Literacy and mathematics are foundational life skills. International assessments of large cross-national cohorts have shown that poor skills development affects subsequent educational choices and career options [
1]. Low cognitive skills and educational attainment has been associated with poor physical and mental health [
2,
3]. Inequities begin early: Substantial achievement gaps are observed even before children start school. School exposure has been found to reduce variability in academic skills in some research, presumably because all children can access the same relevant curricular content once they are in school full time [
4,
5]. However, more often, children’s literacy and mathematics skills at school entry predict academic achievement and educational attainment both in the short-term [
6] and beyond [
7,
8,
9,
10]. The home learning environment is one potential source of variability in early academic skills. Indeed, the frequency with which preschool children are exposed to numeracy and literacy activities at home is correlated with their success in literacy [
11] and numeracy [
12]. In the present study, we asked whether similar relations between home learning activities and academic performance are found for a school-age group of 8-year-old children.
There are many potential sources of variability affecting the acquisition of early literacy and mathematics skills. Children’s early literacy and mathematical skills are correlated with socioeconomic factors, such as parental education [
13], child health variables [
14], and family income [
15,
16,
17,
18]. Even among middle-class samples and when socio-economic factors are controlled, there is variability in the development of early academic skills [
19,
20] that continues once children are in school. Skills development is related to cross-national differences in age and curricular starting points [
21], speed of curricular exposure [
22], variability in curriculum expectations at certain ages [
23], amount of spiralling curriculum overlap [
24], and the amount of time outside of school spent on curricular concepts [
24]. These variations in the learning context may have direct (e.g., regional age of school start) and indirect effects (e.g., curriculum exposure rate) on home influences. In the present study, we focused on factors within the home learning environment that are directly influenced by parents [
21,
24].
1.1. The Home Learning Environment
The home learning environment encompasses a wide range of factors that relate to children’s literacy and mathematics skills [
25]. Parents and other caregivers contribute to the home learning environment through their personal attitudes, affective responses, activity choices, and resources available to support learning [
16]. Some researchers have emphasized that the processes for learning literacy and numeracy are interrelated, and parents are especially likely to become involved in supportive learning activities when their children’s skills are slow to develop and require additional support [
26].
Home activities and intentions that focus on skills within the children’s zone of proximal development [
27] may help children expand their conceptual knowledge [
28]. For example, listening to storybooks helps children acquire meaning and learn new vocabulary words (e.g., [
29]) and activities focused on phonemic awareness support the decoding skills that are requisite for reading (e.g., [
30,
31]). Considering mathematics development, playing games that involve naming numbers and counting objects supported children’s knowledge of the symbolic cardinal number system (e.g., [
17]), whereas tasks that encouraged playfulness of routinized life skills supported children’s applied number skills (e.g., [
32]. Although self-report survey data is a common method of data collection for these studies [
33], observational approaches [
34,
35], in-home interviews [
36], and data from large-scale international assessments [
37] have also been used to corroborate findings.
Parental involvement, that is, the extent to which caregiving adults (usually parents) provide mentorship opportunities and become involved in children’s learning, is linked to children’s academic performance. Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler [
38] define home-based parent involvement as a deliberate process of deciding whether to be involved, and how to be involved, considering parents’ motivational goals (e.g., supporting children’s school success). Parental involvement in early childhood education contexts is usually desirable; for example, parent collaboration [
39], joint book reading, discussions about school topics and family heritage [
40], and parent responsiveness and sensitivity [
41] are all positively related to children’s learning outcomes. For Chinese-American students, Huntsinger et al. [
36] found that high mathematics achievement was related to routine, structure, and formal directive teaching provided at home. In New Zealand, McDowall, Taumoepeau, and Schaughency [
42] found that the long-term consistency of parental involvement was dependent on having two or more adults in the home, and parental perceptions of their time and energy available to support their first and second grade student. During joint parent-child activities, children’s learning was negatively affected when mothers were high in directiveness [
43], control [
44,
45], or controlling supportiveness [
46]. Various parent characteristics such as education level, arithmetic fluency, positive affect toward mathematics, and availability and/or children’s interest in math or literacy activities are positively correlated with young children’s mathematics scores [
11]. Parental involvement with school aged populations can be operationalized in various ways, including parent communication, home supervision, homework help, emotional support, parent expectations, and affect. These factors may continue to be linked to children’s success during the formative school years [
47].
Despite considerable evidence that the home learning environment is linked to academic success for preschool children across cultures [
48,
49], there is less evidence about whether parents’ involvement in specific home learning activities are related to learning trajectories once children are enrolled in school full time [
11,
25]. Children may spend less time with parents once they are older, given they spend more time in school involved in extracurricular activities [
50] and completing homework [
51]. Furthermore, parent involvement with school aged children may change because of other pressures, such as parents assuming outside employment to contribute to the family’s financial resources, providing support to extended family [
52], or supporting children’s increased autonomy now that they are in school [
53]. Thus, in the present study, we focused on two questions. First, how can the home learning environment be described for eight-year-old Canadian children? Second, is involvement in home activities related to children’s academic outcomes in a school-aged sample?
1.3. Mothers and Fathers
Although both fathers and mothers are central influences in Bronfenbrenner’s [
64] socio-ecological theory of child development, they may contribute differently to the home learning environment. Although data about fathers’ home learning contributions for academic skills are sparse [
53,
65,
66,
67], there is some evidence of benefits when fathers participate [
68,
69]. For example, in a US longitudinal database with data collection points from birth through Kindergarten, Baker et al. [
70] found that fathers’ and mothers’ warmth as well as fathers’ home learning involvement mediated the relation between poverty and kindergartener’s reading skills. The authors also found that fathers’ and mothers’ warmth and mothers’ involvement in home learning mediated the relation between poverty and kindergarteners’ mathematics skills.
Researchers have described barriers to father participation, such as being unavailable to participate because of work hours or work schedules; holding gender role stereotypes that leave mothers in charge of educational duties; or holding views that masculinity may run contrary to the values of educational participation [
71]. Mothers also typically take responsibility for communications between the home and the school [
69,
72] homework completion [
73], speech-language therapy participation [
74], and filling out research questionnaires [
33]. Some studies have included a small percentage of fathers and simply referred to the whole group of respondents as “parents” (e.g., [
20,
42,
75]), or only solicited or included mothers (e.g., [
76]). A few studies have solicited information from both parents [
62,
77]. Despite the low participation rates of fathers across studies, conclusions have often been extrapolated to include recommendations for homes and parents in general. Including fathers in home-learning research can help validate these extrapolated recommendations.
1.3.1. Home Literacy Environments
In some home literacy studies that included both parents, mothers were more involved in literacy activities with their children than fathers. For example, Swain et al. [
71] described data from the Millenium Cohort Study (MCS) in the UK, which started in 2001 and included assessments in 2004, 2006, 2008, and 2012. In the MCS, both parents reported reading to their children frequently, but mothers were more likely to read every day or a few times a week at ages 3, 5, and 7. In Klauda and Wigfield [
78], American children in Grades 4 and 5 completed a reading support survey and reported that their mothers were more supportive in encouraging recreational reading than fathers. However, the ways in which fathers participate in home literacy activities may be different and possibly not captured if the focus is on literacy activities that are most common for mothers.
Saracho [
66] published a list of recommendations to encourage fathers’ participation perspectives and role modelling for supporting reading behavior. In one qualitative analysis of Hispanic and Latino fathers from the US, the fathers reported having reading discussions with their children and felt empowered to contribute to home educational responsibilities [
79]. In a narrative review, Varghese and Wachen [
67] reported that fathers showed responsive behaviors that contributed uniquely to children’s language and literacy learning, but they concluded that more research is needed to understand the contextual factors related to father involvement.
1.3.2. Home Mathematics Environments
Research on fathers’ participation in home mathematics experiences is limited; most studies had mainly mothers in their research sample and only a few were focused on the influence of fathers. Some studies have shown mixed results of paternal influences across country, culture, language, education system, and child age. In Hong Kong, after accounting for mothers’ home numeracy activities, fathers’ involvement in numeracy activities with real-life applications predicted children’s number knowledge for both three-year-olds [
80] and five-year-olds [
81]. In contrast, after accounting for fathers’ home numeracy activities, mothers’ involvement was unrelated to their child’s number knowledge [
80,
81].
In two different studies conducted in Chile, no relations were found between fathers’ home practices and children’s mathematical competencies [
62,
77]. In these studies, mothers and fathers completed separate home learning questionnaires. Mothers and fathers who had high expectations for their Kindergarten children also reported low mathematics anxiety scores and engaged in more advanced numeracy related activities with their children [
77]. However, only the home numeracy practices of mothers predicted the children’s mathematics scores. In Susperreguy and colleagues [
61], which was a cross-sectional study of Chilean children attending either public or private schools, mathematical performance of Kindergarten children was correlated with the frequency of operational activities (such as mental arithmetic) reported by their mothers but not by fathers. For children in Grades 1–3, however, mothers’, but not fathers’, mathematics fluency predicted children’s mathematics scores but reported frequencies of home numeracy influences were not predictive of children’s performance for either parent. In Chile, school quality is tied to socioeconomic status [
82,
83]; there are large gender differences in mathematical achievement [
84], which may contribute to overall low national PISA scores [
48]. Thus, these findings may not generalize to countries with higher levels of performance, less socioeconomic stratification of education, and smaller or non-existent gender disparities.
To encourage participation from both parents in a traditional family unit, researchers from Chile visited family homes to interview parents directly; participation was required from both parents [
62,
77]. Similarly, a researcher in Greece recruited parents by pursuing direct connections with them, such as holding impromptu meetings outside kindergartens as caregivers were waiting to pick up children [
49]. These pro-active recruitment strategies resulted in greater participation by fathers. Therefore, in the current study, fathers and mothers were encouraged to participate through face-to-face contact during parent–teacher conferences at their children’s school, with the goal of obtaining data from either a father or mother from each household.
1.4. Beliefs, Attitudes, and Affect
Parents beliefs, attitudes, and affect about children’s learning are related to their cultural background and personal histories [
85]. These factors presumably shape their parenting choices, child-rearing practices, and the home learning environment. In research on the academic beliefs of parents in Canada, Chile, and Mexico, Mexican parents had higher expectations for their children’s early literacy and numeracy skills than Canadian and Chilean parents. However, all parents reported similarly high expectations for the most basic items such as “count to 10” and “print name”, “print all letters”, and “read a few words” before the start of Grade 1. For literacy, parenting beliefs were related to children’s early reading skills development [
86], decisions about book choices [
87], and children’s motivation to continue reading once they have mastered reading skills [
78]. Mothers’ attitudes toward reading were correlated with the number of books in the household, the home literacy environment, and children’s attitudes toward reading [
88]. Ref.[
20] found that the academic expectations of Canadian parents were correlated with their formal literacy practices, and the frequency of these practices predicted children’s letter knowledge and reading ability. Additionally, parents’ positive attitudes toward literacy (e.g., I enjoy reading) were related to their involvement in basic and informal literacy practices, and these practices were related to children’s vocabulary skills.
Likewise for mathematics, parents’ beliefs and attitudes have been linked to home mathematics practices. Canadian parents’ beliefs about the importance of children achieving specific mathematical benchmarks, such as counting to 100 before Grade 1, predicted children’s exposure to books and numeracy outcomes [
49]. Ref.[
20] also found that parents’ academic expectations affected their tendency to complete basic mathematics activities with their children; and numeracy attitudes (I enjoy mathematics) were related to their children’s non-symbolic arithmetic and symbolic number knowledge.
Considering parent affect, parents’ anxiety about math has been linked to the amount of early home math talk [
89] and to children’s exposure to advanced home mathematics practices [
77]. Links between mathematical performance and parent math anxiety, however, are tenuous. For example, lower math scores were found only when math-anxious parents were involved in homework helping sessions with the child [
90]. Retanal et al. [
46] found that Canadian parents use of a controlling supportive parenting style while helping their Grade 6–8 children (i.e., 11- to 14-years old) with mathematics homework was related to mathematics anxiety and mathematics performance. Math attitudes and anxieties can also follow typical gender stereotypes, with boys and fathers reporting they enjoy math and have low math anxiety, compared to girls and mothers who have negative math attitudes and high levels of math anxiety [
91]. Sometimes, students’ perceptions of their parents’ beliefs can also follow these gender lines, with concern that these perceptions may influence career choices [
92]. However, because few studies in this area have included fathers, and those that did found few differences in these factors [
62,
77], we did not have predictions about gender effects.
1.5. The Current Study
Research on home learning has been heavily focused on mothers’ activities with their young children (i.e., pre-school to Grade 1; aged 3 through 6 years). Home-learning research on fathers and school-aged children has been limited. To address this gap, we attempted to focus on both parents, and older children in our study (i.e., Grade 3, aged 8 to 9 years). We examined the relations among parental beliefs, attitudes, and affect, the frequency of literacy and numeracy activities, and Canadian students’ literacy and mathematics skills. Children completed literacy and mathematics assessments. For each child, either a mother or a father completed surveys on their attitudes, anxieties, and the frequency with which they participated in home learning activities with their child. We addressed two research questions.
1.5.1. Research Question 1: How Can the Home Learning Environment Be Described for Eight-Year-Old Canadian Children?
In previous work with Canadian preschool children (i.e., aged 3 to 6 years), parents (mainly mothers) reported on the literacy and numeracy activities that they shared with their children [
20,
93]. Overall, parents frequently provided a range of activities, including frequent shared book reading, counting, and practicing arithmetic facts. We adjusted survey measures (i.e., activities, book and game list, parents’ attitudes, beliefs, and affect) used in previous work [
20,
75] to be relevant for older children [
62]. Multiple regression analyses were used to determine whether these activities would continue to characterize the home learning environment. Based on the small amount of research with fathers, we predicted that fathers would respond similarly to mothers on the home learning questionnaire in Canada. We also predicted that, because parents would be responsive to their child’s developing mathematical knowledge [
94], they would report engaging in age-appropriate activities [
28,
62]. Furthermore, we predicted that parents’ attitudes and anxiety would be related to reports of home learning activities [
19,
95] and homework helping quality [
90,
96,
97].
1.5.2. Research Question 2: Is the Home Learning Environment for Eight-Year-Old Children Related to Their Academic Performance?
Canadian school aged children spend most of their time at home in communal family areas [
98] and thus opportunities exist for parents to interact with their children, whether connecting with homework or participating in joint activities. We performed multiple regression analyses to determine whether home environment factors, such as parents’ reports of activities, attitudes, and anxiety, were related to children’s home literacy and numeracy performance. Following previous research with younger Canadian children, we expected that parents’ knowledge of children’s books and their literacy activities would be related to children’s receptive vocabulary, and literacy activities would be related to word reading [
93,
99]. With this older sample, we expected that parents who reported spending more time helping their child read words would have children with weaker reading skills [
99]. For mathematics, we expected that parents’ reports of increased home activities and their positive attitudes toward mathematics would be related to children’s mathematical performance [
20].