Paegam Sŏngch’ong’s Precious Writings on the Pure Land: A Korean Huayan Advocate’s Seventeenth-Century Treasury of Chinese Pure Land Devotional Narratives

Abstract

Although Paegam Sŏngch’ong 栢庵性聰 (1631–1700) received orthodox transmission in Sŏn Buddhism in the Puhyu lineage 浮休係 (deriving from Puhyu Sŏnsu 浮休善修, 1543–1615), he is remembered as an important advocate of Huayan 華嚴 doctrinal learning in the mid-Chosŏn period. He collected Buddhist works from the Chinese Jia-xing Canon 嘉興藏 that had washed ashore on Imja Island 荏子島 in Chŏlla Province and published them in more than 190 volumes. In 1686, the first work produced in this endeavor was Precious Writings on the Pure Land (Chŏngt’o posŏ 淨土寶書), in one volume. It is a compilation, in fourteen sections (including the preface), of excerpts and summaries of Pure Land writings and stories published in the supplementary canon section 續藏 of the Jiaxing Canon. The core and longest section of the work is chapter thirteen: “Efficacy of the Fruit of the Pure Land” (Chŏngt’o kwahŏm 淨土果驗). This chapter comprises devotional narratives on cases of rebirth in the Pure Land classified according to the social or birth status of the main figures: monks, kings and ministers, nobles and commoners, nuns, women, evildoers, animals, and so forth. The primary purpose of these narratives is to underscore to virtue of chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha (yŏmbul, Ch. nianfo 念佛) as a means of rebirth in Sukhāvatī. This work is significant because it demonstrates the value and function of Chinese Pure Land literature in the popularization of Pure Land practice in the mid and late Chosŏn period.

In the summer of 1681, Chinese Buddhist books were discovered in a Chinese merchant vessel that had drifted ashore on Imja Island 荏子島 in Korea’s southwestern Chŏlla Province 全羅道. The Sŭngjŏngwŏn ilgi 承政院日記 (Diaries of the Royal Secretariat) and Sukchong silllok 肅宗實錄 (Veritable Records of Sukchong) report that the high quality books were first taken to the royal palace, where they were stored in the inner quarters (naegan 內間). On the ninth day of the seventh month of King Sukchong’s 肅宗 (r. 1674–1720) seventh year (22 August 1681), court officials surmised that the books were Chinese and had been on their way to Japan. More than seven thousand rolls of Buddhist books and Buddhist implements were salvaged. Officials strongly encouraged the king to move the Buddhist books from the palace, lest he incur suspicion from individuals outside of the palace. Sukchong acquiesced to their request and moved the books to a monastic complex at the Namhan Mountain Fortress 南漢山城, near Seoul, for safekeeping. Because Kaewŏnsa 開元寺 at Namhan Mountain Fortress was the residence of the monk overseer of the eight provinces (p’alto toch’ongsŏp 八道都摠攝), scholars have reasonably conjectured that the books were moved there.1 Eventually, Paegam Sŏngch’ong 栢庵性聰 (1631–1700) collected as many of these books as he could and published them. Paegam had received orthodox transmission in Sŏn Buddhism in the Puhyu lineage 浮休係 (deriving from Puhyu Sŏnsu 浮休善修, 1543–1615), but he is remembered as an important advocate of Huayan 華嚴 doctrinal learning and a proponent of Pure Land Buddhism in the mid-Chosŏn period (1392–1910). Paegam’s motives for publishing these newly arrived Chinese Buddhist works are multifaceted, but the outcome is not in question: they had a profound, rejuvenating influence on Korean Buddhism in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. After briefly describing the historical context and life of the monk Paegam, the purpose of this paper is to examine the Chŏngt’o posŏ 淨土寶書 (Precious Writings on the Pure Land), in one volume, the first of Paegam’s so-called “reprints” of these Chinese Buddhist canonical materials from the Jiaxing Canon 嘉興藏 (Kor. Kahŭngjang). Paegam did not simply reprint these Chinese Buddhist writings; rather, he crafted a text that amasses evidence for the efficacy of and encourages participation in the cult of Amitābha, “Pure Land Buddhism,” edited specifically for a Korean audience that draws upon the strengths of several Chinese Pure Land texts intended for a lay audience. The popularity of Chŏngt’o posŏ in the Chosŏn context demonstrates the value and function of Chinese Pure Land literature in the popularization of Pure Land Buddhist practice in the mid and late Chosŏn periods.

1. Historical Context: Political and Religious

The Korean Buddhist church struggled during the Chosŏn period (1392–1910). The wealth, prosperity, and prestige of the Buddhist church deteriorated significantly in the aftermath of the dynastic transition from Koryŏ to Chosŏn. Monastery-owned lands, which were public in nature (sujoji 收租地), were seized by state-institutions. Court-sponsored rituals were discontinued because scholar-officials deemed them expensive and inappropriate. Although some continued to be conducted at the level of the royal household, most were reduced or abolished altogether. Buddhist intellectual and doctrinal traditions waned because of the rising popularity of Zhu Xi-style Neo-Confucianism (Tohak 道學, Chŏngjuhak 程朱學, Chujahak 朱子學, Sŏngnihak 性理學). The royal Yi family of Chosŏn preserved the Buddhist-trimmings and symbols of their family’s ancestral commemoration procedures, despite pressure from zealous scholar-officials, and protected the Buddhist church from memorials demanding its absolute abolishment from Chosŏn society.

The Imjin War 壬辰倭亂 with the Japanese (Hideyoshi invasion, 1592–1598) and the Pyŏngja War 丙子胡亂 with the Manchus (1636–1637) were not only devastating to the common people, but collectively constituted a massive blow to the legitimacy and authority of the king. State and society effectively disintegrated in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century, but the Chosŏn state was not replaced and was allowed to endure primarily because no other person or group was strong enough to effectively seize power (Palais 1996, pp. 61–114). Chosŏn rulers once again, out of necessity, turned to the Buddhism, which supplicated for the peace and blessings of the king and royal family.

King Kwanghae 光海君 (r. 1608–1623), who personally experienced the Imjin War prior to ascending the throne, was a talented and realistic politician hamstrung by debilitating Confucian factionalism at court, which ultimately led to his dethronement. Nevertheless, he recognized the important role Buddhist monks played in defending the country during the Imjin War. He released Puhyu Sŏnsu 浮休善修 (1543–1615), who had been falsely accused and imprisoned, asked him about the Buddhadharma, and had the monk supervise a dharma assembly at Pongin Monastery 奉印寺 in Yangju 楊州, in Kyŏnggi province 京畿道. Kwanghae bestowed on him the title Honggak Tŭnggye 弘覺登階 (Ascend by Stages to Expansive Enlightenment). Furthermore, when the king held an abstinence ceremony at Ch’ŏnggye monastery 淸溪寺 in Kwangju 廣州, he sent a eunuch bearing a royal command to have Sŏnsu’s disciple Pyŏgam Kaksŏng 碧巖覺性 (1575–1660) expound the dharma. Kaksŏng was appointed the monk overseer of the Sŏn and Kyo traditions (p’ansŏn’gyo toch’ongsŏp 判禪敎都摠攝) of Pongŭnsa 奉恩寺, located south of the Han River 漢江 in present-day Samsŏng Ward 三成洞, Kangnam District 江南區, in Seoul. During the reign of Injo 仁祖 (1623–1649), while directing the construction of the Namhan Mountain Fortress 南漢山城, Kaksŏng was nominated monk overseer of the eight provinces (p’alto toch’ongsŏp 八道都摠攝), and the king bestowed on him the title Poŭn Ch’ŏn’gyo Wŏnjo Kugildo Taesŏnsa 報恩闡敎圓照國一都大禪師 (Recompensing Grace, Expanding the Teaching, of Perfect Radiance, State Unifying Chief Great Sŏn Master) and a robe and bowl. Kaksŏng, availing himself of the power of generous patronage by the royal family, repaired many Buddhist monasteries in the Hosŏ 湖西 (North and South Ch’ungch’ŏng provinces) and Honam 湖南 (North and South Chŏlla provinces) regions. Furthermore, Prince Pongnim 鳳林 (later King Hyojong 孝宗 [r. 1649–1659]), who was taken hostage to the Qing (est. 1636, 1644–1912) in the Pyŏngja War with the Manchus, met Kaksŏng in Anju 安州 before ascending the throne, asked him about the core teachings of the Huayan/Hwaŏm 華嚴 (Flower Garland) tradition, and bestowed the title Sŏn Master Hyegam 慧鑑禪師 on Soyo T’aenŭng 逍遙太能 (1562–1649), who contributed to building the Namhan Mountain Fortress.

Because the Buddhist church was protected by the king and royal family, the Buddhist world of Chosŏn—monks, nuns, and laity—prayed for the prosperity of the royal family and the state by doing such things as supplicating for the long life of the king, queen, and heir apparent. Although the policy of suppressing Buddhism was enforced for a period of time in the reign of Hyŏnjong 顯宗 (1659–1674), after the king lost two princesses, he built Pongguksa 奉國寺 as a votive temple and had Buddhist-style memorial services performed for their benefit. In the early period of Sukchong (r. 1674–1720) as well, although the king proclaimed himself to be anti-Buddhist, he still bestowed his own personal handwriting on Sŏgwangsa 釋王寺 in Anbyŏn 安邊, a place containing historical traces of the founder T’aejo 太祖 (Yi Sŏnggye 李成桂, 1335–1408, r. 1392–1398), and bestowed a framed signboard on Kakhwang Hall 覺皇殿 at Hwaŏm Monastery 華嚴寺. The intimate relationship between the Buddhist church and the royal family continued to the extent that a record was preserved stating that the palace women of the time recited Buddhist scriptures. In 1681, the seventh year of Sukchong’s reign, the woodblocks that had drifted ashore at Imja island in Chŏlla province were transferred to Seoul, and Sukchong is said to have requested to hear the contents of the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa-sūtra (Weimo jing 維摩經). These were woodblocks of the expansive Chinese Jiaxing Canon.

The Jiaxing Canon 嘉興藏, also known as the Wanli Canon 萬曆藏 or the Jingshan Canon 徑山藏, was compiled over a 120-year period from 1589 in the late Ming period to 1712 in the reign of the Kangxi 康熙 Emperor of the Qing dynasty. The Jiaxing Canon may be divided into such editions as the Lengyansi edition 楞嚴寺版, Wanli Canon 萬曆藏, Mizang edition 密藏本, and the Jingshan edition 徑山版. The Ming-dynasty monk Mizang Daokai 密藏道開 (fl. 1560–1595) promoted its publication by means of a vow; and Daokai, along with the monk Huanyu 幻豫 (fl. late sixteenth century), initially had woodblocks engraved at Miaode Hermitage 妙德庵 on Mt. Wutai in 1589. Work on this canon progressed at several places over many years; but eventually all the woodblocks were gathered together at Lengyansi in Jiaxing in Zhejiang Province. In 1620, the “main canon” (zhengjing 正經) was published comprising 1192 titles 部 in 210 cases 函. In 1666, the “supplementary canon” (xuzangjing 續藏經) was printed as an addendum with 237 titles in 90 cases; and in 1677, it was supplemented again with a further supplementary canon (yuxuzang 又續藏) of 189 titles in 43 cases. This is the core of the Jiaxing Canon. Comprising 2195 titles in 10,332 volumes in total, the Jiaxing Canon is the most massive and voluminous of Chinese Buddhist canons (Nakajima 2005). When the Chinese merchant ship drifted ashore in Korea in 1681, the canon had not been fully published, but it is apparent that woodblock-printed books from both the Ming and early Qing periods were included in the writings that arrived in Korea.

Pure Land Buddhism or the cult of Amitābha has been an integral part of Sinitic Buddhism since at least the early Tang period (618–907). The cult of Amitābha flourished in the middle and late periods of Silla (668–935) and, following trends in practice circulating in Tang, the dominant or conventional practice of yŏmbul/nianfo transitioned in functional meaning from a more meditative “recollection of the Buddha” to intoning, chanting, or invoking the name of the Buddha Amitābha (McBride 2020). Following trends in Sinitic Buddhism in the eighth and ninth centuries, the cult of Amitābha in the Koryŏ period (918–1392) was closely associated with Huayan/Hwaŏm Buddhism, particularly the Flower Garland Sūtra in forty rolls (T no. 293). The translation was originally titled Chapter on entering the world system of inconceivable liberation and the practice and vows of Samantabhadra in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Dafangguangfo huayan jing ru busiyi jietuo jingjie Puxian xingyuan pin 大方廣佛華嚴經入不思議解脫境界 普賢行願品) (hereafter the “Practices” chapter). Gāthās at the end of this version of the Flower Garland Sūtra place Amitābha in the Huayan-inspired cosmic realm and link the cult of Amitābha with dhāraṇī rituals (McBride 2015). What happened to the cult of Amitābha among the Buddhist laity in the first half of the Chosŏn period, though, is not well documented in extant literary sources. Still, several works pertaining to the Pure Land tradition in the late Chosŏn period have been preserved (Lee 2008a).

In China, the close relationship between practitioners of Chan meditation and recitation of the Buddha Amitābha’s name is found in the early period of Chan development during the Five Dynasties (907–960) and Northern Song periods (960–1127). Chan Master Yongming Yanshou’s 永明延壽 (904–975) writings clearly show that he advocated a wholistic approach to Buddhist practice that embraced meditation, the study of Buddhist texts, and Pure Land practices (Welter 1993, 2011). Harmony or reconciliation between textual or doctrinal study, Chan meditation, and Pure Land practice was common in the Tiantai 天台 tradition and in the work of the great Ming synthesizer Zhuhong 祩宏 (1535–1615) (Yü 1977, 1981; Stevenson 1995).

In the Korean Sŏn tradition, Pojo Chinul 普照知訥 (1158–1210) and T’aego Pou 太古普愚 (1301–1383) both advanced Sŏn-oriented interpretations of Pure Land practice. Although both are firmly convinced that “Mind is Buddha” and discredit the notion of a Buddha Amitābha and a Pure Land that are outside of the mind, Chinul does endorse the practice of chanting Amitābha’s name and seeking rebirth in the Pure Land for those for whom the cultivation of samādhi and prajñā are insufficient and thus need the bolstering power of Amitābha on the exterior and/or the interior. How Chinul rationalizes these two opposing views is not clearly explained in his extant writings, although it may be suggested that he saw yŏmbul/nianfo as a useful expedient means for one to embrace the bodhisattva vow and ultimately return to the mundane world to save all living beings. Chinul even provides a Sŏn-style explanation of the “ten recollections” (simnyŏn, Ch. shinian 十念) (Buswell 1983, pp. 116–24, 191–97; Keel 1984, pp. 138–41; Cleary 1988, pp. 109–10). Meanwhile, the Koryŏ Sŏn Master Yose 了世 (1163–1245), who initially trained as a member of Chinul’s community, held a more conventional view of Pure Land practice and drew inspiration from Chinese Tiantai. He parted from Chinul’s company to found a society around repentance rituals and Pure Land faith, as well as practices associated with the Lotus Sūtra. His disciples Ch’ŏnin 天因 (1205–1248) and Ch’ŏnch’aek 天頙 (b. 1206), both of whom used to be Confucian literati, further developed Yose’s society and popularized it among scholar-officials and high-ranking bureaucrats (Y. Kim 2014b, pp. 97–98).

Royal and aristocratic patronage of Buddhism declined sharply in the late Koryŏ and early Chosŏn period.2 Prior to Sŏngch’ong’s publication of Precious Writings on the Pure Land in 1686, little information survives on the popularity and spread of Pure Land practices in Korean society in the fifteenth through seventeenth centuries. One exception is the “Tale of Sending Home the Spirit of Gentleman Wang” (Wangnang panhon chŏn 王郞返魂傳), which treated rebirth in Pure Land of Sukhāvatī through rebirth and recitation of Amitābha’s name. First included in the literary Sino-Korean (literary Sinitic) and Korean vernacular script editions of the Kwŏnnyŏm yorok 勸念要錄 (Record of the Essentials of Encouraging Recitation, H no. 135), published at Hwaŏm Monastery 華嚴寺 in 1637. This tale was the only Korean tale of rebirth in the Pure Land in a short collection of eleven stories, ten of which were selected from Wang Zicheng’s 王子成 (d.u.) Yuan collection titled Linian Mituo daochang chanfa 禮念彌陀道場懺法 (Penance Methods for the Ritual Convocation for Ceremonially Reciting Amitābha, X no. 1467). This story subsequently achieved widespread exposure as an addendum to Pure Land-oriented books published at Tonghwa Monastery 桐華寺 (1753), Haein Monastery (1776), and Sŏnun Monastery 禪雲寺 (1787).3

2. Paegam Sŏngch’ong’s Life and Legacy

Paegam Sŏngch’ong was a third-generation disciple in the Puhyu lineage of Korean Sŏn Buddhism: Puhyu Sŏnsu 浮休善修 (1543–1615), Pyŏgam Kaksŏng 碧巖覺性 (1575–1660), Ch’wimi Such’o 翠微守初 (1590–1668), and Paegam Sŏngch’ong (Y. Kim 2006). Biographical accounts of Sŏngch’ong are preserved in a “Inscription on the Funerary Stele of Great Sŏn Master Paegamdang Sŏngch’ong” (Paegamdang Sŏngch’ong Tae Sŏnsa pimun 栢庵堂性聰大禪師碑文), erected at Songgwangsa 松廣寺 in 1766, and “Life of the Eminent Monk Paegam” (Paegam Chongsa chŏn 栢庵宗師傳) in Pŏmhae Kagan’s 梵海覺岸 (1820–1896) Tongsa yŏlchŏn 東師列傳 (Biographies of the Eastern Masters).4 The latter record is derivative of the former.

Sŏngch’ong’s secular surname was Yi 李, and he was a native of Namwŏn 南原, in present-day North Chŏlla Province. He was a tenth-generation descendant of Great Lord Anp’yŏng 安平府院君;5 his father’s taboo name was Kang 棡 and his mother was of the Ha 河 lineage. He left home and became a monk at Ch’wiamsa 鷲巖寺 in Sunch’ang 淳昌 when he was thirteen se, and he received the monastic precepts when he was sixteen. When he was eighteen se, he traveled to Mt. Pangjang 方丈山 (viz. Mt. Chiri 智異山) and studied under Master Ch’wimi 翠微 for nine years. He became a lecturer (kangsa 講師) when he was thirty se [ca. 1660] and visited all the famous mountains and their Buddhist monasteries. He was reportedly thoroughly conversant in non-Buddhist writings (oejŏn 外典), and is also said to have been skilled in writing poetry to the extent that he associated with such illustrious officials as Kim Mun’gok 金文谷 (Kim Suhang 金壽恒, 1629–1689), Chŏng Tongmyŏng 鄭東溟 (Chŏng Tugyŏng 鄭斗卿, 1597–1673), Nam Hogok 南壺谷 (Nam Yongik 南龍翼, 1628–1692), and O Sŏp’a 吳西坡 (O Toil 吳道一, 1645–1703). Among Sŏngch’ong’s twenty-three disciples, Muyong Suyŏn 無用秀演 (1651–1719) and Sŏksil Myŏngan 石室明安 (1646–1710) were the most prominent.

Sŏngch’ong’s most significant achievement is his publication of Buddhist books (see

Table 1. Buddhist literature published by Paegam Sŏngch’ong (cf. Lee 2008b, pp. 276–77; C. Kim 2010, p. 11).

Location of Woodblocks	Title of Buddhist Text	Publication Date	Relation to Jiaxing Canon	Notes
Chinggwangsa 澄光寺	Chŏngt’o posŏ 淨土寶書 (1 roll 卷, 1 book 冊)	1686	Title does not exist in canon	Edited and published from several Pure Land texts in the supplementary canon 續藏, particularly the Jingtu quanshu
	Jingang bore jingshu lun zuanyao kandingji huibian 金剛般若經疏論纂要刊定記會編 (10 rolls, 5 books)	1686	Supplementary canon 續藏	Presently found in Jiaxing Canon volume 31
	Sagyŏng chihŏn ki 四經持驗記 (4 rolls, 1 book)	1686	Supplementary canon
	Dahui Pujue Chanshi shu 大慧普覺禪師書 (1 roll, 1 book)	1686	Main canon 正藏	Relationship with the Jiaxing Canon is unclear
	Pŏpchip pyŏrhaeng nok chŏryo pyŏng ipsa ki 法集別行錄節要幷入私記 (1 roll, 1 book)	1686	Not found
	Chanyuan zhuquan ji dushu 禪源諸詮集都序 (2 rolls, 1 book)	1686	Main canon	The contents in the received Jiaxing Canon are different
Chinggwangsa澄光寺, Taewŏnam 大源庵, Pŏmŏsa 梵魚寺	Dafangguang fo huayan jing shu chao 大方廣佛華嚴經疏鈔 (80 rolls, 70 books)	1690–1700	Supplementary canon
Unhŭngsa 雲興寺, Chŏnghyesa 定慧寺, Yŏngŭnsa 靈隱寺	Daming sanzang fashu 大明三藏法數 (50 rolls, 17 books)	1690	Main canon
Ssanggyesa 雙磎寺	Huayan xuantan huixuan ji 華嚴懸談會玄記 (40 rolls, 10 books)	1695	Main canon	By Yuan monk Purui普瑞 (d.u.)
	Zimen jingxun 緇門警訓 (3 rolls, 3 books)	1695	Main canon	Annotated by Sŏngch’ong
	Dasheng qixin lun shu bixueji huibian 大乘起信論疏筆削記會編 (4 rolls, 4 books)	1695	Main canon	The title words Huibian 會編 were added by Sŏngch’ong. The Jiaxing Canon preserves a Dasheng qixin lun shu bixueji 大乘起信論疏筆削記

), several of which are associated with the serendipitous occurrence of the previously mentioned shipwreck containing Buddhist books. In the summer of 1681, when Sŏngch’ong was fifty-one se, he went to Pulgapsa 佛甲寺 in Yŏnggwang 靈光, in present-day South Chŏlla Province, where he likely heard a rumor that a Chinese merchant ship filled with Buddhist books had drifted ashore after encountering a typhoon. Among the books was a complete edition of Chengguan’s 澄觀 (ca. 738–839) Dafangguang fo huayan jing suishu yanyi chao 大方廣佛華嚴經隨疏演義鈔 (Subcommentary and Explanation of the Flower Garland Sūtra, T no. 1736). In Korea, at that time, only Chengguan’s Dafangguang fo huayan jing shu 大放廣佛華嚴經疏 (Commentary on the Flower Garland Sūtra, T no. 1735) circulated, and the former text, which had circulated in the Koryŏ period, was difficult to obtain on the peninsula during the early and mid-Chosŏn period. This was a significant discovery because Chosŏn literati were beginning to rediscover and appreciate doctrinal Buddhism in the seventeenth century in the aftermath of the Imjin and Pyŏngja wars and sought access to Chengguan’s authoritative work on the Flower Garland Sūtra.6 Sŏnggwang’s work in publishing this seminal text led to the flourishing of Hwaŏm/Huayan doctrinal learning not only in Sŏnggwang’s Puhyu lineage, but also in the more dominant Ch’ŏnghŏ lineage 淸虛系of Hyujŏng 休靜 (1520–1604) (Y. Kim 2015a).

The edition of Chengguan’s Dafangguang fo huayan jing suishu yanyi chao that Sŏnggwang discovered was a combined edition of the sūtra 經, commentary 疏, and subcommentary 鈔 that had been published in 1625 by Ye Qiyin 葉祺胤 (d.u.). It was slightly different from the pre-existing edition of this expansive text and was included in the Jiaxing Canon. The “hidden inscription” (ŭmgi 陰記), or the text inscribed on the reverse side of a stone tablet with an inscription (pigal 碑碣), of Sŏngch’ong’s funerary inscription (stele erected in 1766) reports that “One hundred years have not yet passed and yet people publish and read the dharma treasures (pŏppo 法寶) of the whole country, throw away the old [versions], and follow [Sŏngch’ong’s] new [woodblock edition]” (C. Yi 2000, p. 299; Y. Kim 2021, p. 192).

Sŏngch’ong made a vow to publish these Buddhist books and started collecting the books that had been discovered in the shipwreck. Many books had been collected and stored in the government office in Naju 羅州, in present-day South Chŏlla Province, and others had been scattered to various monasteries located in the vicinity of the coast. Sŏngch’ong traveled about, making inquiries about the Buddhist books and gathered all the books he could find. In a letter to the monks at Pohyŏnsa 普賢寺 on Mt. Kubong 九峯山, we can surmise something of the circumstances of Sŏngch’ong’s search for Buddhist scriptures and the importance of Chengguan’s Subcommentary in this connection:

I went to Nŭnggasa 楞伽寺 thrice and Sŏnunsa 禪雲寺 on Mt. Soyo 逍遙山 twice. Aside from that I searched everywhere among the seas and mountains. Thus, I was able to find several Buddhist scriptures in more than 400 rolls. … Altough I had discovered half of [Chengguan’s] Subcommentary on the Flower Garland Sūtra (Huayan shuchao 華嚴疏鈔), I had still not been able to acquire the whole thing. This weighed on my mind from morning to night. Then, I was delightfully shown eight rolls in the safekeeping of your esteemed monastery, which supplemented the deficiencies in my collection. This was a single great causal connection for the dissemination of the Dharma.7

某三入楞伽。再到逍遙禪雲。其餘並海諸山。無不投蹤。搜采衆經。已得四百餘卷。… 雜華䟽鈔八十卷。才得太半。而未由完部。此余朝夕懸係者也。貴寺中 所留一匣八卷。快然見許。少補其缺。則此亦法施之一大緣也。

It took Sŏngch’ong four years to collect the books, and in 1685 he took all the books to Chinggwangsa 澄光寺 in Nagan 樂安, where he spent the last fifteen years of his life editing and publishing the books with his disciples. All together he published twelve titles in 197 rolls 卷 and 115 books 冊 (see Table 1).8

The Chŏngt’o posŏ, which is the topic of this study, was the first book to be published, and this text will be discussed in greater detail in the following section. Sŏngch’ong also composed “Praises of the Pure Land” (Chŏngt’o ch’an 淨土讚, H no. 174), an encomium of 100 stanzas (paekka 百哥), in which he describes in detail the wonders of Amitābha’s Pure Land Sukhāvatī and lauds and encourages the devotional practices leading to rebirth there (Hwang 2018; T. Kim 2018; Son 2020; Han 2023).

Another book published by Sŏngch’ong that is related to the Chŏngt’o posŏ is the Sagyŏng chihŏn ki 四經持驗記 (Record of the Miraculous Efficacy of the Four Sūtras, H no. 175). Comprising four rolls, one for each sūtra covered, all four rolls are edited reprints of collections of tales of miraculous efficacy (yŏnghŏmdam 靈驗談) compiled by Zhou Kefu 周克復 (fl. seventeenth century) in the early Qing period. Zhou Kefu’s life and achievements cannot be known with certainty, but in 1658 he compiled the Huayan jing chiyan ji 華嚴經持驗記 (Record of the Miraculous Efficacy of the Flower Garland Sūtra, X no. 1534), Jingang bore chiyan ji 金剛經持驗記 (Record of the Miraculous Efficacy of the Diamond Sūtra, X no. 1635), Fahua jing chiyan ji 法華經持驗記 (Record of the Miraculous Efficacy of the Lotus Sūtra, X no. 1541), and Guanyin jing chiyan ji 觀音經持驗記 (Record of the Miraculous Efficacy of the Avalokiteśvara Sūtra, X no. 1542). Sŏngch’ong apparently found these four books in the shipwreck cache, edited out duplicate stories, and published them together in 1686. Gregory Evon thinks that the four separate works may have been published together in an attempt to hide the fact that they had been originally published in the Qing, which Chosŏn regarded as an enemy state, 9 but although Chosŏn harbored strong antipathy toward the Qing, it did not go so far as to conceal the fact that these books had been published in Qing China. It is important to recognize that these two works Chŏngt’o posŏ and Sagyŏng chihŏn ki, both texts emphasizing the wondrous power to save exhibited by the Buddha Amitābha, the Amitābha Sūtra, and the power of yŏmbul/nianfo, as well as these seminal Mahāyāna scriptures and especially the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara, seem to have been edited and published first because of Sŏngch’ong’s fervent desire to make the Buddhadharma and the power of these sūtras and practices accessible and understandable to ordinary monks and lay people.

Although beyond the scope of this paper, Sŏngch’ong’s publication of these Buddhist books helped to draw attention to Chinul’s inclusive, combined doctrine and meditation practice approach to Son practice, revitalize Songgwangsa, popularize Buddhism in Chosŏn (O 2022), and encourage the study of intellectual or doctrinal Buddhism in Korea. Furthermore, his publication of the Dahui Pujue Chanshi shu 大慧普覺禪師書 (Chan Master Dahui Pujue’s Letters), Chinul’s Pŏpchip pyŏrhaeng nok chŏryo pyŏng ipsa ki 法集別行錄節要幷入私記 (Excerpts from the Dharma Collection and Special Practice Record), and Guifeng Zongmi圭峰宗密 (780–841) Chanyuan zhuquan ji dushu 禪源諸詮集都序 (Prolegomenon to the Collected Writings on the Source of Chan), were reprints of books that had previously been established as part of Korea’s monastic education system. By making them more accessible to both monastics and lay people, he contributed to the development of the Sŏn monastic education system in the mid-Chosŏn period (Lee 2012).

3. Precious Writings on the Pure Land

The Chŏngt’o posŏ, published in 1686, is an extremely curious text because in it Sŏngch’ong cobbles together various pieces and parts from several Chinese Pure Land texts to lead aspirants to arouse faith in the Buddha Amitābha and encourage them to engage in mainstream Pure Land practices, particularly “chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha” (yŏmbul, Ch. nianfo 念佛). Pure Land practice had synthesized productively with the dominant Chan tradition in Ming China and numerous short works crafted for combined audiences of monastics and lay people were produced. These texts excerpted passages from Buddhist scriptures to gently lead the reader, or presumably an audience comprising ordinary people listening to a literate monk working his way through the text. Perhaps most importantly, many of these texts drew heavily from numerous devotional “tales of spiritual efficacy” (yŏnghŏm chŏn, Ch. lingyan zhuan 靈驗傳), which functioned as proofs of the practicality and reputability of worshiping the Buddha Amitābha. Anthologies of “tales of spiritual efficacy” specifically oriented toward Pure Land aspirants are conventionally called “tales of rebirth in the Pure Land” (wangsaeng chŏn, Ch. wangsheng zhuan, Jpn. ōjōden 往生傳). Specialty Pure Land anthologies of such stories first emerged in the Tang period, grew in popularity in the Song period, and became even more widespread during the Late Imperial period of the Ming and Qing dynasties. The genre was extremely popular in China and also developed in medieval Japan.10 Some anecdotes were pulled from early sources, such as zhiguai 志怪 collections and “lives of eminent monks” (kosung chŏn, Ch. gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳) collections from the Northern and Southern Dynasties and the early Sui-Tang period; and to this foundation, later tales from Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties were added. The Dongguk University Library has three copies of the original 1686 edition published at Chinggwangsa.11

Scholarship on Sŏngch’ong’s Chŏngt’o posŏ has been published sporadically over the course of the last fifty years. Precious Writings on the Pure Land is a pastiche of several late Ming and early Qing Pure Land digests, including prominently Zhang Guanghuan’s 莊廣還 (fl. 1594) Jingtu ziliang quanji 淨土資糧全集 (Complete Collection of the Resources and Provisions of the Pure Land, X no. 1162), in six rolls; Zhou Kefu’s 周克復 (fl. seventeenth century) Jingtu chenzhong 淨土晨鐘 (Morning Bell of the Pure Land, X no. 1172), in 10 rolls; and especially the Qing monk Yuxing Minhui’s 俞行敏惠 (fl. seventeenth century) Jingtu quanshu 淨土全書 (Complete Writings on the Pure Land, X no. 1176), in two rolls.12 The structure and contents of the work make a case for the validity, efficiency, and efficacy of venerating the Buddha Amitābha. Sŏngch’ong’s Chŏngt’o posŏ comprises fourteen sections as follows:

Contents

• Precious Writings on the Pure Land Preface 淨土寶書序 (by Sŏngch’ong)
• The Causal Stage of the Buddha Amitābha 阿彌陀佛因地
• The Causal Stages of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara and the Bodhisattva Mahāsthāmaprāpta觀世音菩薩大勢至菩薩因地
• Text on Awakening Faith in the Pure Land 淨土起信文
• Encouraging the Cultivation of Pure Land Deeds 勸脩淨土之業
• The Dharma Approach of Chanting the Name of the Buddha Amitābha 念佛法門
• The Ten Kinds of Meritorious Virtues associated with Chanting the Name of the Buddha Amitābha Manifested by the Buddha佛示念佛十種功德
• Rebirth in the Pure Land though Chanting the Name of the Buddha Amitābha and Reciting the Sūtras 念佛兼誦經徃生
• The Sūtra on Amitābha spoken by the Buddha 佛說阿彌陀經
• Tales of Manifest Resonance for Chanting the Name of the Buddha Amitābha念佛現應
• Chanting the Name of the Buddha Amitābha as one’s Daily Routine 日課念佛
• Honored Monks of Successive Generation 歷代尊宿
• Efficacy of the Fruit of the Pure Land 淨土果驗
  Tales of Śramaṇas’ Rebirth in the Pure Land沙門徃生類
  Tales of Kings and Ministers’ Rebirth in the Pure Land 王臣徃生類
  Tales of Scholars and Commoners’ Rebirth in the Pure Land 士民徃生類
  Tales of Nuns’ Rebirth in the Pure Land 尼衆徃生類
  Tales of Women’s Rebirth in the Pure Land 婦女徃生類
  Tales of Unwholesome Individuals’ Rebirth in the Pure Land 惡人徃生類
  Tales of Animals and Beasts’ Rebirth in the Pure Land 畜生徃生類
  Addendum 拾遺
• Dhāraṇī for Rebirth in the Pure Land 徃生淨土多羅尼

The structure and contents of this work systematically lay out various kinds of scriptural evidence, as well as Buddhist-inspired and -oriented arguments for and practical applications of yŏmbul/nianfo. In this text, yŏmbul/nianfo typically means “chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha” but also sometimes refers to the older practice of “recollecting the Buddha” (Skt. buddhānusmṛti). In the preface (see Appendix A for a full translation), Sŏngch’ong clearly advances this purpose by writing “among all those expedient means, if one seeks the essential sublimity directly and quickly, there is nothing as good as chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha and seeking [rebirth in] the Pure Land.” He follows this up by quoting the famous Ming synthesizer of Chan and Pure Land Yunqi Zhuhong 雲棲祩宏 (1536–1615): “The dharma approach of chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha is precisely the urgent endeavor and core teaching [one should engage in] for the present!” This is significant because it demonstrates that Sŏngch’ong was prescient enough to recognize the importance of Zhuhong in late Ming Buddhism. The Chosŏn monk follows this by reporting that he acquired “about ten sets” 十有餘秩[帙] of Pure Land writings from the shipwreck.13 Although he does not provide the titles, several of these must be the Pure Land digests mentioned previously.

What I have labeled Sections 2 through 8 of the Chŏngt’o posŏ may be summarized as follows: (1) Sŏngch’ong cites several short sūtra passages or scriptural paraphrases on the importance of Amitābha and the origin of Sukhāvatī. None of these short passages are quoted from the conventionally relevant “three Pure Land sūtras” (Amituo jing 阿彌陀經, T no. 366; Wuliangshou jing 無量壽經, T no. 360; Guan Wuliangshou jing 觀無量壽經, T no. 365); rather, he cites such sūtras as the Beihua jing 悲華經 (Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka-sūtra, T no. 157), Guyinwang jing 鼓音王經 (Aparimitāyurjñānahṛdaya-dhāraṇī, T no. 370), the Lotus Sūtra (Fahua jing 法華經; Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sūtra, T no. 262), Dasheng fangdeng zongchi wang jing 大乘方等總持王經 (Sarvavaidalyasaṃgraha-sūtra, T no. 275), Xianjie jing 賢劫經 (Sūtra on the Worthy Kalpa, T no. 425), Guanfo sanmei jing 觀佛三昧經 (Sūtra on the Samādhi for Visualizing the Buddha, T no. 643), and others. (2) Sŏngch’ong provides a scriptural source for the association of Avalokiteśvara and Mahāsthāmaprāpta, the Buddha Amitābha’s assistants. (3) He extracts several passages from the sūtras on producing the “mind of faith” or “believing mind” (sinsim 信心) in the Pure Land. (4) He intensely encourages deep study of the Pure Land. (5) He provides evidence that true yŏmbul/nianfo should be done appropriate for one’s social status. (6) He emphasizes vocal yŏmbul/nianfo with a loud voice. (7) He says that in doing yŏmbul/nianfo, more than anything else, one’s mind should not be scattered or distracted (S. Yi 1975, 994–95). In addition, Section 9 reproduces the Amituo jing (Amitābha Sūtra, or Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra).

A few examples will suffice. In Section 4, “Text on Awakening Faith in the Pure Land” (Chong’to kisin mun 淨土起信文), Sŏngch’ong advances a simple argument based on a metaphor that advocates for belief in the Pure Land:

Furthermore, the Flower Garland Sūtra says, “Faith is a hand. Just like [when] a person having a hand arrives at a place where there is a treasure, he picks [things up] as he wishes. If he is unable, not having a hand, [he goes away] empty[handed] with nothing obtained. Just like this, if one who enters the Buddhadharma has the hand of a mind of faith (believing mind), such a one gathers the treasures of the dharma of the Way to Enlightenment as he wishes. If such a one does not have a mind of faith (believing mind), [he goes away] empty[handed] with nothing acquired.”14

又華嚴經中說。信爲手。如人有手。至寶所。隨意採取。若能無手。空無所獲。如是入佛法者。有信心手。隨意採取道法之寶。若無信心。空無所得。

Sŏngch’ong has most likely slightly edited and emended the following passage from Jingtu ziliang quanji, removing a contextualizing phrase that suggests that the compiler of this Pure Land compendium was familiar with Yongming Yanshou’s magnum opus:

The Zongjing lu (Record of the Mirror of the Core Teaching) says: “Unbelieving people the thousand buddhas are unable to save. Just as in the Flower Garland Sūtra it says that faith functions as a hand. Like when a person having a hand arrives at a place where there is a treasure, he picks [things up] as he wishes. If, then, [a person] does not have a hand, [he goes away] empty[handed] with nothing obtained. Just like this, if one who enters the Buddhadharma has the hand of a mind of faith (believing mind), such a one gathers the treasures of the dharma of the Way to Enlightenment as he wishes. If such a one does not have mind of faith, [he goes away] empty[handed] with nothing acquired.”15

宗鏡錄曰。不信之人。千佛不能救。如華嚴經中說信為手。如人有手。至於寶所。隨意採取。若當無手。空無所獲。如是入佛去16者。有信心手。隨意採取道法之寶。若無信心。空無所得。

What is curious is that this simile is not found in the Flower Garland Sūtra. The locus classicus of this simile appears in the prefatory chapter of Kumārajīva’s (343–413) Dazhidu lun 大智度論 (Treatise on the Great Perfection of Wisdom, T no. 1509), attributed to Nāgārjuna (ca. 50–150). The original passage in the received edition of the Dazhidu lun just says “in the sūtras, it says” (經中說).17

Section 7, “The Ten Kinds of Meritorious Virtues associated with Chanting the Name of the Buddha Amitābha Manifested by the Buddha” (Pul si yŏmbul sipchong kongdŏk 佛示念佛十種功德) follows a passage from the Yuan monk Tianru Weize’s 天如惟則 (d. 1354) Jingtu huowen 淨土或問 (Questions on the Pure Land, T no. 1972):

If people observe and maintain the name of one buddha, in their present life they will certainly obtain ten kinds of meritorious virtues and benefits.

1. If they regularly [perform yŏmbul/nianfo] day and night, all the gods and spirit generals of great strength, as well as all their entourages, [will provide] invisible protection.

2. If they regularly [perform yŏmbul/nianfo], the twenty-five great bodhisattvas, such as Avalokiteśvara, etc., to all the bodhisattvas, [will provide] constant protection.

3. They will be constantly protected and cared for by all buddhas, and Amitābha will always shine his bright light upon and gather in these people.

4. All demons, [like] yakṣas and rākṣasas, will be unable to injure [them], and all poisonous snakes, baneful dragons, and noxious substances will all be unable to harm [them].

5. All fire and water disasters [conflagrations and floods, shipwrecks], the blades and arrows of oppressive robbers, and violent deaths in jails and prisons will not be experienced.

6. Transgressions committed previously will all be eradicated, and grievous decrees for murderers will be covered over and [they will be] delivered to the extent that there will be no substantial [karmic] response.

7. If they dream at night, they will have wholesome [lit. “honest and upright”] dreams, and also in their dreams they will see the supremely sublime rūpakāya of Amitābha.

8. Their minds will constantly be filled with joy, their countenances will be lustrous, their vital spirits full and abundant, and their activities will be fortuitous.

9. They will always receive deference, offerings, and ritual worship by all people in the world similar to revering a buddha.

10. When they are at the end of their lives, their minds will be devoid of fear, the “right recollection” 正念 will appear in front of them and they will see the Buddha Amitābha and his holy throng of all bodhisattvas, they will take them by the hand to a golden dais, receive and lead them to be reborn in the Pure Land in the Western Region, exhaust their future limits, and receive supremely sublime bliss.18

若人受持一佛名號者。見世當獲十種功德利益。一晝夜常得諸天大力神將。并諸眷屬隱形守護。二常得二十五大菩薩。如觀音等。及一切菩薩常護。三常爲諸佛。晝夜護念。彌陀常放光明攝受此人。四一切惡鬼。若夜叉羅刹。皆不能害一切毒蛇毒龍毒藥。悉不能害。五一切火難水難。寃賊刀箭。牢獄橫死。悉皆不受。六先所作罪。皆悉消滅。所殺寃命。彼蒙解脫。更無質對。七夜夢正直。或復夢見阿彌陀佛勝妙色身。八心常歡喜。顏色光澤。氣力充盛。所作吉利。九常爲一切世間人民。恭敬供養禮拜猶如敬佛。十命終之時。心無怖畏。正念現前。得見阿彌陀佛。并諸菩薩聖衆。手持金臺接引徃生西方淨土。盡未來際。受勝妙樂。

These ten meritorious virtues cover the gamut of things monastics and lay people were concerned about: divine protection; avoiding disaster and harm; the eradication of unwholesome karma; good dreams, joy, and happiness; respect in society; and freedom from fear when facing death.

“Rebirth in the Pure Land though Chanting the Name of the Buddha Amitābha and Reciting the Sūtras” (yŏmbul kyŏm songgyŏng wangsaeng 念佛兼誦經徃生), Section 8, appears to have been selected to illustrate how a dream of people being led to be reborn in the Pure Land can influence a scholar-monk to abandon doctrinal mastery for more simple and direct devotional practice:

In the Liang period, Dharma Master Daozhen lectured on the Nirvāṇa Sūtra. During the Tianjian reign period (502–519), he rested his monk’s staff on Mount Lu and admired the pure acts of Lord Huiyuan. In the midst of seated meditation, he suddenly saw several hundred people on the ocean riding a bejeweled boat passing by in front of him. The master asked where they were going. They replied that they were going to be reborn in the Realm of Sukhāvatī (Extreme Bliss). For this reason, he [Daozhen] requested to tag along. They responded by saying, “Although you, Dharma Master, are skilled in lecturing on the sūtras, you have not yet recited the Amitābha Sūtra. How could you go be reborn with us?”

Master [Daozhen] subsequently abandoned lecturing and chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha and recited the Amitābha Sūtra. Spanning years he did not cease [his practice]. Twenty-eight days before he passed away, during the fourth drum period of the night, he saw a silver dais arrive from the Western Region, and the empty expanse of the sky was bright as broad daylight. A voice said, “Dharma Master, you may come ride on this dais and be reborn in the Pure Land.” The throngs of people at that time all heard it.19

梁道珍法師。講涅槃經。天監中。憇錫廬山。慕遠公淨業。禪坐中。忽見海上數百人。乘寶舫前邁。師問何之。答徃極樂國。因求附載。報云法師雖善講經然未誦彌陀經。豈得同徃。師遂廢講念佛。誦彌陀經。歷年不輟。將終四七日前。夜四鼓。見西方銀臺來至。空中皎如白日。聲云法師當乘此臺徃生。時衆咸聞。

In this story, the special boat the monk Daozhen sees is a visual symbol that became known as the “dragon boat of wisdom” (panya yongsŏn 般若龍船). Many monasteries in Korea have paintings depicting a dragon boat ferrying people to Sukhāvatī; and one of the most famous is on the Hall of Extreme Bliss (Kŭngnakchŏn 極樂殿) at T’ongdo Monastery 通度寺 in Yangsan 梁山, near Pusan 釜山. The image seems to have evolved from the “boat of wisdom” (bore chuan 般若船) mentioned in the Tang encyclopedist Daoshi’s 道世 (ca. 595–683) Fayuan zhulin 法苑珠林 (A Grove of Pearls in the Garden of the Dharma, T no. 2122) and in other Tang writings.20 The crux of the story is that the learned monk realizes that chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha (yŏmbul/nianfo) and chanting the Amitābha Sūtra are more fruitful than any other Buddhist practice.

Section 10, “Tales of Manifest Resonance for Chanting the Name of the Buddha Amitābha” (yombul hyŏnŭng 念佛現應), comprises mostly anecdotes and short narratives describing how fervent faith in Pure Land practices renders auspicious outcomes for oneself and others. The proximate source for all these anecdotes is the Jingtu quanshu, although some ultimately derive from Wang Rixiu’s 王日休 (d. 1173) Longshu zengguang jingtu wen 龍舒增廣淨土文 (Longshu’s Extended Writings on the Pure Land, T no. 1970) and Zhuhong’s Wangsheng ji 往生集 (Collection on Rebirth in the Pure Land, T no. 2072) (see

Table 2. Tales of Manifest Resonance for Chanting the Name of the Buddha Amitābha念佛現應.

	Chŏngt’o posŏ	Chinese Sources
[1] Requesting the Buddha’s Appearance 請佛形儀	491a5–10	X no. 1176, 62.185a17–21
[2] Writing One’s Name Down at a [Lotus Sūtra] Victory Assembly 勝會書名	491a11–16	X no. 1176, 62.185a23–b5
[3] The Nianfo Dharma Approach is Most Superior 法門最勝	491a17–24	X no. 1176, 62.185b6–11
[4] Husband and Wife See the Buddha 夫婦見佛	491b1–8	X no. 1176, 62.185b13–19; T no. 2072, 51.151c13–19
[5] A Demon Does Not Dare Bite 鬼不敢噉	491b9–14	X no. 1176, 62.185b20–c1; T no. 2072, 51.151b21–27
[6] Do Nianfo to Drive Away Demons 念佛却鬼	491b15–22	X no. 1176, 62.185c2–9; X no. 1551, 78, 380c8–14; T no. 1970, 47.277a4–13
[7] Do Nianfo for Intelligence and Eloquence 念佛聰辯	491b23–c1	X no. 1176, 62.185c10–12; T no. 2072, 51.151b29–c1
[8] Pray for the Deceased by Doing Nianfo 念佛薦亡	491c2–4	X no. 1176, 62.185c13–14
[9] Do Nianfo for Clarity of Sight 念佛眼明	491c5–6	X no. 1176, 62.185c16–18; T no. 1970, 47.277b2–5; T no. 2072, 51.152a10–12
[10] King Yama Encourages an Old Woman 閻王勸婆	491c7–12	X no. 1176, 62.185c19–29; T no. 1970, 47.277b6–13
[11] One’s Bed Becomes Comfortable 睡寢得安	491c13–16	X no. 1176, 62.186a1–4; T no. 1970, 47.277a25–c1
[12] Do Nianfo to Free Oneself from Difficulties 念佛脫難	491c17–492a1	X no. 1176, 62.186a5–13; T no. 1970, 47.277b14–23
[13] Do Nianfo to Be Healed of Illness 念佛止疾	492a2–8	X no. 1176, 62.186a14–20
[14] Do Nianfo to Avoid Death 念佛免死	492a9–12	X no. 1176, 62.186a21–29
[15] Do Nianfo to Break Your Fever 念佛辟痁	492a13–16	X no. 1176, 62.186b1–4
[16] Śarīra Burst Forth 舍利迸現	492a17–19	X no. 1176, 62.186b5–7
[17] Same as above 同上	492a20–23	X no. 1176, 62.186b8–11
[18] Cures Illness and Provides Healing 治病得愈	492a24–b1	X no. 1176, 62.186b12–14
[19] A Child Avoids Difficulty 兒孫免難	492b2–8	X no. 1176, 62.186b15–20
[20] Do Nianfo to Escape Shackles 念佛脫械	492b9–16	X no. 1176, 62.186b21–c3
[21] Do Nianfo and Ghosts Will Respect You 念佛鬼敬	492b17–24	X no. 1176, 62.186c4–10
[22] A Woman Changes to a Man’s Body 女轉男身	492c1–5	X no. 1176, 62.186c11–16
[23] Do Nianfo and Be Reborn in Heaven 念佛生天	492c6–13	X no. 1176, 62.186c17–187a11

).

These stories emphasize the power of yŏmbul/nianfo to overcome one’s unwholesome karma and the practice’s ability to be transferred to others. A few examples will suffice:

Chen Qi of Wangjiang formerly killed people rashly. Later, he saw demons appear [before him]. Qi was filled with dread and urgently chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha. The demons did not dare come close to him. Qi did not stop chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha. The demons subsequently did not appear [before him]. Afterward, he constantly chanted the name of the Buddha. When he was on the verge of death, he sat and died [chanting the name of the Buddha].

After a half a year, [he] spoke through his granddaughter Miaoguang, saying, “Because I chanted [the name of] the Buddha Amitābha, I have already been reborn in Extreme Bliss (Sukhāvatī).” His conduct and language were just as they were every day. After two or three days, Qi subsequently appeared just as in ordinary life. Merely on his face he wore a youthful countenance because in the Western Region one enjoys long life and does not grow old. His head was like the Buddha’s conch-spell coiffure because he attained Buddhahood gradually.21

望江陳企。甞妄殺人。後見鬼現。企畏懼。急念阿彌陀佛。鬼不敢近。企念佛不已。鬼遂不現。後常念佛。臨終坐化。後半年。附本家孫女妙光云。我因念佛。已生極樂。擧動言語。一如平日。至兩三日。企遂現。儼然如平生。唯面帶少顏。盖西方長生不老。其頭如佛之螺䯻。蓋成佛之漸也 念佛却鬼。

This kind of story was likely troubling to monks who were proponents of the unity of the Three Teachings and who were interested in assimilating Neo-Confucian social mores, such as Zhuhong. This story foreshadows tales of rebirth in the Pure Land about unwholesome (evil) individuals found toward the end of Section 13 (see Appendix B). More importantly, this story illustrates the belief that yŏmbul/nianfo can protect individuals from the underworld’s demon-like agents of karma, ensure rebirth in the Pure Land, and promise eternal youth.

In the Song period, Zhang Jizu of Zhenjiang sincerely believed [in the Pure Land] in the Western Region. When his wet nurse died, he chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha and prayed for her happiness in the netherworld. One night, he dreamed his wet nurse thanked him, saying, “By virtue of your chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha, I have already been reborn in the wholesome destinies.”22

宋鎭江張繼祖。篤信西方。其乳母死。爲念佛追薦。一夜夢母謝云。荷君念佛。已生善趣 念佛薦亡。

This story illustrates the belief that one may transfer the power of chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha to loved ones to ensure that they will enjoy rebirth in the wholesome destinies.

The conventional or received scholarly narrative on Pure Land Buddhism in Western academe, which originally derived from Japanese sectarian scholarship, emphasizes an origin with Lushan Huiyuan 廬山慧遠 (334–416) and a so-called Pure Land patriarchy: Tanluan 曇鸞 (ca. 488–554), Daochuo 道綽 (562–645), Shandao 善導 (613–681), Cimin Huiri 慈悞慧日 (ca. 680–748), and Fazhao 法照 (d. ca. 820) (Ch’en 1964, pp. 106–8, 342–50; Yü 2020, pp. 198–99). Although Sŏngch’ong is certainly aware that Lushan Huiyuan is often considered a founder of Pure Land Buddhism, his description of the Chinese Pure Land tradition strongly suggests that figures such as Tanluan, Daochuo, and Shandao, who are considered of such seminal importance in Japanese Pure Land, were not relevant in the Pure Land revival of the Ming and Qing, and likewise not pertinent to his promotion of Pure Land practice in Chosŏn. For instance, Sŏngch’ong has a section titled “Chanting the Name of the Buddha Amitābha as One’s Daily Routine” (ilgwa yŏmbul 日課念佛) in which he lists the names of several lay people and monks and the extent to which they chanted. Sŏngch’ong’s list provides the names in ascending other: beginning with those who chanted ten-thousand times a day up to one hundred thousand times a day:

In the Song period, Zhang Lun chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha ten-thousand times as his daily routine.

In the Song period, Sun Liang vocally recited the names of the Buddha ten-thousand times daily.

In the Song period, Lu Yuandao vocally recited the Lotus Sūtra once a day and chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha ten-thousand times.

In the Ming period, Zhu Gang chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha thirty thousand times a day.

In the Song period, the monk Yongqin also chanted [the name of the Buddha Amitābha] thirty thousand times as his [daily] routine.

In the Tang period, the monk Huaiyu called out the name of the Buddha fifty thousand times as his [daily] routine.

In the Tang period, monk Shi Baoxiang [chanted the name of the Buddha Amitabha] to the extent of sixty thousand times.

In the Tang period, monk Shi Daochuo chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha to the extent of seventy thousand times.

Chan Master Yongming [Yan]shou recollected the Buddha Amitābha one hundred thousand times a day.

Sengxuan, at ninety years of age, offered a thousand ritual bows per day.23

宋張掄。日課念佛萬徧 ◆宋孫良。日誦佛號萬聲 ◆宋陸沅道。日誦法華經一徧。念佛萬聲 ◆明朱綱。日念佛三萬聲 ◆宋僧用欽。亦課念三萬徧 ◆唐僧懷玉。課呼佛號五萬聲 ◆唐釋寶相。六萬聲爲限 ◆唐釋道綽。以念佛七萬聲爲限 ◆永明壽禪師。日念彌陀佛十萬聲 ◆僧衒年九十。日禮千拜。

In the foregoing text, Daochuo is mentioned but Shandao is not, although the latter is remembered for promoting vocal invocation of the Buddha Amitābha’s name. What is significant is that Chan Master Yongming Yanshou is remembered as performing the most verbal recitations of all the monks in Sŏngch’ong’s list. The Tang monk Sengxuan 僧衒 (547–642), who turned his practice to chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha after encountering Daochuo, seems to be last because performing a thousand prostrations a day is a mighty feat for a ninety-year-old man. His biography in the Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 (Lives of Eminent Monks compiled in the Song, T no. 2061) reports that he chanted Amitābha’s name eighty million times (念彌陀佛八百萬遍), but Peng Xisu’s 彭希涑 (1761–1793) Jingtu shengxian lu 淨土聖賢錄 (Record of Saints and Worthies of the Pure Land, X no. 1549) emends this to eighty or ninety thousand times (念佛八九萬聲).24

The bulk or largest portion of Precious Writings on the Pure Land is Section 13, “Efficacy of the Fruit of the Pure Land” (chŏngt’o kwahŏm 淨土果驗), comprising roughly 19 of 26 pages in the modern edition of the text published in the Han’guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 (Complete Works of Korean Buddhism). As mentioned in the list above, and articulated in greater detail in Appendix B, the section is divided into seven subsections of stories: (1) 46 tales of Buddhist monks (lit. śramaṇas), (2) 36 stories of kings and ministers, (3) 41 anecdotes of scholars and commoners, (4) 6 tales of Buddhist nuns, (5) 37 stories of women, (6) 6 anecdotes of unwholesome (evil) individuals, (7) 7 tales of animals, and an addendum. Altogether, Sŏngch’ong’s proximate source of 150 of 180 tales (83 percent) was the Jingtu quanshu (X no. 1176), supplemented with stories from Zhuhong’s Wangsheng ji (T no. 2072), Zhou Kefu’s Jingtu chenzhong (X no. 1172), and Ruizhang’s Xifang huizheng (X no. 1551). Variant versions of some tales are found in the Song-dynasty text Longshu zengguang jingtu wen (T no. 1970) and the later Qing-dynasty text Jingtu shengxian lu (X no. 1549). The Chŏngt’o posŏ compares favorably with these similar collections of Chinese Pure Land narratives. The Korean collection has less stories about monks, more stories about commoners than Zhuhong’s Wangsheng ji, and roughly the same number of stories about nobles, women, and unwholesome people, supporting the position that the intended audience was lay Buddhists (see

Table 3. Comparison of Chŏngt’o posŏ with Wangsheng ji and Shengxian lu.

	Wangsheng ji (1584)	Chŏngt’o posŏ (1686)	Shengxian lu (1783)
Monks	98	46	272
Nuns	5	6	11
Nobles (Kings and Ministers)	32	36	35
Commoners	28	42	71
Women	32	37	79
Unwholesome People	5	6
Animals	4	7

Table culling information from the Wangsheng ji and Shengxian lu from Lai (1996, p. 188).

).

Here follow several tales of rebirth in the Pure Land from several sections of Precious Writings on the Pure Land. More stories have been selected from the sections with stories about nuns and women than from the sections about monks and nobles, because stories about nuns are less commonly translated in Anglophone scholarship and because these stories illustrate how widespread the practice of nianfo was in Chinese Buddhism during the Late Imperial period (Grant 2024). The Chŏngt’o posŏ was intended primarily for a lay audience and many women in Chosŏn Korea were followers of Buddhism. Although an in-depth study of how Precious Writings on the Pure Land influenced the rise of Pure Land Buddhist practice in Korea in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is beyond the scope of this paper, readers can appreciate the simple and direct nature and appeal of these kinds of devotional anecdotes as proof or verification of the efficacy of yŏmbul/nianfo.

[30] In the Yuan period, the monk Pangu was nothing special to look at and yet his aspirations and ambitions were superior. By nature, he was obsessed with mountains and rivers, and he always said, “My footprints track half the realm, and the fame of my poems fills the world.” At that time, the Shen Prince of Koryŏ25 heard of the master’s virtuous influence and appointed him to lecture on the Flower Garland Sūtra. The seven groups [of the Buddhist community (all groups of monastics and lay people)] admired him. The king was exceedingly happy, and later when he arrived at Songgun (the capital Kaesŏng), he constructed a hermitage and assiduously practiced deeds leading to rebirth in the Pure Land. He chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha as his daily routine. He lived for seventy years without illness, then he predicted the time [of his passing], and he sat upright when he passed away.26

元盤谷。狀貌不揚。而志氣超邁。性耽山水。甞云足跡半天下。詩名滿世間。時高麗瀋王。聞師德望。聘講華嚴。七衆傾服。王大悅。後至松郡。搆精舍。勤修淨業。日倮27念佛。年七十無疾。預告以時。端坐而寂。

In this story, the Yuan monk Pangu is a renowned lecturer on the Flower Garland Sūtra and yet his personal practice includes “deeds leading to rebirth in the Pure Land.” In other words, a learned monk with a somewhat inflated ego is still humble enough to include simple Pure Land practice as part of his daily devotionals.

[16] In the Song period, Yan Bangrong was a native of Chizhou. For twenty years he maintained the spell for rebirth in the Pure Land (wangsheng zhu 徃生呪) and chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha. When he was about to die, the people in his family dreamed that the Buddha emitted light and welcomed him in glory. The following morning, [Yang Bang]rong sat in lotus position facing west. All of a sudden, he arose, walked several paces, and exclaimed, “I am leaving!” He smiled and stood up. His wife was surprised and helped him; and then he passed away.28

宋閻邦榮。池州人。二十年。持徃生呪念佛。將終。家人夢佛放光迎榮。及曉。榮西向趺坐。忽起行數步曰。我去也。微笑而立。妻驚扶之。逝矣。

[11] In the Tang period, Li Zhiyao, a native of Chang’an, was fond of the Pure Land teaching. He intoned the name of Amitabha in five different tempos and was an instructor and model for the throngs [of ordinary people]. Later, due to an illness, he suddenly said, “The Buddha is coming to welcome me.” He washed his face, rinsed his mouth, and changed his clothes. He lit an incense burner, went out of his chamber, and bowed with his head to the ground. Then, he heard coming from the sky, a gāthā saying, “I inform you, Li Zhiyao, that I am welcoming you myself as a result of your merit. I lead you, sir, to be reborn in the Pure Land. You are about to mount a golden bridge;29 he thereupon, climbed on top his bed, sat down, and passed away. The throngs of people smelled a rare fragrance.30

唐李知遙。長安人。善淨土敎。五會念佛。爲衆師範。後因疾。忽云佛來迎我。洗漱更衣。索香壚31。出堂頂禮。乃聞空中說偈云。報汝李知遙。功成果自招。引君生淨土。將爾上金橋。就牀端坐而化。衆聞異香。

In the foregoing two anecdotes, Mr. Yan’s reciting of a spell causing rebirth in the Pure Land and chanting of the Buddha Amitābha’s name for twenty years and Mr. Li’s intoning of the name of Amitābha in five tempos, following the famous practice introduced by Fazhao, essentially function as testimonials of the efficacy of Pure Land practice so that ordinary people can face death without fear. The golden bridge is an motif from Chinese folk religion—a bright bridge to cross over to the next life.

[36] In the Ming period, Sun Shuzi, whose dharma name was Dayu [Big Jade], was from his youth smart and principled. When he was twelve, following his father Lord Jingwu, he made offering before an image of Amitābha of the Forty-eight Vows. He entered [Master] Yunqi’s [monastery] and, due to this, received the five precepts [of a lay follower]. When he returned, he stopped eating pungent vegetables (garlic, onion, Chinese chives, Chinese scallion, pink garlic, ginger, and water pepper) and red meat. He stopped socializing with his circle of friends and ceased idle talk. He vowed to chant the name of the Buddha Amitābha and made an oath to lay hold of the golden terrace. He was assiduous and spared neither his body nor his life. He suddenly saw two bhikṣus holding some lotus flowers. He received confirmation by means of the “Pure Land of the one mind.” He again saw a transformation being32 and recited the Diamond Sūtra for a whole day and night. Thereupon, he awoke in fear and sat up saying, “Amitābha and Avalokiteśvara both came to welcome me [to the Pure Land].” In a loud voice, he chanted “Amitābha Buddha” several times and then passed away tranquilly. The date was the eleventh day of the eleventh lunar month of the xinhai year [1611] in the Wanli reign period. His “Songs on the Twelve Times of the Pure Land” are transmitted to the world.33

明孫叔子。法名大玗。自幼警敏端確。年十二。隨父鏡吾公。奉四十八願彌陀像。入雲棲。因受五戒。歸斷葷血。息交遊罷呫嗶。矢志念佛。誓取金臺。勤苦不惜身命。俄見兩比丘。持蓮華。以一心淨土印可。復見化人。誦金剛經一晝夜。乃矍然起坐曰。彌陀觀音。皆來迎我。大呼阿彌陀佛數聲。泊然而寂。時萬曆辛亥仲冬十一日。有淨土十二時歌。傳世。

This tale describes how, for Mr. Sun, revering the Buddha Amitābha has been a life-long approach to religion. Although he is a layman, Mr. Sun has followed precepts on avoiding the lust-inducing pungent vegetables, conventionally recommended for monastics, on top of the ordinary five precepts for lay people. His chanting the name of Amitābha supplements his recitation of the Diamond Sūtra and shows how seeking rebirth in the Pure Land is a common goal in mainstream Mahāyāna Buddhism.

[1] In the Sui period, the nun Daming possessed resolve that was esteemed and purity in her spiritual cultivation. She made an oath to be reborn in the Pure Land. Whenever she entered the chamber for worship and recitation, she first put on clean clothes and held sandalwood incense in her mouth. Emperor Wen considered her to be extremely important. On the day she was about to die, a throng of people suddenly smelled the scent of agarwood incense filling her chamber. Unexpectedly, bright light rolled over like a cloud and faintly disappeared toward the west.34

隋尼大明。志尙淸脩。誓生淨土。每入室禮念。先着淨衣。口含沉香。文帝后甚重之。將終之日。衆忽聞沉香滿室。俄而光明如雲。隱隱向西沒焉。

[2] In the Tang period, the nun Wuxing dwelt in Lushan. She met the Ācārya Zhao, who instructed her to make the vow [to be reborn in the Pure Land] and chant the name of the Buddha Amitābha. She made seminal progress [toward bodhisattvahood] during the six periods of the day.35 She cultivated the one-mind [or she was wholehearted] and was undisturbed [in her practice]. In the sixth year of the Dali reign period (771), she unexpectedly developed an illness and heard music in the sky coming from the west. To the people in her vicinity she said, “My spirit roams in Extreme Bliss (Sukhāvatī), and I have already attained rebirth in the highest grade of the middle class.” Having said these words, she passed away. Her face shone the color of yellow gold. At that time she was twenty-four years of age.36

唐尼悟性。居廬山。遇照闍黎。敎以發願念佛。六時精進。一心不亂。大曆六年。忽染疾。聞空中音樂西來。謂左右曰。我神遊極樂。已得中品上生。言已而逝。面現黃金色。時年二十四。

[3] In the Song period, the nun Nengfeng was a native of Qiantang (Hangzhou). She solely cultivated deeds that lead to the Pure Land. Previously, in a dream, the Buddha’s light illuminated her body. And, hearing wholesome language in the sky offering her comfort, she announced to her followers, “The time has come for me to be reborn in the Pure Land.” A little while later, they heard [Neng]feng’s chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha in an extremely sharp tone. Running to go see it, [they found her] seated with her palms together, having passed away facing the west. A strange fragrance filled the chamber, and the sound of music wafted from the west.37

宋尼能奉。錢塘人。專脩淨業。嘗夢佛光照身。及聞空中善言開慰。告其徒曰吾徃生時至。少頃聞奉念佛聲甚厲。奔徃視之。則合掌面西坐逝矣。異香滿室。樂音西邁。

[4] In the Song period, the nun Fazang resided in Jinling (Nanjing). She observed the precepts strictly and was assiduous in chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha. Every year at the beginning of the four prime months38 she would assemble her comrades to recite sutras and chant spells [dhāraṇī]. The great families possessing wholesome faith gathered together harmoniously following spiritual edification. On the night when she passed away, she saw the golden forms of the buddha and bodhisattvas manifesting in the middle of her chamber and a glorious light illuminated her monastery. She sat upright and proper and sloughed off [this mortal frame].39

宋尼法藏。居金陵。戒德甚嚴。勤苦念佛。每歲四孟月朔。集同志諷經持呪。大家善信。翕然從化。示寂。夜見佛菩薩金像。現其室中。光明炤寺。端坐脫去。

[6] In the Qing period, the nun Yuelang was the daughter of the distinguished Wu lineage in Songjiang. Her parents desired her to select a spouse, but she tenaciously would not choose one. When she was seventeen years old, she met the nun Qianjiang (Thousand Rivers) of Hangzhou, a monastic who begged to provide for her meals, who entreated her to leave the householder way of life and become a nun. In the spring of the next year, following her grandmother and all her entourage [of family members], she presented incense at Tianzhu [Monastery]. At her convenience, she arrived at Tianjiang Hermitage and stayed put. She manifested her intent to not return [home]. Everyone [in the family] went to encourage her to return, but she had made up her mind and would not relent. The group of family members knew they could not [get her to go home]. The text breaks off here (lit. “There is a hiatus in the text”).40

太淸尼月朗。松江世族吳氏女。父母欲爲擇配。力阻弗擇。年十七。遇杭州尼千江。化緣齋僧。懇求出家。次年春。隨祖母諸眷屬。天笁進香。乘便至千江庵住足。示無歸意。咸徃勸之歸。決志不允。衆知不可 有闕文。

These five tales of Chinese nuns suggest the ordinary place in standard Buddhist practice for monastics played by chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha. By standard Buddhist practice, I mean the arousal of the aspiration to enlightenment (bodhicitta) and functioning as a bodhisattva—using rebirth in the Pure Land as a way of advancing on the bodhisattva path to save all living beings. For instance, the nun Wuxing made “seminal progress” (chŏngjin, Ch. jingjin 精進), a standard term used to describe progress toward bodhisattvahood, and the nun Fazang brought her comrades together to recite sūtras and chant spells—in particular, assiduously chanting the name of Amitābha was the thing that united them.

[14] In the Song period, Jingjian of the Qin clan got married in Songjiang. She despised her female body and lived separately from her husband. She proficiently observed the rules of purification41 and read all sūtras including the Flower Garland Sūtra. She never wasted a day. Day and night she cultivated Amitābha-oriented penance and offering up a thousand bows worshipped the Buddha. Having done this for a long time, a bright [auspicious] light entered her chamber. She sat peacefully facing the west and passed away.42

宋秦氏淨堅。家松江。厭惡女身。與夫別處。精持齋戒。閱華嚴諸經。無虛日。晨昏修彌陀懺。禮佛千拜。久之有光明入室。面西安坐而終。

The name Jingjian 淨堅 (Firm in purity) sounds like the name of a nun, although it is apparent that she is a married woman who seeks to escape her female body. She is not simply an aspirant of rebirth in the Pure Land, but a fully committed Buddhist who follows the precepts (eight prohibitions) for lay people and reads all sūtras including the ever-important Flower Garland Sūtra. The Amitābha-oriented penance (Mituo chan 彌陀懺) she followed likely included chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha. This is not “single-practice” Buddhism, but the faithful practice of a fully committed Buddhist.

[16] In the Song period, Mrs. Son from Qiantang (Hangzhou) always chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha and chanted spells [dhāraṇīs]. Due to an illness, she made a request to the Vinaya Master Qingzhao. She approached him saying, “Because I have been ill for a long time, I despise the world. I vow to be reborn in the Pure Land.” Since the master talked about the causal connections of the Pure Land, she was very happy. At night she dreamed that she received a cup of medicine from the master. When she swallowed it, she perspired; and her body and mind felt light and full of pleasure. Three days later she spoke to someone, saying, “The Venerable Kāśyapa came here and set himself on a golden lotus throne.” She immediately closed her eyes and passed away.43

宋錢塘孫氏。常念佛持呪。因病請淸照律師。至謂曰久病厭世。願求徃生。師爲談淨土因緣。大喜。夜夢師授藥一盞。服之流汗。身心輕快。三日後語人曰迦葉尊者來此。好金蓮華座。即瞑目而逝。

The anecdote regarding Ms. Son is curious because demonstrates that proponents of all different forms of Buddhist practice, including specialists in the precepts, encouraged lay followers to seek the Pure Land. In addition, the appearance of the Venerable Kāśyapa in the story suggest connections to Chan traditions, as well as Chinese folklore because in the dream she is given medicine that induces the peace and pleasure she seeks.

[21] In the Yuan period, Jing’an of the Zheng clan, a native of Qiantang, chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha daily without wasting any time. When she got sick, she heard a voice in the sky saying, “The time of your departure has been decided. Don’t be lazy!” Furthermore, she saw the Buddha’s body, in golden color, and immediately roused herself to sit up straight and face the west. She summoned her son Yixiu, who had become a monk, and had him recite the Amitābha Sūtra, and suddenly she passed away. Her daughter dreamed that her mother informed her, saying, “I have already been reborn in the Pure Land.” The whole story can be heard from Master Yixiu.44

元鄭氏淨安。錢塘人。念佛日無虛度。得疾聞空中聲曰。汝行有期。無得自怠。又見佛身金色。卽奮起面西端坐。召其出家子義修。諷彌陀經。倐然而化。其女夢母報曰。吾已得生淨土。可聞諸修師云。

The story of Jing’an is a testimonial of the promise of immediate results if one is diligent in the practice of chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha. Not only does Jing’an see a buddha at the time of death, but she is able to inform her daughter in a dream that her goal of rebirth in the Pure Land has been achieved. In addition, that she has her monk-son chant the Amitābha Sūtra on her behalf suggests the traditional bodhisattva ability to transfer merit from one person to another.

[22] In the Yuan period, Mrs. Tao was a native of Changshu. When she was twenty-six years old, she became a widow and lived without a son. She vowed to be reborn in the Pure Land. She constantly maintained in her mind the Amitābha Sūtra and the Avalokiteśvara Sūtra. She suddenly dreamed of a white-robed person carrying a bunch of lotus flowers who ate them with her. After she woke up, her mind and spirit were different from usual. Continuing on, she adorned a little pavilion, recited sūtras facing the west and chanted the name of the Buddha Amitābha. When barely three years had passed, she saw a Buddha manifesting bright light and on top of a sūtra chest there was a ball of fire like a bullet. Mrs. Tao feared that the sūtras would burn and urgently covered it with her hand. Thereupon she obtained one grain of śarīra. When she lay down to die, a transformation buddha came to welcome her.45

元陶氏。常熟人。年二十六。寡居無子。願生淨土。恒持念彌陀觀世音經。忽夢白衣人。挈蓮華一朶。與食之。覺後心神頗異。嗣裝一小閣。西向誦經念佛。甫三年見佛現光明。經凾上有火團如彈子。陶恐燒經。急以手撲。乃得舍利一顆。臥終時。化佛來迎。

The story of Mrs. Tao demonstrates the close connection between the cults of Amitābha and Avalokiteśvara as well as the relevance of the white-robed Avalokiteśvara.46 The Avalokiteśvara Sūtra (Guanshiyin jing 觀世音經) is a short name for the famous twenty-fifth chapter of the Lotus Sūtra, “The Universal Gateway of the Bodhisattva He that Observes the Sounds of the World” (Guanshiyin pumen pin 觀世音菩薩普門品), which circulated as an independent scripture in East Asia. White-robed Avalokiteśvara is described significantly in the Sŏngch’ong’s Sagyŏng chihŏm ki, and Gregory Evon advances a compelling argument that the exiled Chosŏn scholar-official Kim Manjung 金萬重 (1637–1692) drew influence from this collection of tales of miraculous efficacy to encourage veneration of the white-robed Avalokiteśvara in his novel Sassi namjŏng ki 謝氏南征記 (Lady Sa’s Journey to the South). Kim’s ultimate goal was to salvage the role of Buddhism in Chosŏn society in order to save Confucianism, which, in his opinion, was self-destructing because it lacked the moral compass and balance provided by Buddhism (Evon 2023, pp. 105–57). The anecdote about her obtaining a śarīra demonstrates the connections and interchangeability between relics of the physical body of the Buddha and the transformative power of words of the sutras themselves.

Precious Writings on the Pure Land ends abruptly with one final story on the efficacy chanting the names of the Buddha Amitābha and the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara with respect to one’s situation after death when one meets with King Yama in the netherworld. Whether Sŏngch’ong merely forgot to include it in the appropriate earlier section or saved it for the conclusion of the book is unclear. Regardless, it ends the volume by strongly emphasizing the benefits of yŏmbul/nianfo to a lay audience.

Addendum

Zheng Lin, a military clerk of Raozhou, was mistakenly pursued and arrived in the underworld. He was set free, and King Yama addressed him saying, “When you return to the realm of men, strive with your might to do good. If you see people killing living beings, you should only chant [the names of] the Buddha Amitābha and the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara. Those [living beings who have been killed] will obtain rebirth [in the Pure Land], and you will also obtain blessings. Due to this, you have been promoted [to return to the world of the living] so that you may see that if one chants the name of the Buddha Amitābha, one may truly lead dead people to the Pure Land, increase their blessings and prolong their lives, and not only ensure later rebirth in the Western Region.”47

拾遺

饒州軍典鄭隣。誤追至陰府。放還。閻王告云。汝還人間。勉力爲善。汝見人殺生。但念阿彌陀佛。與觀世音菩薩。彼得受生。汝亦得福。由此推之。足以見念阿彌陀佛。誠可薦拔亡者。增延福壽。不獨後生西方也。

The story of Zheng Lin in the addendum advances the idea that chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha benefits others as well as oneself. It serves as evidence that Amitābha’s name is powerful even in the underworld. In addition, it is unclear whether Mr. Zheng was a fervent practitioner of yŏmbul/nianfo before he was mistakenly taken before King Yama in the netherworld. However, the story encourages those exposed to it to utilize it always because it leads dead people to the Pure Land, increases blessings, prolongs lives, and ensures one’s rebirth in the Pure Land.

Sŏngch’ong’s Precious Writings on the Pure Land closes in an apropos manner with a “Dhāraṇī for Rebirth in the Pure Land” (wangsaeng chŏngt’o tarani 徃生淨土多羅尼). Although the proximate source for this spell is, as expected, the Jingtu zhuanji, the original source of this spell is the Longshu zengguang jingtu wen 龍舒增廣淨土文 (Longshu’s Extended Writings on the Pure Land), which was compiled by Wang Rixiu 王日休 (d. 1173) in 1160. In the received edition of this text published in the Taishō edition of the Buddhist Canon, the spell is called “Mantra [lit. True Word] for Rebirth in the Pure Land” (wangsheng jingtu zhenyan 往生淨土真言). The sinographs of all three versions are slightly different, suggesting the malleability and changeability of dhāraṇīs and mantras.48

Namo Amidabaya 南無阿彌多婆夜 (1)

Tat’agadaya 哆他伽哆夜 (2)

Tajiyat’a 哆地夜他 (3)

Amiridobabi 阿彌利都婆毗 (4)

Amirida 阿彌利哆 (5)

Sittambabi 悉耽婆毗 (6)

Amirida 阿彌利哆 (7)

Pigaranje 毗伽蘭帝 (8)

Amirida 阿彌利哆 (9)

Pigaranda 毗伽蘭哆 (10)

Kamini 伽彌膩 (11)

Kagana 伽伽那 (12)

Kidagarye 伽伽那 (13)

Sabaha 莎婆訶 (14)

The Longshu jingtu wen (Longshu’s Writings on the Pure Land) says: “For those who recite this spell, the Buddha Amitābha will constantly dwell on the crown of their head, he will enable them to not be harmed by oppressive houses, they will be peaceful and stable in the present age, and when they come to the end of their lives they will be reborn in the Pure Land according to their wishes. If they complete two hundred thousand times, the sprouts of bodhi will shoot forth; if they complete three hundred thousand times, before long they will meet face to face with the Buddha Amitābha.”49

Great Master Lian50 said, “As for this spell, in all books, the punctuation (pause at the end of the sentence) is slightly different, and presently relying on old books it is corrected.”51

南無阿彌多婆夜一 哆他伽哆夜二 哆地夜他三 阿彌利都婆毗四 阿彌利哆五 悉耽婆毗六 阿彌利哆七 毗伽蘭帝八 阿彌利哆九 毗伽蘭哆十 伽彌膩十一伽伽那十二 枳哆价利十三 莎婆訶十四。龍舒淨土文曰。誦此呪者。阿彌陀佛常住其頂。不令寃家爲害。現世安穩命終任意徃生。若滿二十萬遍。即菩提芽生。三十萬遍。不久面見阿彌陀佛。蓮大師云。此呪諸本。句讀稍異今依古本以正。

The conclusion of this one-volume text encouraging yŏmbul/nianfo with a dhāraṇī promising rebirth in the Pure Land demonstrates the continued close relationship between the Buddhist spells and incantations (dhāraṇī and mantra) and Pure Land practice, which has been a compelling characteristic of mainstream Sinitic Buddhism in Korea and China since at least the late sixth century.52 In addition, that the received edition of the spell in the Jingtu zhuanji calls it a “mantra” or “true word,” while in Precious Writings on the Pure Land Sŏngch’ong calls it a “dhāraṇī” provides further evidence that, in Sinitic Buddhism, the words “spell,” “mantra,” and “dhāraṇī” were used interchangeably (Takubo 1967, pp. 29, 36–37).

4. Reflections

Sŏngch’ong’s Chŏngt’o posŏ, published in 1686, is evidence that materials exclusively available in the Jiaxing Canon were accessible in Chosŏn Korea during the late seventeenth century before the Jiaxing Canon was even fully published in 1712. Sŏngch’ong acquired access to several collections of stories and digests of materials encouraging Pure Land devotion after a Chinese merchant vessel on its way to Japan shipwrecked on the southwestern coast of Korea in 1681. Sŏngch’ong spent four years with his disciples collecting the Buddhist materials discovered when the ship drifted ashore and which had been dispersed to different locations. Sŏngch’ong is most remembered for publishing an edition of Chengguan’s Dafangguang fo huayan jing suishu yanyi chao, which paved the way for a revival and flourishing of Hwaŏm/Huayan doctrinal learning, particularly at Songgwang Monastery, but also at the country-wide level, including the Ch’ŏnghŏ lineage. He also published collections of tales of miraculous efficacy that reinvigorated Buddhist faith: Chongt’o posŏ and Sagyŏng chihŏm ki. Taken together, the various sections of the former text, the Precious Writings on the Pure Land craft a compelling argument for the efficacy of Pure Land practice by taking the reader through several kinds of evidence: passages of scriptures, lists of benefits, narratives on the efficacy of Pure Land practice, a copy of the short Amitābha Sūtra itself, and numerous tales of rebirth in the Pure Land about people in different social strata that function as testimonials. The publication of Precious Writings on the Pure Land facilitated the rise of Pure Land devotionalism centered on the practice of yŏmbul/nianfo in Chosŏn Korea during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Y. Kim 2021, pp. 414–18).

These stories suggest that faith in the Pure Land and devotional practices associated with the veneration of Amitābha were conceptualized as completely commonplace and ordinary in late imperial China. More importantly, Pure Land worship or practice was a conventional component of mainstream Buddhism. It does not matter whether a monk or nun is a lecturer on the Flower Garland Sūtra or a specialist in the Diamond Sūtra, a chanter of Buddhist spells—or even a “Chan master”: reciting the name of the Buddha Amitābha is still something all can do as a regular part of their Buddhist practice. Tales of rebirth in the Pure Land about lay people function as confirmations of the efficacy of faith in the Buddha Amitābha’s saving power and encourage ordinary people to not fear death. In addition, symbols and elements from Chinese folk religion fused with Pure Land beliefs to show how this practice became fundamental to Chinese Buddhism. Some anecdotes show how the veneration of Amitābha and Avalokiteśvara usually go together and the efficacy of relying on these two figures. Stories about unwholesome people drawing on this power suggest that yŏmbul/nianfo is more powerful than karma. The practice of yŏmbul/nianfo, whether one defines it as recollection of the Buddha or chanting of the name of the Buddha Amitābha, fits neatly with the recitation of dhāraṇīs, repentance rituals, and other forms of Buddhist piety. “Pure Land Buddhism” is not a different kind of Buddhism as has been advanced by some scholars. Rather, chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha is a core component of mainstream Sinitic Buddhism.