1. Introduction
Though climate change is used as justification for environmental and livelihood interventions [
1], there is a risk of adaptation failure or an inability of adaptation action to meet set objectives and/or generate hybrid risks, such as environmental degradation [
2,
3]. Accordingly, disaster risk drivers such as poor land management, unsustainable use of natural resources, and declining ecosystems have emerged as focal points in climate change action and the pursuit of sustainable development goals [
4,
5]. The growing evidence of links between climate change adaptation (CCA) and disaster risks has also seen concomitant efforts at integrating disaster risk reduction (DRR) and CCA [
6], with a focus on the dialectical and/or trialectic tension between resilience, adaptation and risk management within the broader social-ecological system approach, particularly the human-environment nexus [
3,
7]. Analytical lenses that link climate change adaptation to other drivers of change has thus emerged as essential for effective adjustment to changing climate stimuli [
8].
Comprehensive adaptation planning frameworks address policy and implementation process interlinkages or scales at local and national levels [
3,
9,
10]. Implicitly it encompasses the integration of sustainable development and disaster risk management lenses [
11,
12,
13], policy engagement or framing [
2,
3,
9,
14], as well as changes in policies and institutional arrangements that mediate successful scaling up of CCA [
1]. Risk management and robust decision making are core features that address underlying risks [
15], more so responses to adaptation needs that span long time horizon [
16]. Focusing on implementation phase in adaptation planning is critical as statements of intent, allocated resources, and envisioned alternatives in the form of programs, legislation and rules on their own cannot guarantee effective solutions to collective adaptation needs [
17,
18].
Innovative lenses on deliberations about risk appraisal [
18], the role of values, interests, and institutions that constrain the societal response to change and unpacking of underlying causes are some of the factors of interest in the emerging approaches to climate risk management [
11,
14]. However, in spite of the recognition of the need to integrate DRR, climate change, and sustainable development, and their successes at the conceptual level, insufficient interrogation of the underlying risks tend to bias disparate adaptation planning discourses towards business as usual (BAU) implementation trajectories that undermine the effectiveness of adaptation action [
19,
20]. Most importantly, BAU or routine adjustment to adverse impacts from climate change tend to ignore social costs which are at cross purpose with some of the tenets of sustainable development. There is an urgent need, therefore, to reorient adaptation planning frameworks to minimise the risk of adaptation failure.
Social structures mediate the exchange of knowledge and behaviour, such as the development and diffusion of adaptation technology to climate change [
21]. Cognition or knowledge about risks and shared understanding could build coherence and vision into integrative frameworks, such as those that concurrently address sustainability and disaster risk reduction [
11,
21]. Accordingly, values, beliefs, interests, knowledge and expectations are considered integral to holistic approaches and effective adaptation [
3]. However, many of the existing integrative models are constrained as they fail to recognise the centrality of individuals [
11]. Additionally, current integrative models pay little attention to time-related concerns that may amplify the risk of slow-onset disasters [
22].
The individual agency and wider pathways of change which portend challenges in adaptation discourses [
23], are related to the complex social networks and relations in which people are embedded, commitments and understanding of social and ecological risks [
7,
14]. Accordingly, complementary efforts that address questions of scale, fit, and interplay in policy and governance could partly resolve such dilemmas [
24,
25]. In this article, we explore how multifaceted biases and failures with respect to the existence and importance of negative externalities constrain system integration in adaptation planning discourses.
Though integration of CCA and mitigation of associated disaster risks or ecosystem spillovers, such as salinisation risks, can be advanced through theoretical and/or conceptual multiplicity [
26], convergence of CCA and DRR is constrained in agricultural production systems [
7]. The constraints are related to difficulties in the integration of learning, reflectivity, and change management, as well as, lack of institutionalisation of CCA-DRR into the planning process [
11,
14]. More specifically, there is a paucity of knowledge in diagnostic procedures and empirical evidence that illustrate conceptual and theoretical convergence, as well as urgency for action [
2]. Specifically, there are gaps in adaptation policy framing regarding potential mechanisms for the integration of CCA-DRR models [
6]. We posit that environmental externalities have great potential to facilitate a holistic vision for the convergence and operationalisation of the often disparate CCA-DRR approaches.
Though system integration at local and global scales in sustainability discourses have emerged [
7], there is still little attention paid to environmental spillovers [
27,
28]. Such limited attention to environmental spillover effects is more widespread in climate change action. In risk analysis, fast and frugal heuristics is adopted if ignoring some information does not compromise accuracy of the findings [
29]. We adopt the logic and concur with Reed et al. [
30] and Reid and Coleen [
31] that thresholds and sustainability indicators on a limited number of parameters, such as soil health (including qualitative aspects, such as salinity levels), could be used as empirical indicators to assess the effectiveness and/or failure of adaptation strategies, such as irrigation. In particular, we adapt [
32] in that temporal variation in soil salinity is an appropriate indicator in the monitoring of degradation risks and proxy for sustainability trends.
To illustrate our proposition, we assess various dimensions of cognitive failures and/or biases in autonomous adaptation pathways and how this constrain transformative adaptation discourses among small-scale farmers. Building upon the above assumptions, we employ a survey study and assessment of salinity dynamics to unpack the interplay between cognitive failure, environmental externalities and adaptation failure. The quantified changes and significance interpretation is based on FAO [
33] classification of salinity risks from irrigation water.
By unpacking the poorly understood environmental spillover effects, we provide insights that complement and enhance the utility of existing transformative adaptation planning frameworks. The nested adaptation assessment model thus provides holistic lenses that address multifaceted biases at policy, research and implementation levels. The model addresses complex interplay between the climate system, the human system, as well as sustainability concerns, related policy analyses and ultimately system integration in adaptation planning. In so doing, the study contributes to the development of a robust and innovative diagnostic approach that integrates empirical data, cognitive and scale dynamics (such as, institutional polices, farmer management practices) in projecting adaptation failure.
4. Results and Discussion
The mean parameters of sampled water used in irrigation for the study area is given in
Table 2. There was no significance difference in the parameters between the two counties. The mean hydrogen potential (pH) was 7.2 ± 0.85 with Machakos being 8.37 ± 0.789667 and Kakamega 6.791667 ± 0.263197. Though the mean pH is within the recommended range for most crops, the mean value for Machakos tended towards alkaline with potential to increase salinisation risks. The highest variation in analysed parameters was for chloride levels at 2.4275 ± 14.89418, with Machakos at 7.91 ± 20.98813 accounting for the highest variation. This is expected as the water sources used varied widely from surface to ground water. The source of water is thus critical with ground water (borehole/shallow wells) in Machakos tending to account for extreme chloride values. The mean SAR levels for Machakos were 1.94 ± 8.176467 which increases salinisation risks, while the low levels for Kakamega at 0.14 ± 0.000418 posed low salinisation risks.
The statistical analysis for changes in sodium in the topsoil (ESP), an indicator of soil salinity hazards is given in
Table 3. There is significant difference in salinity hazards in the top soil with irrigation especially for soils in Kakamega county study site. The mean ESP in top and subsoil in Kakamega was 5.65 ± 3.73 and 5.91 ± 0.70 Me% respectively. The mean change in ESP was significant in both sites. The ESP for Kakamega changed by 0.66 ± 0.73 and −0.08 ± 0.40 Me% in top and subsoil respectively. The mean change in ESP for Machakos’s study site was 0.033± 0.47and 2.22 ± 28.21 Me% in top and subsoil respectively. The overall change for the two sites with irrigation in the topsoil and subsoil was 0.45 ± 0.70 and 0.69 ± 9.8 Me respectively. The overall negative changes in ESP values for top soil imply displacement or desorption of calcium (ca
++), Potassium (k
+) and Magnesium (mg++), the bases that jointly determine cation exchange capacity (CEC), an indicator of soil fertility levels, as more of Na+ is being adsorbed on the soil colloids. The increase in Na
+ is indicative of soil degradation in terms of dispersion, poor permeability and loss of soil structure risks. The net negative change (decrease) in topsoil is indicative of soil degradation risks while the positive changes (increase) in subsoil soils is attributed to leaching of salts and potentially the degradation of underground water resources over a long planning horizon.
The increase in subsoil Na
+ levels for both sites could be attributed to leaching of salts under irrigation with high variation in Machakos (2.22 ± 28.21) reflecting the high SAR levels, as well as the high variability of the parameter in water sources (
Table 2) utilised for irrigation. The overall mean ESP for both sites was 4.2 with a change of 0.45 in top soil and 4.56 me% in subsoil, a change of 0.69 me%. Overall, irrigation increased ESP in both sites (
Table 4), an indicator of soil degradation risks. The two sample F test for variance in Sodium concentration is negative, an indication of increased and high sodicity risks in Kakamega. Though primary salinisation effects were not determined, the increase in sodium concertation with irrigation is indicative of soil quality degradation risks in autonomous adaptation.
Table 5 presents Pearsons correlation on a number of factors influencing soil testing in the two study counties. There is a positive correlation between education and income, awareness on risks on water, as well as the positive risk reduction inform of soil/water testing. However, age has a negative correlation on soil (water) testing and salinisation risk reduction. Nonetheless, the more aged believe environmental risks could negatively impart them. Age is also negatively correlated to source of information. Possibly, old farmers tend to rely more on informal sources of information, such as their peers and not the ubiquitous electronic and mass media sources. Age is also negatively correlated with income suggesting that it may constraint adoption of soil testing advisories. In absence of risk communication messages, all the predictors (
Table 5) are statistically insignificant in salinisation risk reduction.
Human capital theory [
117], identifies innovative ability as closely related to education level, farming experience (proxy for age), and information accumulation. The positive effect observed for education on the adoption of soil testing though not significant is consistent with human capital theory in Agriculture. However, the negative correlation between the number of years spent using of technology (an indirect proxy for age) and perception of harm from environmental risks is consistent with risk normalisation theory [
87]. The choice of channels of communication and their effectiveness is thus a critical policy consideration in transformative adaptation and sustainability discourses.
The communication perspective is critical in risk dissemination and sustainability discourses in climate change adaptation [
117,
118,
119]. Information improves farmer’s human capital, reduces risk and uncertainty in technology adoption process [
120]. In this study, the negative correlation between information source and education in risk reduction behaviour is possibly related to biased access of information as the level of education increases. Further, the findings suggest a gap in the current research-extension linkages where access to information sources, such as scientific journals that are more likely to disseminate information on environmental externalities as opposed to the conventional sources, such as the radio are by default biased towards farmers with high levels of education. Since the effect of risk dissemination is negatively correlated with source of information, it suggests that the current sources of information are ineffective and/or do not disseminate information concerning the existing risks. Implicit in this is the need for transformative lenses to enhance the role of media, both electronic and print in risk information dissemination especially as it relates to secondary risks in climate change adaptation.
Table 6 provides the odds ratio E(β), generalised logistic parameter estimates on soil testing as a risk reduction measure and control of irrigation related risks. An odds ratio less than one connotes that the variable decreases the likelihood of adoption, whereas an odds ratio greater than one means that the variable increases the likelihood of adoption. The likelihood of the odds ratio on age, farm income (farm and non-farm), number of years in use of technology, and source of information, education, awareness on health risks, type of, irrigation though not statistically significant had negative odds ratios. In the absence of risk message dissemination, there is a decreased likelihood of soil testing with increase in value of the mentioned variables. From existing literature, risk aversion increases with age hence the negative sign for age in our study is expected. However, education, income, and experience tend to be positively correlated with adoption. This observation suggests that existing technology diffusion and adoption models and human capital theory in agriculture cannot be used effectively to address environmental externalities in adaptation planning.
The positive effect of risk message dissemination on risk behaviour has been observed by several authors [
21,
63,
86]. The generalised linear logistic parameter estimates (Table 8) explains the effect of risk message dissemination on soil testing. In this study, dissemination of risk messages could have significant impact on likelihood of positive change on risk belief and mitigation action. This is consistent with some findings on rapid onset disasters, such as earthquakes where higher education levels, higher income and greater experience with previous emergencies is significantly associated with higher preparedness [
121]. In our study, risk message dissemination has positive significant effect on farmers disposition about salinisation risks with majority of the farmers who would change their behaviour (adopt soil testing as a risk reduction measure) falling in the 30–49 year age category (
Table 7).
Likewise, according to
Table 8, dissemination of risk message has significant positive impact on likelihood in change of choice of water sources (WS) for irrigation and type of irrigation (i.e., bucket, sprinkle, surface and drip), all which impact salinity hazards. Additionally, risk message dissemination significantly increases the likelihood of soil testing for every additional level (higher level) of farmer education and the positively correlated non-farm income. However, dissemination of risk messages decreases the likelihood in soil testing when awareness on water and environmental risks are taken into account. This could be due to other factors, notably the extra costs incurred in soil testing as source of risk that decreases profit levels in the short term. The observation is consistent with [
69], that gaps between information dissemination and level of implementation could be as a result of subjective limits or considerations for factors that impact profit and/or cost in adoption of risk reduction behaviour. Factors that lower profits or increase expenses are sources of risk (i.e., technical, price, legal, social and human), that adversely impact the economic performance hence farmers’ decision making [
121,
122,
123,
124]. The finding underscores Howden et al. [
125], and Koundouri et al. [
120], that policy makers in adaptation planning need to increase their attention on the role of risk attitude in technology adoption.
The significant decrease in likelihood of soil testing with risk message dissemination when the number of years the farmer has used a given irrigation technology is taken into account could be attributed to resource fixity in agricultural production (i.e., difficulty in changing irrigation infrastructure to alternative uses) and attendant risks and/or low risk belief about salinisation risks among farmers. The observation is also consistent with existing literature on determinants of cognitive bias, such as, personal experience, knowledge (level of education), extension education, which individually or severally impact cognitive ability and the accuracy of climate information processing [
82]. The inherent social and environmental costs in maladaptive projects and their premature decommissioning at a future date may impose high opportunity costs to society at large when adaptation policy and practice ignores the integration of environmental spillover mitigation into planning. The observation highlights the need for system approach and innovative use of communication as a tool for proactive risk reduction and effective adaptation planning.
Managing environmental risks in climate change action inadvertently touches on governance in terms of roles, availing of relevant information, policy and legislative frameworks, risk control guidelines, as well as, coordination mechanism that are responsive to the present and future needs of society [
81]. The role of governance on soil testing as a risk management strategy was undertaken through KI, FGDs and desk reviews. The findings revealed key governance gaps, particularly fragmented approaches and coordination among government agencies, low awareness about salinisation risks among farmers and extension agencies, all of which constitute cognitive failure about environmental spillovers in climate change adaptation. Though the object of the climate action planning is to integrate climate risk and vulnerability assessment into all forms of assessment, and for that purpose, to liaise with relevant lead agencies for their technical advice, it tends to focus only on methane emissions and fail to acknowledge the diverse array of environmental spillovers, such as the salinisation risks in irrigation.
In the study area, a lack of coordinated approaches among various agencies was noted. Further, interviews with farmers and analysis of KI interviews revealed that neither the climate change Act nor EMCA identifies salinisation externalities. The cognitive failure was more apparent in extension agencies from both counties. According to KI interviews, the extension agents were more focused on supply and demand needs with irrigation, a routine adjustment and solution to increasingly risky rain fed systems, being recommended to the exclusion of underlying environmental concerns. This seems to be a popular discourse among policy makers, farmers and practionneers in the country.
Some of the projects are funded by the central and county governments against tight timelines, for example emergence drought recovery interventions which tend to be accorded high attention by the political class. We focus on technological dimensions, that is, the agronomic aspects, such as fertilizer types, choice of variety and which are farmer felt needs, but not the environmental spillovers. In any case we have not been notified of any environmental breaches by NEMA agricultural extension officers in the two counties.
The above finding suggest low institutional awareness and fragmented approach, a finding that is consistent with Seidler et al. [
6] and Ayers et al. [
12], respectively, on determinants of adaptation failure. In addition, an extension officer, Machakos county, had this to say:
“The farmers have not reported any problems with water sources for irrigation except for one borehole in the neighbourhood… We suspect salinity issues but so far we haven’t verified whether the borehole was unsuitable for irrigation or the abandonment was due to other causes”—An agricultural extension officer, Machakos County.
Analysis of water sample from the above-mentioned borehole revealed extremely high salinity and its unsuitability for irrigation. In absence of robust mitigation measures suggested by FAO [
33], such as annual soil testing, mixing of rain and borehole water sources, adequate drainage as well as deep tillage, drainage canals, application of manure in large amounts to improve infiltration rate and/or planting crops with good salt tolerance being instituted, there is an increased risk in salinisation and land degradation. Of great concern among surveyed farmers (
Table 9) was the widespread ignorance about salinity risks from water sources and their mitigation. The observation is reflective of high level of cognitive failure on soil testing as a risk reduction measure among small scale farmers and government agencies in the two counties. Of the surveyed households, a majority (about 98%) had not undertaken soil testing, with less than 10% of the farmers being aware of salinisation risks. There is a gap in awareness and mitigation. Risk aversion seems to be the explanation for the gap. The farmers had this to say;
“The frequent droughts have negatively affected our livelihoods yet our ability to respond to it is heavily constrained as we have low incomes. We don’t think there are environmental risks other than the problematic pests and diseases that trouble us. If there were environmental risks, we would have heard from some of the extension programmes on radio and the extension officers who rarely visit our farms. In any case we think it could be costly testing the soil and water unless the relevant government agencies provide such services for free’’—Farmer FGDs in Kakamega and Machakos counties.
The cognitive failure across individuals and institutions in adaptation planning in the study area reflect the governance gaps about environmental externalities. The pervasiveness of cognition failure, as manifested through low awareness among farmers and government agencies alike, as well as poor coordination among formal agencies especially agricultural extension services, is indicative of ineffective adaptation planning frameworks in the counties and the country at large.
Mu et al. [
69], explains the variance between awareness and implementation in terms of profit motives. This may account for the observed negative odds likelihood between risk message dissemination on choice of water source for irrigation. The negative likelihood has profound policy implication and the management of underlying risks, such as the environmental spillovers. Though the risk reduction focused climate change Act has potential to address some of the demand-supply needs and production risks, it fails to recognise the negative environmental spillovers. The cognitive failure is reflected in low institutional attention accorded to slow onset disasters in the NAPAs among lead and regulatory agencies. For example, salinisation risks were not mentioned nor captured as concerns that need monitoring. The cognitive failure is aptly reflected in a lack of mention of salinisation risks and their mitigation in the Environmental Management Plan (EMP) section of environmental impact assessments (EIAs) reports on irrigation undertaken nationally and the study sites.