granted. The intended meaning of “critical reasoning” (
naqd al-‘aql) here is the rigorous use of the intellect to produce knowledge. Proceeding from this foundation of rational critique, al-Jabiri seeks to analyze the failure and decline of contemporary Arab-Islamic civilization, which has been unable to compete with the West in the realms of science, economics, social structures, culture, and politics. According to al-Jabiri, this failure is rooted in abandoning critical reasoning in their engagement with the
turāth. The
turāth has consistently been treated as an authoritative source to be followed when, in fact, it should be treated as an object of study. This necessitates establishing a critical distance between the reader and the
turāth. Within Arab-Islamic thought, the term
turāth specifically refers to the tradition stemming from the period of codification (
asrār al-tadwīn), which began in the early second century Hijri, and does not encompass the pre-Islamic era (
Jāhiliyyah) or the period of the Prophet Muhammad and the Rightly Guided Caliphs (
al-Khulafā’ al-Rāshidūn) (
Al-Jabiri, 2011, p. 67).
Al-Jabiri proposes a solution to the stagnation afflicting the Arab-Islamic world through his highly monumental project, “Critique of Arab Reason” (Naqd al-‘Aql al‘Arabi), which is elaborated in his work The Formation of Arab Reason: Text, Tradition, and the Construction of Modernity in the Arab World. In this work, he argues that the formation of Islamic doctrine has often been predicated upon classical literature, which is itself embedded with the irrational and anti-democratic cultural, social, and political elements of its historical Arab context. It is this specific epistemological framework that has shackled rationality and fostered a romantic idealism in subsequent generations, discouraging critical and objective engagement with the heritage. Furthermore, this very same framework continues to be employed to interpret, evaluate, and produce knowledge within the Islamic world today, thereby preventing Muslim societies from transcending conservatism.
The operational method of al-Jabiri’s critical-analytical approach involves facilitating a dialogue between the
turāth and contemporary world civilizations. This is termed the “continuity approach” (
minhāj al-ittiṣāl), which aims to connect the reader with the object of their reading (
wasl al-qāri’ bi al-maqrū’), thereby establishing a productive relationship. Consequently, the
turāth is not to be entirely deconstructed, as is advocated by transformative and idealistic groups who treat the heritage as a singular, uncritical reference. Instead, it is engaged through a critical and dialogical process (
Al-Jabiri, 2011, p. 69).
Through his critique of Arab reason, al-Jabiri focuses his analysis on the
turāth, its historical, epistemological, and ideological processes. Consequently, what is required is a critical reflection upon the
turāth by decisively severing its epistemology from the structure of Arab reason. This “epistemological break” entails a shift from being dominated by the turāth to mastering it. Furthermore, this break aims to shield the turāth from distortion and manipulation for contemporary, ideological ends. Simultaneously, the “critique of the present” is intended to prevent the emergence of reactive identity assertion and apologetics when engaging with foreign Western concepts (
Al-Jabiri, 2011, p. 24).
Therefore, the task for contemporary Muslims is to eradicate the remnants of the turāth that continue to confine Islamic thought. Presently, this heritage persists as a powerful collective memory, often manifesting as fables, legends, and imaginative representations, accepted without rational critique or engagement. It is through this very practice of critical reasoning that Muslims are expected to cultivate critical and logical thinking, thereby liberating themselves from a turāth that is perceived through an ideological, dogmatic, and mystical lens.
From al-Jabiri’s perspective, the
turāth must indeed be acknowledged as a treasury of a past civilization once achieved by Muslims. However, it must not be idealized to the point of disregarding contemporary social realities. For al-Jabiri, the
turāth is not a finished product; rather, it is a historical problem, a site of dynamic interaction where various elements contend with, complement, and critique one another. It is an entity affiliated with the past that functions as a form of memory. This memory generates a thinking mechanism based on pre-existing frameworks, ultimately forming a collective consciousness that can constrain the emergence of critical, scientific, and rational attitudes (
Al-Jabiri, 2011, p. 113).
The veneration of the
turāth is, in essence, driven by the Arab-Islamic world’s desire to rise from the underdevelopment experienced in the modern era. This is particularly acute when confronted with a modern West, whose advancements have established it as a global hegemon. An inability to compete with the West has prompted the Arab-Islamic world to retreat into the gravitational pull of the glory of the classical Arab civilization. However, the socio-historical realities confronted by the classical Arab-Islamic world are fundamentally distinct from those faced in the contemporary period (
Muqtada, 2017, p. 64).
Romanticism of the classical period is not merely a characteristic of the Arab-Islamic world but also extends to Indonesia. Within the Indonesian context, the requisite approach is neither a full return to Arab-Islamic tradition as advocated by fundamentalist groups in the name of purifying Islamic teachings from local cultural influences, nor a retreat into the indigenous past, such as the era of the Walisongo, which is replete with mystical legends. Such a retreat often results in entrapment within myth and mysticism, despite the Walisongo’s successful acculturation of Islamic teachings with local traditions, Hinduism, Buddhism, animism, and dynamism. Instead, what is required for Indonesian Muslims is an endeavor to facilitate a dialogue between classical traditions and contemporary global realities. The objective of this engagement is to cultivate a mode of Indonesian Islamic reasoning that is critical, systematic, and logical, thereby enabling it to engage productively with the contemporary world.
4. From Logocentrism and School-Centrism Towards Criticism
As outlined above, logocentric and school-centric characteristics are present within the Islamic education system. In this writing, “logocentrism” refers to a tendency towards hierarchical binary opposition and dichotomous thinking in the search for the arche (origin) of reality. This thinking assumes that the first term in each pair constitutes the center, origin, foundation, and principle that necessarily exists, while the second is merely a derivation and secondary to the first. Logocentrism is characterized by the dominance of the concepts of totality and essence. The concept of totality holds that reality is singular and unified, and that any alternative is erroneous. Its consequence is an oppressive form of knowledge that forces individuals into a rigid, monolithic system. The concept of essence refers to knowledge of the underlying, fundamental nature of a thing. This concept fosters dogmatism and legitimizes the authority of a singular, dominating reason. Thus, logocentrism functions as a system that, while not materially tangible, regulates and animates a singular, idealistic idea. This is what Derrida terms the “metaphysics of presence” (
Derrida, 1997, p. 12). The objective of deconstruction here is not to presuppose the existence of an absolute, fixed, or superior meaning. Its focus is on the creation of new meanings for the interpreter’s freedom (
Derrida, 1981, p. 18).
School-centric refers to the tendency to exclusively accept the doctrinal validity of one’s own school of thought while negating or dismissing the perspectives of the Other. School-centrism is a consequence of denominational fanaticism and radicalism (
Wibowo & Naupal, 2018, pp. 435–436).
Criticism, in this context, denotes a critical reflection upon all phenomena within Islamic education. It entails a willingness to engage in open dialogue, which facilitates the discovery of multiple interpretations of a text’s truth. Within the educational sphere, this critical reflection is guided by the foundational perspective that “education is politics.” This signifies that all activities in the teaching-learning process are inherently political; they carry political consequences and possess a political quality. Consequently, education must be capable of producing implications that advance the interests of marginalized groups.
It must be acknowledged with candor that the Islamic education system in Indonesia has yet to fully develop its potential to contribute to solving the social problems afflicting the world in this contemporary era. On the contrary, it has even been accused of being a factor that fosters actions such as terrorism, discrimination, radicalism, and identity politics. Although surveys on radicalism and terrorism in Indonesia over the past five years indicate a declining trend, the dissemination of identity politics ideology is still perceived as a threat to the country’s nascent democratic system. The proliferation of Salafi Islam, characterized by its highly literalist and formalist approach to religious understanding, coupled with the concurrent expansion of educational institutions affiliated with this movement, underscores the significant and multifaceted challenges that continue to confront the Muslim community in Indonesia.
Indeed, within the 2013 Curriculum, we can observe an existing effort to reduce logocentrism in the Islamic Religious Education (PAI) curriculum. However, this effort remains general in nature and tends to be apologetic. For instance, it claims that Islam, science, and critical thinking have, in fact, been taught since ancient times (
A. Rahman & Nugroho, 2021, pp. 7–22). A discernible lacuna persists in the use of specific conceptual ‘tools’ derived from Western or non-Muslim Eastern intellectual traditions, which have the potential to significantly enrich the Islamic scholarly heritage, specifically within the Indonesian context (
A. Rahman & Nugroho, 2021, pp. 318–320). This aligns with the critique put forth by Muhammad Hatim in his journal, which identifies a key weakness in the curriculum: its lack of practicality, rendering it insufficiently relevant to contemporary developments, including those in the realm of scientific knowledge (
Hatim, 2018, pp. 153–155).
Moreover, the curriculum for PAI continues to exhibit a distinct madhhab-centric orientation. This is demonstrable in its pedagogical approach to
fiqh, which frequently privileges a singular interpretive tradition. A pertinent illustration of this is the treatment of
al-kulliyat al-khamsah, which is framed exclusively through the intellectual framework of Al-Ghazali, a thinker whose work is fundamentally anchored within the Sunni paradigm (
Taufik & Setyowati, 2021, pp. 242–254). In discussing internal Islamic tolerance, the PAI curriculum also omits mention of minority theological schools in Indonesia, such as Shi’a, Ahmadiyya, and others existing outside the Sunni tradition (
A. Rahman & Nugroho, 2021, pp. 179–200). This reveals a fundamental lacuna in the Islamic Religious Education (PAI) curriculum: its failure to adequately thematize the internal plurality of the Islamic tradition. Any engagement with diversity appears circumscribed, confined merely to the heterodoxy within Sunni Islam. Furthermore, the discourse on
ilm al-kalam is conducted at a high level of abstraction, devoid of any substantive engagement with particular theological schools. Given its formative role, it is imperative that the PAI curriculum for Grade XII incorporates a systematic exposition of this internal diversity (
Chozin & Untoro, 2022, pp. 208–217).
As Muslim scholars, it is incumbent upon us to adopt a critical stance. We bear the responsibility of evaluating the fallacies within religious frameworks that have long been considered established and that dominate the thinking of most Indonesian Muslims. This necessitates a reorientation of the Islamic education system through the following approach: First, undertaking a historical clarification of the Muslim historical narrative and reading the
maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah holistically.
Maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah is a discipline within
uṣūl al-fiqh concerned with discerning the higher objectives and purposes behind the rulings established in the Qur’an and Sunnah, thereby ensuring the comprehensive fulfillment of human needs. Consequently, when
maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah is applied to the Islamic education system, the objective of preserving the intellect (
ḥifẓ al-‘aql) must be understood not merely in its negative sense protecting the mind from that which corrupts it but also in its positive sense: developing and cultivating it in accordance with the demands of the era. Jasser Auda conceptualizes this as Human Resource Development. Therefore, the vision and mission of the Islamic education system must be capable of optimally developing human resources, thereby fostering an open, broad, dialogical, and tolerant intellectual worldview that is adapted to contemporary exigencies. I suggest ‘human development’ to be a prime expression of
maṣlaḥah ‘āmmah (public interest) in our time, which
maqāṣid al-shariah should aim to realize through the Islamic law (
Auda, 2007, p. 25).
Second, it is necessary to abandon a dualistic and dichotomous worldview in the realm of knowledge. This implies that no single field of knowledge is inherently superior; in other words, religious knowledge is not more exalted than modern science, nor is modern science more exalted than religious knowledge. All fields of knowledge should be understood as semiological systems that render the Qur’an’s discourse relevant to human history while also functioning as part of an ideal social order.
Third, it is imperative to abolish traditional dichotomies to achieve a reconciliation between theory and practice. The flaws within the current Indonesian Islamic education system have a further deleterious impact: they perpetuate and reinforce these very dichotomies within society, particularly at the grassroots level. This manifests in the construction of sharply oppositional religious viewpoints, such as the divisions between Sunni and Shia, mystical adherents and traditionalists, Muslim and non-Muslim (infidel), and Islam and the West (
Hidayat, 2025, p. 11).
Fourth, it is essential to revitalize ijtihad in the pursuit of truth. This is to prevent ideas from becoming imprisoned within a new form of dogmatic closure or within uncritical imitation (
taqlīd). This endeavor must involve raising awareness within the community that the concept of truth is not necessarily singular, absolute, and universal. Consequently, tolerance toward adherents of other schools of thought in matters of religious interpretation becomes an imperative (
Wibowo & Naupal, 2018, p. 433).
Upon deeper examination, the problems of logocentrism and school-centrism cannot be disentangled from the workings of power. As Mohammed Arkoun argued, Islam has been transformed into a dead dogma to serve the interests of power itself. Consequently, the religion has become stagnant, compartmentalized, insular, narrow, and logocentric. It exhibits an increasing unwillingness to accept change in its procedures and activities. Therefore, the Islamic education system must be liberated from the shackles of power, both ideological and economic.
In this regard, Beyer argued that religious education should serve the community. This service should not stop at supporting its followers’ beliefs. It should also prevent followers from becoming
taqlīd, meaning accepting religious doctrines without independent reasoning. Also, religious education should engage with the progress of human history, science, and technology. This will help it provide ethical answers for today’s global challenges. This is what Beyer means by the “function and performance” of religion: its role in society and how well it fulfils that role. Religion should show how it views reality (
Beyer, 1991, p. 377). Here, understanding contextualization in Islamic education in all settings is crucial. Without it, as Hassan Hanafi warns, Islamic thought will remain “shackled” to the text, unable to respond to a changing world (
Hanafi, 2015, p. 74).
Literalism in conveying Islamic teachings, besides being unresponsive to contemporary developments, also contributes to the emergence of hardline religious thought driven by transnationalism and globalization. In this regard, philosophy is critically needed in Islamic education. Without it, as Fazlur Rahman warned, the environment of Islamic studies will experience what he termed “intellectual suicide” (
F. Rahman, 1982, p. 158). Meanwhile, Arkoun criticizes the fuqaha and theologians for employing a literal mode of interpretation and for developing specific methodologies, namely, fiqh and legal codification. According to Arkoun, these two approaches transform the Quranic discourse, which inherently possesses mythical and metaphorical meanings and is open to multiple interpretations, into a rigid and standardized discourse (
Saidah et al., 2025, p. 154).
These developments have led to the neglect of the historicity of religious ethical norms and fiqh-based legal rulings. As a result, these norms and laws have come to be perceived as existing outside of history and beyond social contingencies; sacred, untouchable, and beyond critical discussion. Fuqaha have transformed temporally bound and socio-historical phenomena into idealized standards and transcendent, sacred laws, seen as immutable and unchangeable. Consequently, all established forms and practices derived from these laws and standards have acquired a sacrosanct status. In this way, historicity has been disregarded and discarded by entrenched orthodoxy. This condition persists in the contemporary Islamic educational system (
Muhammad, 2021, p. 98).
The crisis within the Islamic educational system strongly indicates that, to this day, Islam often tends to be presented in an authoritarian and intimidating manner. The current Islamic educational framework continues to suppress intellectual freedom and the richness of interpretive diversity. Interpretations that fall outside officially institutionalized exegesis are neither taught nor acknowledged, making it virtually impossible to recognize the validity of alternative interpretations. For this reason, a fresh, dynamic, and contextually relevant reinterpretation of Islamic teachings has become a necessity. Only through continuous and contextual reinterpretation can religion remain responsive to societal change and renewal, while avoiding the authoritarianism that stifles its own community (
Muhammad, 2021, p. 83).
Referring to the thought of Al-Jabiri, reason (ʿaql) is divided into two types: active reason and passive (or dominant) reason. Active reason refers to “the cognitive activity carried out by the mind when analysing, examining, forming concepts, and formulating fundamental principles.” In contrast, passive (or dominant) reason refers to “the foundations and rules we rely on in the process of argumentation (istidlāl).” Al-Jabiri further argues that the form of reasoning currently employed by many Muslims is predominantly passive.
This is problematic, as active reason, defined as the totality of human cognitive activity, particularly the capacity for abstract thinking, is essential for intellectual and civilizational vitality (
Al-Jabiri, 2011, p. 8). However, when we engage in thinking through a particular method, we are, by definition, already engaging in a form of reasoning. For this reason, Al-Jabiri also refers to passive reason as the epistemology of the Muslim community. This is because passive or dominant reason provides both the foundational assumptions and the methodological frameworks deemed “necessary” by Muslims for understanding the Qur’an and the Sunnah (
Al-Jabiri, 2011, p. 421). Drawing on Al-Jabiri’s perspective, we can analyze that this mode of thinking within the Muslim community ultimately gives rise to a madhhab-centric epistemology that closes the door to critical inquiry.
In Iqbal’s view, Islamic thought has experienced stagnation due to three main factors. First, the practice of ascetic mysticism; second, the decline of inductive reasoning; and third, the presence of romantic idealization, madhhab absolutism (school-centrism), and the unquestioned authority of legal rulings regarded as final. These factors have collectively stifled individual development and effectively immobilized the practical application of Islamic law. Therefore, reform in Islamic education is urgently needed (
Iqbal, 1934, pp. 68–82).
To overcome these challenges, Islamic educational institutions must cultivate a tradition of critical and reflective thinking within their pedagogical processes to avoid the mistakes of the past, where learning emphasized mere transmission of information, memorization, and repetition. Pedagogical activities should inherently possess the capacity, consequences, and quality to deconstruct systems of hierarchy, domination, and privilege that favor one group over another. This is crucial because such activities significantly shape learners’ subjectivity. Therefore, the pedagogical process must prioritize dialogue over indoctrination, aligning with Jürgen Habermas’s concept of education to produce emancipatory knowledge. The Muslim community must recognize that the purpose of learning is to critically engage with inherited knowledge, demystify ideological interests, and take active steps to create social realities grounded in principles of democracy and justice.
In essence, Islam is a religion oriented toward the welfare of humanity and emphasizes its core principles rather than the formalities of its texts and external symbols. Among these core principles, as articulated in the Qur’an, is the unity of humanity amid diversity, which is regarded as sunnatullah (the law of God) and the ultimate purpose of creation. The unity advocated does not imply the erasure of differences but rather the respectful acknowledgment of diversity. Each group has chosen its own path and way of life, and what is encouraged is a healthy competition to attain excellence in virtue. This principle is explicitly affirmed in the Qur’anic discourse:
And We have revealed to you, [O Muḥammad], the Book in truth, confirming that which preceded it of the Scripture and as a criterion over it. So, judge between them by what Allah has revealed and do not follow their inclinations away from what has come to you of the truth. To each of you, We prescribed a law and a method. Had Allah willed, He would have made you one nation [united in religion], but [He intended] to test you in what He has given you; so, race to good. To Allah is your return altogether, and He will inform you concerning that over which you used to differ (Al-Quran 5: 41).
The above verse clearly and unequivocally endorses plurality and diversity. Diversity and multiplicity are essential aspects of life and should be managed positively to promote collective welfare and progress. Unfortunately, texts that affirm the existence of diversity and intercultural interaction are often neglected.
Another significant challenge faced by Indonesian Muslims is the underdevelopment of the burhani method in the pursuit of truth. The Burhani method refers to a mode of inquiry grounded in reason (
ʿaql) and empirical observation through the senses. This epistemological approach emerged from the encounter between Islam and Greek philosophy, which emphasized logic and sensory experience. While the bayani method is rooted in textual sources, the burhani method represents an ontological awareness of the natural universe and human social life. Awareness of the natural world gave rise to the natural sciences, whereas awareness of human sociality led to the development of the social and human sciences (
Ma’rufi et al., 2024, p. 38).
The Burhani method, as an approach to acquiring knowledge and truth among Indonesian Muslims, has been overshadowed by the irfani method. Indonesian Muslims tend to favor the irfani approach, which seeks knowledge through the path of tasawwuf (Sufism), although this method is often misused for magical or esoteric purposes. The Irfani method is intended as a spiritual endeavor aimed at attaining ma’rifatullah through the disciplined practice of tarekat (Sufi path), which a salik (spiritual seeker) must follow to reach eternal truth (
Saharuddin & Mahsyar, 2025, p. 66). The Irfani (or Sufi) method was introduced by the Wali Songo in their efforts to propagate Islam in Indonesia (
ABB & Hajad, 2025, p. 88). It was this Sufi form of Islam that subsequently developed and was embraced by Indonesian society. However, a negative consequence of this development has been the frequent association of religion with mystical and magical concerns, accompanied by a decline in rational reasoning. As a result, modern scientific knowledge did not experience the same level of advancement as it did within the Muslim world during the medieval period (
Fatkhullah, 2021, p. 40).
Because of Al-Jabiri’s critical reasoning, Indonesian Muslims must reconstruct their mode of reasoning, shifting from the previously dominant bayani and irfani methods toward the more rigorous burhani approach. A comprehensive reform, particularly in education, is urgently needed. Indonesian Muslims must no longer be trapped within the dichotomy of knowledge as strictly religious or secular. In the era of information technology, Islamic education in Indonesia should not only emphasize moral development (character building) but also cultivate openness to global civilization. This openness is essential to fostering an egalitarian Islamic socio-cultural structure within Indonesia’s multicultural society (
Nasution & Uqba, 2024, p. 51). Thus, Islam, as a religion that serves as a mercy to the universe, can be fully realized in practice. Consequently, Indonesian Islamic reasoning should not be confined solely to the tradition that Al-Jabiri describes as
‘aql mukawwan (constructed reason), but should advance to
‘aql muqawwin (active reason); a mode of reasoning capable of engaging in dialogue with tradition while remaining attentive to contemporary realities. This approach involves not only referencing texts but also considering their context and universal messages, and even going beyond them. In doing so, an ideal form of Indonesian Islamic reasoning can be cultivated—one that can engage meaningfully with developments in the modern world (
Asih & Nugraha, 2025, p. 53).
Based on the foregoing explanation, it does not imply that Muslims should abandon any of the traditional modes of reasoning that have characterized Islamic thought since the classical period. Rather, what is needed today is the integration of the bayani, irfani, and burhani. Currently, each of these epistemologies exists in forms that, to varying degrees, have undergone mutual contamination. The Bayani and rfani epistemological systems have assimilated into one another, ultimately reaching a state of stagnation and consolidating into a single dominant framework (
Sebti, 2010, p. 82). Meanwhile, the Burhani epistemology is primarily employed as a method for uncovering causal relationships. In interpreting both Quranic and cosmic texts, it must engage in a dialogical and hermeneutical interplay with the bayani and irfani epistemologies. Ideally, all three epistemologies should complement one another and even transcend the authority of the text, the authority of the past, and the constraints of irrationality (mystical-magical beliefs) by engaging critically with contemporary realities (
Sebti, 2010, p. 68).
Thus, developing a critical and reflective mode of thinking requires a comprehensive understanding of Islamic teachings. First, all Islamic ideas and intellectual traditions did not emerge in a vacuum. This means that the entire classical Islamic heritage, for example, must be situated within its historical and contextual framework, particularly in relation to the socio-religious issues it addressed at the time. To understand these teachings properly, one must pay careful attention to their socio-historical context (
Muhammad, 2021, p. 205). Muslims must consider the traces holistically, as they do not leave behind a single, unified trace.
Secondly, scientific activity should involve the production, application, and critique of existing theories and concepts, rather than merely their continuation. The pedagogical process within Islamic education is also a form of scientific activity. Therefore, it ought to foster the development and production of new Islamic knowledge that responds to contemporary challenges. When the pedagogical process in Islamic education is framed as a scientific endeavor, it transcends mere affirmation and reproduction of classical Islamic traditions, instead revising and renewing them in accordance with contemporary contexts (
Madjid, 1987, p. 234).
Thirdly, any theory within scientific work must remain open to criticism. This implies that classical Islamic theories should also be subject to critical scrutiny. There are no absolute truths within the historical Islamic tradition, as all knowledge is a product of social construction. Such a pedagogical process will contribute to the development of a tradition of critical reflective education in Islam, producing subjects who are capable of transcending limit-situations—the social conditions that hinder individual development—and limit-actions—the individual’s constraints in taking actions to overcome these limiting conditions. Without this critical approach, education risks delivering subjects into false consciousness, a state of mind that accepts existing social structures as ideal, normal, and inevitable. This concept of false consciousness, as discussed by Herbert Marcuse, may well afflict educational systems in the Muslim world today.