The Mandate of Heaven: One of the Fundamental Beliefs in Confucian China

Abstract

The mandate of Heaven (tianming 天命) is one of the fundamental beliefs of ancient China. Its origin can be traced back to at least the Shang and Zhou dynasties. During the era of the Hundred Schools of Thought, it was developed into a philosophical concept by Confucianism. Nevertheless, its religiosity was still inherited and developed by Confucianism, particularly the form of Confucianism that served as the state religion since the Han Dynasty. Hence, these two distinct yet intertwined Confucian perspectives on tianming coexist harmoniously. This symbiotic relationship serves a dual purpose: it nurtures the humanistic spirit and belief among the intellectual elite while simultaneously offering a universal religious belief accessible to the common people. The underlying essence that enables Confucianism to accommodate these two disparate spiritual temperaments lies in its core tenets of unremitting self-improvement and profound humanistic concern. The Confucian concepts of tianming and related religious ideas inherently encapsulate a humanistic spirit that resonates with the ethos of modern society.

1. Introduction: The Interpretative Approaches of the Confucian Notion of Tianming

The concept of 天命 (tianming, the mandate of Heaven), which encompasses the interrelated notions of 天道 (tiandao, the way of Heaven), 天理 (tianli, the principle of Heaven), 天性 (tianxing, the nature of Heaven), 天德 (tiande, the virtue of Heaven), and 天心 (tianxin, the mind of Heaven), represents the ultimate idea in ancient Confucian philosophy. Functioning as a transcendent ontological foundation, it underpins the moral axiology and political cosmology of traditional Confucian society. Confucianism, as a comprehensive philosophical and ethical system, has exerted a profound and enduring influence on Chinese civilization, shaping the socio-cultural fabric and intellectual heritage of China. This is precisely why the Confucian notion of tianming has maintained its central position within Chinese traditional beliefs for millennia.

The origin of belief in tianming can be traced back to at least the Shang (ca. 1600–1046 BC) and Zhou dynasties (1046–256 BC), marking a crucial milestone in the development of Chinese religious and philosophical thought. During “the Axial Age” of the Hundred Schools of Thought in the Pre-Qin era (from the 6th century BC to the 2nd century BC), diverse philosophical traditions, including Confucianism, Mohism, Legalism, Taoism, the Yin-Yang School, and the Eclectic School, engaged in extensive discourses about and interpretations of this concept. Each school, while approaching tianming from distinct philosophical perspectives, contributed to the rich tapestry of its semantic and ontological dimensions. In subsequent historical epochs, with the introduction of foreign religions such as Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity into Chinese society, these religious traditions, despite their distinct theological origins, either explicitly recognized or implicitly accommodated the fundamental status of the Confucian belief in tianming. This intercultural-religious dialogue not only demonstrated the resilience and adaptability of the Confucian concept but also facilitated the syncretism of diverse religious and philosophical ideas in Chinese intellectual history. Even after undergoing the profound transformations and ideological upheavals brought about by a century of modernization, belief in tianming continues to thrive in the spiritual and psychological landscape of contemporary Chinese society. It remains one of the most pervasive and deeply ingrained beliefs among the Chinese people, serving as a cultural and spiritual anchor that connects the past, present, and future of Chinese civilization.

Historically speaking, belief in tianming, deeply ingrained as it is in the Chinese psyche, owes much to Confucianism. Interpretations of this Confucian concept predominantly follow two approaches. The first, a philosophical approach, is represented by the Zisi–Mencius School and the Neo-Confucians, who approached tianming from the perspective of moral ontology, human nature, and cosmic-human relations. The second, a religious perspective adopted by modern scholars, approaches it via religious views of fate, retribution, and rituals. However, both approaches are somewhat partial: the former underplays experiential and ritual elements and socio-political implications, while the latter overlooks philosophical depth and moral meaning. This article thus proposes a comprehensive interpretation that integrates these two traditions, aiming for a more holistic understanding of tianming and enriching Chinese philosophical and religious studies.

The Confucian belief of tianming traces its origins to the cults of 上帝 (shangdi, the supreme lord) and of 天 (tian, Heaven) prevalent during the Shang and Zhou dynasties. Rooted in the philosophical tenet of 天人合一 (tian ren heyi, unity of humankind with Heaven), the early Confucians undertook a systematic philosophical reconfiguration of this traditionally religious concept. This intellectual endeavor culminated in the idea of 天命之性 (tianming zhi xing, nature as decreed by Heaven) in the Zhongyong (中庸), thereby articulating the doctrine of 性命合一 (xing ming heyi, unity of Human Nature with the Mandate of Heaven). This integrative approach embodies a moralized and humanistic reinterpretation of tianming, harmonizing ontological and ethical dimensions. This philosophical synthesis was not only embraced by the Zisi–Mencius School1 but also reaffirmed and further developed by Neo-Confucian scholars during the Song (960–1279 AD) and Ming (1368–1644 AD) dynasties.

Although modern New-Confucian scholars2 generally acknowledge the religious dimension of Confucianism and recognize “the evident primordial belief in the supreme Lord or Heaven as recorded in the Shijing (詩經) and the Shangshu (尚書) (Mou et al. 2006, p. 564), their interpretation of tianming remains confined within the conventional framework of Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism. In their view, tianming functions as a moral and spiritual conviction primarily, embodying the essence of “simultaneous religiosity and morality” (Mou 2003a, p. 6). In fact, their concept of tianming essentially represents “a religious faith in Dao” (Junmai Zhang 2006, p. 567), and may ultimately be subsumed in the category of idealist philosophy. As they contend, “the way of Heaven is both transcendent and immanent, thus bearing both religious and moral connotations—religion emphasizes transcendence, while morality stresses immanence” (Mou 2003b, p. 22). From their perspective, the transcendent tianming permeates human nature, culminating in the realization of the “true subjectivity” of humanity. New Confucianism’s concept of tianming is, at its core, an internalized moral belief. This fundamentally distinguishes it from conventional religious tenets, as the notion of such human subjectivity is absent in typical religious doctrines (Mou 2003b, p. 18). This kind of humanistic spiritual belief is what Mou Zongsan 牟宗三 and other New Confucians call “moral religion” (Mou 2003a, p. 8). The concept of tianming, characterized by its dual nature of transcendence and immanence, has garnered substantial acclaim among contemporary Confucian scholars. This acclaim stems from its congruence with the humanistic and subjective imperatives of the modern ethos. Adopting this interpretative paradigm, scholars often construe tianming as the tangible manifestation of celestial principles. Consequently, the intrinsic religious aspect of tianming has been marginalized. This oversight has precipitated a significant undervaluation of the pivotal role of religious belief in tianming and its enduring influence in national sacrificial rituals and popular religious practices throughout the past two millennia.

The second approach interprets tianming as a religious divinity or divine will. In modern academia, driven by the ambition to establish a state religion, 孔教會 (Kong Jiaohui, the Confucian Association), modeled after Christianity in China, Kang Youwei (康有為) and his followers vigorously promoted the notion that “Confucianism is a religion” and highlighted the religious value of the Confucian concept of tianming. However, the failed attempt by Yuan Shikai (袁世凱) to restore the monarchy tarnished the reputation of the Confucian Association. Additionally, the propagation of the Communist Party’s atheistic ideology rendered religious interpretations of Confucianism and the belief in tianming rather unpopular in academic discourse, leading scholars to avoid these topics altogether. Since Ren Jiyu (任繼愈) revived the proposition that “Confucianism is a religion” in 1978, only a handful of scholars, including Li Shen (李申), He Guanghu (何光滬), Jiang Qing (蔣慶), Chen Ming (陳明), and Xie Xialing (謝遐齡), have actively advocated for Confucianism’s status as a state religion and the centrality of “Heaven” as its supreme deity. They view the religious belief in tianming as a transcendent aspect of the Confucian cultural tradition. This marked the beginning of serious consideration by China’s academic community of the Confucian concept of tianming as a religious belief. Li Shen, for instance, writes: “In ancient Chinese states, from the Han Dynasty (202 BC–220 AD) onwards, Confucianism had consistently been regarded as the national religion… In Confucianism, Heaven holds the position of supreme deity” (Shen Li 2017, pp. 6–7). However, when these scholars view Confucianism from the perspective of religious studies, they often overlook the belief in tianming that Confucianism has always advocated, which is rooted in moral agency and inward transcendence.

In essence, ancient Confucianism manifested a dual-natured belief in tianming. On the one hand, it fostered a humanistic belief that underscored human beings as moral subjects; on the other, it inherited and developed the pre-existing religious belief in tianming from earlier antiquity. Consequently, the Confucian concept of tianming functions as both a moral and a religious belief. It provides the intellectual elite with a rationalized, humanistic spiritual framework while offering the state and the populace religious or sacrificial beliefs. These two seemingly antithetical dimensions of Confucian tianming belief, despite their ideological tension, coexist in the broader Confucian thought and belief system. Both dimensions reflect a consistent humanistic concern inherent in Confucianism. Only through a proper understanding of these two aspects of the Confucian concept of tianming can one comprehensively and deeply grasp the humanistic characteristics of Confucianism within the realm of spiritual belief. This constitutes the interpretative approach of this article: a comprehensive analysis of the belief in tianming.

2. Belief in Tianming in Early Chinese Religion

As mentioned above, the origin of the Confucian belief in tianming can be traced to the cult of the Supreme Lord and Heaven in the foundational religious traditions of China, which took shape 3000 years ago.

Since the Shang Dynasty, there has always been a basic belief system in China, which the modern Chinese academia has somewhere labeled 華夏宗教 (huaxia zongjiao, Chinese-ism) (Jun Zhang 2020, pp. 508–21). This grand tradition of faith, more “indigenous” than Taoism, has exerted continuous dominance over China’s religious and spiritual landscape for at least three millennia. Its hegemony in the realm of belief persisted until the 20th century, when the decline of Confucianism precipitated the loss of this fundamental Chinese religious tradition’s preeminent status. After the decline of the basic religious tradition of China represented by Confucianism, the theory that “China lacks religion” or that “the Chinese people lack faith” gradually became popular in intellectual circles. These misconstructions misled numerous scholars and cultural luminaries and have even influenced, to some extent, the nation’s religious policies in adverse ways.

There has been a foundational religious tradition in China since early antiquity. While this tradition diverges significantly from “institutional religion” or the theocratic, monotheistic models of the West in terms of organization, theology, and ecclesiastical structure, it constitutes the foundational indigenous religion of the Chinese populace. Other religions, including many foreign religions such as Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam, along with various historical folk sects, merely function as complementary elements within the Chinese religious landscape. To varying degrees, they need to anchor their doctrines and practices in the Chinese indigenous tradition. The theology, rituals, and organizational framework of this native religion are intricately intertwined with the secular society, demonstrating a profound integration with the political system and social life. As such, it represents a form of “diffused religion,” which stands in contrast to the more structured “institutional religion.”3 The later-emerging 儒教 (rujiao, the Confucian religion) was also an important component of this religious tradition, or rather, the Confucian religion constituted the mainstream of the Chinese religion during the imperial period. This fact is rarely mentioned or deliberately avoided by modern Confucian scholars.

As a prototypical “diffused religion,” this fundamental Chinese religious tradition in ancient Chinese society lacked a rigid delineation between the sacred and the secular. The sacred and transcendent realms were not absolutely inaccessible, while the secular and immanent domains were not entirely devoid of spiritual significance. This unique belief system engendered a distinctive religious landscape: Chinese religions, including such foreign sects as had undergone indigenization, never fully embraced transcendence, with their concerns predominantly anchored in secular affairs. Concomitantly, the state was not purely secular; it consistently assumed the roles of religious ritual administration and spiritual education. Chinese religious practices centered primarily on sacrificial rituals rather than objects of faith, as is common in most religions. Nevertheless, sacrifices undoubtedly have objects. The existence of the object of faith is the prerequisite for sacrificial rituals and various faith activities. The objects of belief in Chinese-ism can be categorized into five principal groups: Heaven, deities, humans, ghosts, and demons. Among these, Heaven reigns as the supreme Lord, superior in hierarchical standing to all other deities. As Dong Zhongshu (董仲舒) said, “Heaven is the sovereign lord of all divinities and the most venerated by kings” (Su 1992, p. 402). The belief in Heaven, which holds supreme power over all immortals, demons, ghosts, and humans, represents the universal influence of the empire’s integration of various local sacrificial and religious traditions. The preeminent status of Heaven as the supreme deity offered a crucial religious foundation for monarchs to unify the empire’s political life (Yang 1961, p. 137). Consequently, rulers consistently accorded it paramount importance. Sacrifice to and worship of Heaven became both the religious duty and exclusive privilege of emperors. In antiquity, the emperor functioned as a shaman-king, embodying the quintessential features of China’s political-cultural traditions (Zehou Li 2018, pp. 6–10): the unity of shamanic and ruling authority, and the fusion of politics and religion. Although subsequent emperors ceased to perform specific shamanic duties, they symbolically maintained the role of highest priest or religious intermediary in ceremonies like 郊祀 (jiaosi, the suburban sacrifice), thereby preserving their status as mediators between the celestial and human realms (Hegel 2011, p. 246).

The concept of revering, worshiping, and offerings to Heaven, initially confined to the ruling group, gradually permeated the entire patriarchal society, solidifying as the shared belief for the Chinese. Within Chinese-ism, the veneration of ancestors, sages, immortals, and ghosts paled in comparison to the reverence accorded to the supreme lord or Heaven. Heaven was the supreme deity of the religious world and the ultimate master of the earthly order. For the Chinese populace, the mandate of Heaven served not only as the ultimate justification for national destiny and regime legitimacy but also as the determinant of collective and individual fate, as well as the sacred wellspring of moral principles. Consequently, the mandate of Heaven plays the role of a cornerstone in Chinese primitive religion.

3. Tianming as the Religious Belief

Many scholars contend that the supreme lord or Heaven, as revered by the ancient Chinese, lacked personality.4 However, this assertion is unfounded. While the Chinese conception of di or tian does not possess the historical personality akin to that of Sakyamuni or Jesus, it is undoubtedly a well-defined object of faith. Endowed with characteristics typical of a personal deity, it represents an anthropomorphic god.

The anthropomorphic and divine attributes of the supreme lord or Heaven are predominantly reflected in its human-like sensorial, emotional, and volitional characteristics. For example, it is described as being able to perceive the sweet fragrance of sacrificial offerings or the pungent odor of excessive libations: “We load the stands with the offerings, the stands both of wood and of earthenware. As soon as the fragrance ascends, Heaven, well pleased, smells the sweat savour” (Legge 1871, p. 472).5 “He wrought not that any sacrifices of fragrant virtue might ascend to heaven. The rank of odour of the people’s resentment, and the drunkenness of his herds of creatures, went loudly up to high, so that Heaven sent down ruin on Yin and showed no love for Yin” (Legge 1865, p. 409). Heaven also has the divine eye, which pays attention to the sufferings of the common people: “O bright and high Heaven, who enlightenest and rulest this lower world!” (Legge 1871, p. 363). “Great is Heaven, beholding this lower world in majesty. He surveyed the four quarter [of the kingdom], seeking for some one to give settlement to the people” (Legge 1871, p. 484). Heaven even possesses the ability of human language and can directly reveal to the monarchs on earth: “Heaven said to king Wăn, ‘I am pleased with your intelligent virtue, not loudly proclaimed nor pourtrayed, without extravagance or changeableness, without consciousness of effort on your part, in accordance with the pattern of Heaven.’ Heaven said to king Wăn, ‘Take measures against the country of your foes. Along with your brethren, Get ready your scaling ladders, and your engines of onfall and assault, to attack the walls of Ts’ung’” (Legge 1871, pp. 454–55).

Moreover, the supreme lord venerated by the early Chinese people also exhibits anthropomorphic emotions such as joy, anger, sorrow, and happiness. As Dong Zhongshu said, “Heaven possesses the essence of joy and anger, as well as the sentiment of sorrow and happiness, which resonate with those of humanity” (Su 1992, p. 341). The Book of Historical Documents records that out of compassion for the people, the divine punished Chi You’s (蚩尤) clan for the harm they inflicted, as indicated by the following passage:

“The multitudes who suffered from the oppressive terrors, and were in danger of being murdered, declared their innocence to Heaven. Heaven surveyed the people, and there was no fragrance of virtue arising from them, but the rank odour of their cruel punishments. The great emperor compassionated the innocent multitudes who were in danger of being murdered, and made the oppressors feel the terrors of his majesty. He restrained and finally extinguished the people of Meaou, so that they should not continue to future generations.”

(Legge 1865, pp. 592–93)

Later in time, King Zhou of the Shang Dynasty (商紂王) was tyrannical, causing great suffering to the people. This plight moved the Heavenly Emperor, who subsequently revoked the Shang Dynasty’s tianming and bestowed it upon the virtuous Zhou clan, as stated in The Book of Historical Documents: “Oh! Heaven had compassion on the people of the four quarters; its favouring decree lighted on our earnest founders” (Legge 1865, p. 426). These expressions of joy, anger, sorrow, and happiness vividly illustrate the personality and divine attributes of the Heavenly Emperor.

In ancient China, people held the belief that the Heavenly Emperor was the Creator. As recorded in The I Ching (易經), “Heaven produced the spirit-like things” (Legge 1963, p. 14). Similarly, The Book of Poetry depicts Heaven as the originator of both nature and humanity. It states, “Heaven made the lofty hill” (Legge 1871, p. 574) and “Heaven, in giving birth to the multitude of the people, to every faculty and relationship annexed its laws” (Legge 1871, p. 541).

Moreover, the supreme deity is characterized by its sovereign will to intervene in the natural and social orders. During the Shang Dynasty, this divine will was referred to as “the Supreme Lord’s Decree” or “the Supreme Lord’s Order”. Shang Dynasty oracle bone inscriptions reveal a deity exercising its will arbitrarily, as evidenced by phrases such as “commanding the wind,” “commanding thunder,” “commanding rain,” “commanding clear skies,” “alleviating famine,” “mitigating drought,” “warding off disasters,” and “preventing floods”. These manifestations of divine power underscore the inscrutable nature of the divine will, which defies human comprehension.

The divine will not only governs natural phenomena, including wind, clouds, thunder, rain, hail, and agricultural yields, but also dictates the security of cities, the outcomes of wars, the auspiciousness of human affairs, and the fortunes of rulers (Hu 2008, p. 328). Tianming represents the most profound expression of the divine will in the social sphere. As The Book of Poetry records:

“The favourite appointment was from Heaven, giving the throne to our King Wăn.”

(Legge 1871, p. 435)

“King Wăn is on high, oh, bright is he in heaven. Although Chow [Zhou] was an old country, the [favourite] appointment lighted on it recently. Illustrious was the House of Chow, and the appointment of God came at the proper season.”

(Legge 1871, p. 427)

“The descendants of the sovereigns of Shang, were in number more than hundreds of thousands; but when Heaven gave the command, they became subject rto Chow.”

(Legge 1871, p. 430)

These verses from The Book of Poetry illustrate how regime changes were perceived as manifestations of divine will. In the political theology of the Western Zhou dynasty, tianming served as the sacred foundation justifying regime legitimacy, grounding the authority of rulers in divine fiat.

The belief in tianming, characterized by the principle of 以德配天 (yi de pei tian, aligning virtue with Heaven), was not fully and universally established until the Western Zhou Dynasty (1046–771 BC). As the Zhoushu (周書) says, “Great Heaven has no affections; it helps only the virtuous” (Legge 1865, p. 490). The conviction in the moral authority of the Heavenly Emperor serves as the bedrock of the traditional Chinese political theory of 王道 (wangdao, the kingly way) and德治 (dezhi, the rule by virtue). This development marks a pivotal transformation in the national system of belief. Shifting from reverence for an enigmatic, capricious deity, the focus evolved towards belief in tianming, which espouses secular societal values as guiding principles and adopts “virtue” as the sacrosanct criterion for reward and retribution. Consequently, the concept of tian, encompassing its personal, volitional, creative, and sovereign dimensions, was imbued with moral significance, giving rise to the notion of the moralized tian.6 Henceforth, the principle of rewarding the virtuous and punishing the wicked has endured as the cornerstone of moral belief in Chinese society.

The moralized tianming constitutes the supreme wellspring of ethical sanctity. In instances where rulers prove incompetent and tyrannical, subjects may, grounded in the conviction of moral tianming, legitimize their rebellions. This endows their subversive acts with sacred authority, a concept encapsulated by the term 革命 (geming, revolution) in traditional Chinese political discourse. The historical case of King Wu of Zhou (周武王) exemplifies this principle. When he launched an uprising against King Zhou of Shang, the Mushi 牧誓, which was his decree to mobilize for war as issued at Muye (牧野), explicitly invoked the belief in the moralized tianming to assert the legitimacy of his rebellion.

Now Show [Zhou], the king of Shang, follows only the words of his wife. He has blindly thrown away the sacrifices which he should present, and makes no response for the favours which he has received; He has blindly thrown away his paternal and maternal relatives, not treating them properly. They are only the vegabonds of empire, loaded with crimes, whom he honours and exalts, whom he employs and trusts, making them great officers and noble, so that they can tyrannize over the people, exercising their villainies in the city of Shang. Now I, Fă, an simply executing respectfully the punishment appointed by Heaven.

(Legge 1865, pp. 303–4)

This moral belief in tianming has, indeed, had a profound influence. Subsequently, even outlaws and gang members invoked the slogan of 替天行道 (ti tian xing dao, enforcing justice on behalf of Heaven) to legitimize their violence. This strategic appeal aimed to attract displaced people and secure social acceptance, thereby validating their actions within a moral framework.

Following the systematic exposition of the divine tianming in the Western Zhou Dynasty, the moralized tianming had since become the ultimate belief of the Chinese people. Heaven as an anthropomorphic entity, Heaven as a volitional agent, Heaven as a creator, Heaven as a revelatory force, Heaven as a legislator… none of these aforementioned religious connotations of Heaven are as prominent as its moral connotation. This is because the Chinese people discovered in it the ultimate ontological ground for reconciling virtue and happiness. As stated in The Book of Historical Documents, “The way of Heaven is to bless the good and to punish the bad” (Legge 1865, p. 186). Morality and tianming thus became the supreme authority ensuring congruence between virtue and its corresponding rewards. Consequently, the moralized concept of tian as sovereign, judge, and dispenser of rewards and punishments significantly contributed to the widespread acceptance of the mandate of Heaven (the way of Heaven) and belief in its ultimacy.

With the flourishing of the Hundred Schools of Thought, the anthropomorphic belief in tianming gradually evolved into the cosmological concept of tiandao, which found systematic expression in Confucianism, Taoism, and other schools. Although early Confucian thinkers engaged extensively with the metaphysical implications of tianming, they largely upheld its role as the ultimate ontological foundation for the concordance of virtue and happiness. Confucius and his disciples, including Zixia (子夏), maintained that “life and death are matters of destiny, that wealth and renown are matters of Heaven” (Hinton 2014, p. 93).

Historically, Confucianism did not deny the religious connotation of tian or tianming as conceived in the Western Zhou ritual system. Han Confucianism even developed an unprecedented Confucian theology of tianming. Han Confucian scholars like Dong Zhongshu revived the religious doctrines of tianming by integrating the doctrines of Yin-Yang (陰陽), the Five Phases (五行), and the correspondence between Heaven and humanity. This revival enabled Confucian religious doctrines to be adopted as the official religious ideology by the imperial court. Superficially, this alignment served political expediency, but fundamentally, it was because this belief had a broad and profound social foundation. Without such a foundation, the Confucian belief in tianming would not have been readily embraced by both the imperial court and the populace, nor could it have exerted a two-millennia-long influence on China. The religious belief in tianming has always constituted the core ideological tenet of Confucianism. Even when modern scholars began to recognize Confucianism’s religious dimensions, the “religious Heaven” in Confucianism remained their primary focus. As Du Weiming (杜維明) said, “If we consider Confucianism as a religious tradition and compare it with the development of Western thought, the religiousness of Confucianism is related to the way of heaven and is indispensable in human relations and daily life” (Du 2014, p. 274). Zhuo Xinping (卓新平) also said, “Confucianism centers on the Confucian patriarchal thought, and its core expression is ‘revering heaven and following ancestors’. This act of ‘revering heaven’ has already very substantially reflected the religious nature of Confucianism” (Zhuo 2015, p. 58).

The belief in tianming has been the most pervasive, fundamental, and ingrained belief of the Chinese civilization for three millennia. Shaped by the Confucian ritual system of worshiping Heaven and the concept of revering Heaven, both the imperial court and the common people embraced this belief. The grand ceremony known as the Suburban Sacrifices (to Heaven), presided over by the emperor, was the highest-level and most ritualistic sacrificial ceremony held by the court. In ancient China, the sacrificial regulations stipulated that only the emperor was qualified to worship Heaven. Nevertheless, the common people also held a tradition of venerating Heaven. For example, during weddings and school enrollment ceremonies, literati and ordinary folk alike expressed their respect for Heaven. Additionally, private incense-burning and prayers to Heaven were tacitly permitted. Thus, while the political symbolism of Heaven-worship was exclusive to the emperor, reverence for Heaven was a shared national belief. Heaven was regarded as the protector of both rulers and the entire populace.

Although Confucianism has for over a hundred years now lost its dominant position in state sacrifices, and although Heaven-worship rituals have been completely abandoned by Chinese communist government, and although the collapse of the Confucian state sacrificial system has resulted in a concomitant dwindling in observance of traditional customs of Heaven-worship amongst the common people, the millennia-old religious beliefs associated with Heaven-worship have nevertheless not completely vanished. Rather, they have imperceptibly accumulated and become the most deeply rooted beliefs of the Chinese people. In contemporary Chinese society, after undergoing “disenchantment” by modern rationality, many have discarded beliefs in extramundane spirits and ghosts (L. Chen 2009, pp. 10–14; Silong Li 2022, pp. 357–58). However, the vast majority of people do not reject the existence of an anthropomorphized, formless supreme deity, commonly known as 老天 (laotian, the Old Heaven) or 老天爺 (laotianye, the Heavenly Lord). The axiom “Heaven rewards the virtuous and punishes the wicked” (Xu 2002, p. 68) has remained the cornerstone of traditional moral beliefs. Proverbs such as “good and evil will eventually be rewarded; there is a deity three feet above one’s head,” “when people act, heaven is watching,” and “in hardship, one calls upon Heaven” reveal a universal cultural phenomenon: nearly every Chinese individual, irrespective of educational background, religious affiliation, or even religious skepticism, often calls upon Heaven. This is the undeniable evidence that the ultimate religious belief has been deeply rooted in the Heaven-centered spiritual world of the Chinese people.

Through the evolution of the Western Zhou ritual and music system, the philosophical discourses of the Pre-Qin era, and the Confucian doctrines of the Han and Song dynasties, the concept of tianming transcended its initial form as a simple religious belief in an anthropomorphized deity. It incorporated moral, humanistic, philosophical, and metaphysical dimensions. Nevertheless, its metaphysical transformation did not entirely eradicate its religious essence. The concept of tianming thus embodies both religious and humanistic attributes. This dual nature enables the belief in tianming to meet need amongst the general public for a system of divine support, but also to satisfy need amongst the more rational intellectual classes for some measure of spiritual satisfaction. As such, the belief in tianming may be better suited to modern secular society governed by reason and rationality than more primordial beliefs in anthropomorphic deities.

4. Tianming as the Humanistic Belief

Confucianism was the most important bearer and interpreter of the ancient belief in tianming. Its concept of tianming traced back to the people-centered political-ethical-religious doctrines of the Western Zhou dynasty, which was later encapsulated in the so-called Old Text version of The Book of Historical Documents (which was a fabrication probably dating from the early 4th century AD) as: “Great Heaven has no affections; it helps only the virtuous. The people’s hearts are not constant; they cherish only the kind” (Legge 1865, p. 490). This political theology, upon analysis, comprises three core principles: “tianming is transferable,” “virtue alone merits divine favor,” and “revere Heaven and protect the people” (alternatively, “revere virtue and protect the populace”) (Jun Zhang 2012, pp. 87–93). Within the three principles of Zhou political-religious doctrines, “tianming is transferable” addresses the legitimacy of dynastic change, “virtue alone merits divine favor” establishes the basis for governmental legitimacy, and “revere Heaven and protect the people” ensures the sustainability of rule. These concerns are undeniably rooted in pragmatic, secular, and political realities. Yet the innovative contributions of these political-religious doctrines to Chinese cultural and religious traditions extend far beyond the Zhou dynasty’s secular political sphere.

The political-religious doctrines of tianming in the Western Zhou established two fundamental principles for Chinese culture: one was a moral principle, and the other was a people-oriented principle. Adhering to the spirit of the epithet “[he] makes Heaven his progenitor, makes virtue his basis, and makes the Dao his gate” (Lynn 2022, p. 543), the Zhou people moralized the belief in tianming, fundamentally shaping the entire ritual and music culture of the Western Zhou dynasty. As Wang Guowei (王國維) noted, “the systems and ceremonies of the Zhou Dynasty were all instituted with moral intentions” (Wang 1957, p. 477). This belief’s origin can be traced to the maxim, “Heaven has no affections; it helps only the virtuous.” Following the principles of “revering heaven and protecting the people”, “revering virtue and protecting the people”, and “Heaven compassionates the people. What the people desire, Heaven will be found to give effect to” (Legge 1865, p. 288), the Zhou court took public opinion as the basis for the divine rewards and punishments which exemplified the will of Heaven, thus introducing a people-oriented dimension to traditional Chinese political and cultural thought from a religious perspective. Both the moral principle and the people-oriented principle are manifestations of the humanistic spirit. The Zhou people, adhering to the principle of “revering ghosts and spirits yet keeping them at a distance, while being attentive to human affairs with loyalty,” emphasized human endeavors while submitting to the will of Heaven. This inherently humanistic ethos laid the ideological groundwork for the rational and pragmatic orientations of Pre-Qin philosophers and paved the way for the secularization of the belief in tianming. Nevertheless, the secularization of belief in tianming unfolded as a long historical process.

During the Spring and Autumn (770–476 BC) and Warring States (476–221 BC) periods, the moral, people-oriented, and secularizing trends that characterized the evolution of the tianming belief became increasingly evident (Jun Zhang 2015, pp. 95–103). For instance, during the reign of Duke Huan of Qi (齊桓公), Jiliang of Sui (隨季梁) said, “the so-called Dao is to be loyal to the people and trust in the gods,” “the people are the masters of the gods, so ancient sage-kings first developed the populace and only then devoted themselves to gods” (Zuo et al. 1999, p. 175). In Jiliang’s view, the importance of seeking benefits for the common people exceeded that of worshiping the deities. The sacred duty of a monarch is to benefit the country and the people: “A ruler who nurtures the people is one who benefits them” (Zuo et al. 1999, p. 546). In the eyes of these sages, divine worship existed for the people’s sake. Sima Ziyu of Song (宋司馬子魚) also said, “Sacrifice is for people. The people are the masters of the gods” (Zuo et al. 1999, p. 394). These assertions by Jiliang and Sima Ziyu embody the essence of humanistic religion in Chinese culture.

Due to the institutional defects of the feudal system and the patriarchal clan system in the Western Zhou Dynasty, in which the state was regarded as being isomorphic to a family, Zhou rulers lacked effective checks on vassal states, making an inversion of power between central and regional authorities inevitable. The political reality of powerful vassal states and a weakened central imperium eventually led feudal lords to question the sacral authority of the imperial court’s tianming, that is, the legitimacy of Zhou rule. This skepticism fueled challenges to the Zhou ritual and musical system designed to uphold patriarchal order, culminating in systemic usurpation of hierarchical norms. The Confucian saying “the collapse of rites and music” (li beng yue huai禮崩樂壞) emerged from this historical context. During the Spring and Autumn through Warring States periods, as feudal lords rebelled and powerful states vied for hegemony, the Zhou imperial order disintegrated. The Zhou rulers, no longer able to uphold the authority and sanctity of their regime, lost their monopoly on the political discourse of tianming. Consequently, even powerful feudal lords and their high-ranking officials claimed their own tianming, leading to a significant decrease in the rhetorical power of the tianming belief. This transformed it from an exclusively political-religious doctrine into a universal concept of fate, evolving from a belief in the political fate of a state to a belief about the fate of ordinary individuals.

Early Confucianism embraced a belief in individual destiny. As recorded in “The Family of Confucius”, a chapter of The Records of the Shiji (史記), when Confucius was detained by the people of Kuang (匡人) and humiliated by Sima Tui of Song (宋司馬魋), who cut down the tree underneath which Confucius and his followers were sitting and resting, Confucius’ disciples were extremely terrified. Confucius consoled them with the concept of fate, suggesting that he was “a sage appointed by Heaven” who carried out the mandate of Heaven, and that his life was protected: “If Heaven wanted this culture to end, it wouldn’t survive such deaths. But Heaven’s let this culture continue, so what can these K’uang people do to me?” (Hinton 2014, p. 72). “My Integrity is born of Heaven. So what can Huan T’ui’s assassins do to me?” (Hinton 2014, p. 61). The Analects mention Confucius’ view of fate in many places. Confucius undoubtedly believed that an individual’s fate was predestined by heaven, and the vast majority of later Confucian scholars also accepted the belief in fate. This stance drew criticism from Mozi (墨子).

The fatalists say: When fate (ming) decrees that the country shall be wealthy, it will be wealthy. When it decrees that it shall be poor, it will be poor. When fate decrees that the population shall be large, it will be large. When it decrees that it shall be small, it will be small. When it decrees that the country shall be orderly, it will be orderly. When it decrees that it shall be chaotic, it will be chaotic. When fate decrees that one shall enjoy longevity, one will enjoy longevity. And when fate decrees that one will suffer brevity of life, he will suffer brevity of life. What is the use of exerting strong [effort]? With this doctrine they tried to persuade the kings, dukes, and great officials above and to prevent the common people from doing their work. Therefore the fatalists are not men of humanity. Their doctrine must be clearly examined.

(Chan 1963, pp. 221–22)

Due to the fact that the popular fatalism among the common people had very serious negative impacts, the Mohist school put forward a doctrine of 非命 (feiming, condemnation of fatalism). Fatalism was seen as undermining the moral fabric of society, inducing official dereliction of duty and civilian neglect of labor. It would thereby further precipitate moral decay and political upheaval, resulting in national decline and societal suffering. Mozi’s critique of fatalism was posited as a challenge to Confucianism. However, Mozi had misunderstood Confucian idea of ming (命), or at least made the mistake of generalizing from a part to the whole. Belief in fate is not the entirety of the Confucian view of destiny.

Confucius’ concepts of 知命 (zhi ming, understanding one’s destiny) and 畏命 (wei ming, respecting one’s destiny) diverge significantly from the deterministic fatalism attacked by Mozi. His advocacy of 敬天畏命 (jing tian wei ming, revering Heaven and respecting one’s destiny) neither suppresses moral enthusiasm nor promotes unqualified acquiescence to fate. Instead, Confucius anchors the mandate of Heaven in 仁 (ren, the inherent nature of humanity). Since ren resides within the self and manifests as love for others, Confucius posited it as a celestial virtue. This emphasis on subjective moral cultivation fundamentally opposes the moral passivity engendered by fatalistic worldviews. Consequently, Mozi’s accusation that Confucianism undermines ethics through fatalism constitutes a misinterpretation.

Mencius also believed in tianming as fate, saying, “When something’s done, but no one does it, it’s an act of Heaven. When something happens, but no one makes it happen, it’s the Mandate of Heaven” (Hinton 2013, p. 501). In his view, the mandate of heaven is something that comes unexpectedly and thus cannot be controlled by one’s subjective will. Therefore, he said, “Seeking is to follow a proper course; getting is a matter of fate” (Gardner 2007, p. 95), but one should do one’s best and leave the rest to fate. Mencius’ view of fate is in line with Confucius’, that is, humanity is in one’s own hands, and everyone is content with their own destiny. However, his idea of “establishing one’s destiny” (li ming立命) further internalized the external and other-regulated belief in destiny.

Mencius advocated that human nature is inherently good. “The mind-and-heart is the locus of the seeds of true goodness, righteousness, propriety and wisdom, the four cardinal virtues constitute our human nature” (Gardner 2007, p. 95). In Mencius’ view, it is crucial to preserve the so-called 四端 (siduan, Four Sprouts) and protect them from external corruption. Preserving and nurturing the human nature depend on one’s own moral efforts, “seek and you will find it, let it go and you will lose it” (Gardner 2007, p. 95). The four sprouts of the moral mind, if sought, are gained; if neglected, will be lost. The idea here is that a person who pursues virtue and will thereby acquire it, as Confucius said, “Is Humanity really so far away? We need only want it, and here it is!” (Hinton 2014, p. 62). What is sought is the inner nature of humanity and righteousness, and what is obtained is naturally the inner value, 天爵 (tianjue, moral character bestowed by heaven). In Mencius’ view, the external 人爵 (renjue, official positions or noble titles conferred by the court) should not be pursued by an exemplary person as their ultimate value, but rather only the “internal” tianjue (“Heavenly nobility”, i.e., humanity, righteousness, loyalty, and trustworthiness) should be one’s proper aim.7 Cultivating tianjue means “seeking it in a righteous way.” As for external fortune, prosperity, and longevity, they are left to fate, which is called “obtaining them with destiny”. Mencius’ fundamental stance is encapsulated in the statement: “The noble minded simply put the law into action, then await their fate” (Hinton 2013, p. 563). The way of Heaven is transcendent and internal. Mencius argued that one can comprehend the way of Heaven within the inner nature of the mind and, through moral cultivation, achieve reverence for it. As for misfortune or fortune, short life or longevity, they all depend on fate. This is reflected in his principle of “establishing one’s destiny”: “A person, in giving full realization to his mind-and-heart, knows his nature; and knowing his nature, he knows heaven. By preserving his mind-and-heart and nurturing his nature, he serves heaven. Whether his life is to be short or long does not weigh on him; he cultivates himself and waits for death. This is how he stands firm in his fate” (Gardner 2007, p. 95). From Confucius’ emphasis on “understanding one’s destiny” and “respecting one’s destiny” to Mencius’ notion of 俟命 (si ming, awaiting one’s destiny) and “establish one’s destiny”, a humanistic belief took shape: one that foregrounded moral subjectivity and the ethical spirit of both awaiting and actively establishing one’s destiny. The spirit of establishing oneself in life thus became the moral and spiritual belief of Confucian scholars throughout the ages. This humanistic, subject-oriented spirit of establishing oneself in life also holds profound significance for the formation of spiritual belief among individuals in modern society.

Mencius’ spirit of establishing one’s life emphasizes 存心 (cunxin, preserving the goodness of mind) and 養性 (yangxing, nurturing human nature), with its essence lying in the sanctification of the moral subject. He believes that one can comprehend the mandate of Heaven through “preserving the goodness of mind” and “nurturing human nature”. Mencius’ view of tianming, which is typical of “unity of human nature with the mandate of Heaven”, further developed by the Zisi–Mencius School and articulated in The Doctrine of the Mean, gave rise to a pivotal Confucian proposition: “What Heaven decrees is called ‘the nature’” (Gardner 2007, p. 110). This philosophical articulation of moral mind-and-nature represents the crystallization of the humanistic, substantial, and moral transformation of tianming. Tianming thus becomes not only a religious concept but also a moral, metaphysical one (Huang 2025). The Neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming Dynasties followed the interpretive path of the Zisi–Mencius School, and also held that “fully developing one’s mind and knowing one’s nature” (jin xing zhi xing 盡心知性) was a sacred realm achieved through the efforts of learning and practice. In essence, it was a state of unity between man and nature.

Through the efforts of the Zisi–Mencius School and Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism, the belief in the mandate of Heaven evolved into a rationalized, materialized, and moralized concept. This internalized and self-regulatory view of destiny retains the transcendence and sanctity of tianming, thereby preserving its religious connotations. Nevertheless, rather than manifesting through religious means, it is conveyed in a humanistic manner. Consequently, the concept of tianming, influenced by Mencius’ spirit of establishing one’s destiny, can be characterized as a humanistic belief in destiny. The Mencian tradition and subsequent Neo-Confucianism predominantly explored inward tianming within the framework of mind studies. As such, this humanistic belief in tianming primarily pertains to the elite tradition of Confucianism.

5. Conclusions: The Two Dimensions of Confucian Belief in Tianming

The idea of “unity of human nature with the mandate of Heaven” advocated by the Zisi–Mencius School is a secularization and metaphysical transformation of the religious belief in tianming, and from it, a unique humanistic spiritual belief of Confucianism was constructed. After the rise of Neo-Confucianism in the Song and Ming Dynasties, the mainstream of Confucianism, deeply influenced by the Zisi–Mencius School, one-sidedly emphasized the theoretical connotation of “unity of human nature with the mandate of Heaven” (“the unity of humanity and Heaven”), which led to the neglect of the religious dimension of tianming.

The idea of tianming, developed by the Zisi–Mencius School and further elaborated in Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism, indeed established the internalization and moralization of the Confucian spirit of tianming, thereby supporting the moral belief of Confucianism grounded in a classical humanistic spirit. However, this grand narrative of moral belief has difficulty avoiding accusations of being overly idealistic. It is overly elitist and idealized, which becomes an inherent obstacle for this concept of the mandate of Heaven (the way of Heaven) in the process of its implementation as a popular belief. The metaphysical concept of tianming, the way of Heaven advocated by the Zisi–Mencius School and the Neo-Confucianism, is obviously too abstract and ill-suited to the education of the general public. Furthermore, Confucian elite scholars marginalized the religious dimension of tianming in the textual tradition of classics, causing its gradual erosion within social institutions and customs, with minimal theoretical elucidation. Later scholars, unaware of this historical oversight, developed a skewed understanding of tianming through Neo-Confucian interpretations. Obviously, we cannot merely rely on the perspective of Neo-Confucian philosophy alone tounderstand the belief of tianming.

The very idea of tianming of Confucianism originated from a religious belief. In essence, the humanistic idea of tianming was merely the ideological transformation and development of this religious heritage through Confucianism. From the perspective of intellectual history, tianming as a religious belief is the source, while tianming as a humanistic belief derives from this source. No matter how Confucianism evolves, the religious dimension remains the fundamental basis and underlying theme of the concept of tianming.

The Zisi–Mencius School and Song-Ming Neo-Confucians rationalized and metaphysically transformed the concept of tianming, conceptualizing it as the “way of Heaven” and the “principle of Heaven”. Aligned with a modern philosophical way of thinking, this humanistic interpretation has garnered significantly more academic attention in contemporary intellectual circles than its religious counterpart. Repeated emphasis on the Confucian elite tradition of tianming has inadvertently marginalized its religious dimension, leading some scholars to misconstrue it as antithetical to Confucian humanism. This misapprehension, however, diverges from historical realities. Even during the heyday of Confucianism in the Song and Ming Dynasties, no Neo-Confucian scholar completely denied the religious significance of Heaven and the mandate of Heaven.

These two dimensions of belief in tianming, namely religious and humanistic, have both been parts of Confucianism since the Pre-Qin period. The religious dimension of tianming was accepted by both the court and the common people, so it was a fundamental belief in traditional society. The humanistic dimension of tianming, the way of Heaven, mainly played a role as an article of faith among Confucian scholars. From the perspective of intellectual history, this humanistic concept was widely accepted by the Confucian intellectual elite and emerged only after the prosperity of Neo-Confucianism in the Song and Ming Dynasties. Although this belief profoundly influenced the intellectual class across successive dynasties, its reach remained largely confined, failing to permeate deeply into the wider populace. Meanwhile, the divine conception of Heaven, dating back to the Shang Dynasty, continues to be venerated by the wider Chinese society.

“The Master said, the superior man reaches high; the small person reaches low” (Gardner 2007, p. 40). Since Confucius, Confucianism has recognized the distinction between the cultivation of the gentleman (the intellectual elite) and the education of the petty person (the common people). Therefore, on the issue of faith, Xunzi (荀子) clearly pointed out: “Thus, the gentleman considers such ceremonies as embellishments, but the Hundred Clans consider them supernatural” (Knoblock 1994, p. 19). Employing different methods of education depending on the learner is actually a consistent theme of Confucianism. Therefore, we ought not merely understand the significance of tianming from the perspective of the Zisi–Mencius School and Neo-Confucianism alone. Conversely, a narrow “religious studies” approach to Confucian belief in tianming should also be avoided, as it risks overlooking its humanistic and materialistic dimensions. As such, we should resort to a third interpretive path, namely the holistic path. Because Confucianism not only inherited Western Zhou religious belief in the mandate of Heaven but also transformed it into an immanent yet transcendent belief in the way of Heaven. The coexistence of two distinct ultimate beliefs—humanistic and religious conceptions of tianming—within the Confucian ideological framework constitutes an irrefutable historical fact.

The reason why these two potentially mutually contradictory sorts of belief in tianming can coexist without tension can be attributed, on the one hand, to Confucianism’s inheritance of the indigenous Chinese religious framework, which is open, inclusive, self-confident, and pluralistic. On the other hand, it can also be understood as the result of Confucianism inheriting the flexible wisdom of The I Ching and developing a form of “practical rationality” (Jun Zhang 2015, p. 198).

Fundamentally, this reflects the essence of the Confucian humanistic spirit. As a humanistic belief, the mandate of Heaven embodies the proactive spirit of ceaseless self-improvement; as a religious belief, it demonstrates an empathetic concern for all beings. Confucianism is primarily concerned with the rational values and order of the real world. The authenticity of its objects of faith has always been considered secondary, or even unworthy of debate. Confucius’ principles, such as having “never spoken of the supernatural, violence, disorder, or gods and spirits” (Hinton 2014, p. 60) and abstaining from discussion of “…the nature of things and the Way of Heaven” (Hinton 2014, p. 45), established this rationalized approach to belief. Rooted in addressing the hardships of the populace and stemming from the real needs of society, this is the true concern of Confucian humanism.