The Hexagram of Contemplation 觀卦 (guan gua) and “Using the Divine Way to Give Instruction” 神道設教 (shen dao she jiao) in Early China

Abstract

Most primitive religions originated from the devout worship of celestial deities, earthly spirits, and ghosts. In oracle bone inscriptions, rituals related to praying for rain, temple worship, river deity worship, and the worship of great deities were referred to as “fang” 方 or “yi fang” 以方. The Supreme God was the paramount deity of the Yin Shang Dynasty people; by the early Zhou Dynasty, the Supreme God and ancestral spirits began to merge. The hexagram of Contemplation 觀卦 (guan gua) establishes instruction through the concept of “contemplation” fully presenting the entire process of shamans, sorcerers, or ritual hosts participating in temple sacrifices, and completing the hand-washing ritual 盥 (guan) and the sacrifice-offering ritual 薦 (jian). It emphasizes the sincere communication between humans and Heaven. When a monarch performs the guan ritual, he embodies inner “sincerity and clarity” 誠明 (chengming); in response, the celestial deities will “show trust” 有孚 (youfu). Thus, it can be verified that deities exist in Heaven, and an interactive, responsive relationship is formed between Heaven and humans. The nine in the fifth place (the dominant line) possesses great inspiring power. The two fundamental dimensions for interpreting the hexagram structure are “the great view is above” 大觀在上 (da guan zai shang) and “[t]hose below look toward him and are transformed” 下觀而化 (xia guan er hua). These dimensions not only highlight the infinite transcendence, charisma, and appeal of the worshipped deities but also underscore humans’ profound reverence and faith in deities and the absolute existence. Sages 聖人 (sheng ren), as intermediaries between humans and deities, established religion for the sake of human life but did not regard themselves as religious leaders. However, from the Shang and Zhou dynasties to the Spring and Autumn period, a transition occurred in the spiritual life of the Chinese people: from shamanism to ritual propriety 禮 (li), and from theistic culture to humanistic culture. This transition laid the fundamental direction for the development and evolution of Chinese culture over the following 2500 years. Confucius attempted to replace or eliminate the shamanistic elements in early Confucians with personalized moral experience and ethical consciousness.

1. Introduction

Virtually all primitive religions1 originated from humans’ reverence and worship of Heaven, Earth, and ghosts.2 Liu Shipei 劉師培 (of the Republican era) once said: “Chinese religion is no more than the worship of celestial deities, human ghosts, and earthly spirits; among these, human ghosts are the origin of all religions, hence the character ‘education’ 教 (jiao) is derived from ‘filial piety’ 孝 (xiao)” (Liu 2014, p. 4475).3 For ignorant primitive people, the Heaven above, the Earth below, and the ghosts transformed from the deceased were all endowed with mysterious and unpredictable power, which was sufficient to inspire fear. Regarding the character “deity” 神 (shen), the Shuowen Jiezi 說文解字, in the section on the radical “shi” 示, notes: “‘Shen’ refers to celestial deities that bring forth all things. Its structure combines ‘shi’ and ‘shen’” 神，天神，引出萬物者也。從示、申 (shen, tian shen, yin chu wan wu zhe ye) (Duan 2013, p. 3). It is clear that deities reside in Heaven and are the source of all things; their core meaning is derived from “shen” 申, which signifies pulling or extending. During the Shang and Zhou dynasties, “shen” 申 was often used interchangeably with “shen” (神, deity). The Shuowen Jiezi, in the section on “shen” (申), states: “‘Shen’ 申 means ‘shen’ 神.” According to Duan Yucai’s 段玉裁 annotations, It is illogical to equate “shen” 申 with “shen” 神; the original form should have been “𦥔” (shen) 神不可通，當是本作𦥔 (shen bu ke tong, ben shi dang zuo shen), analogous to how “si” 巳 denotes the sixth of the Twelve Earthly Branches 巳，巳也 (si, si ye). The seal script characters of “𦥔” (shen) and “you” 酉 are precisely the extended meanings in use today. However, “uninformed scholars mistakenly revised it to ‘shen’ 神, which contradicts all ancient interpretations”4 (Duan 2013, p. 753). Since “shen” 神 is a revised form of “shen” 申, it cannot be properly explained. The characters “shen” 申 appear in oracle bone inscriptions and bronze inscriptions, but “shen” 神 does not. The original form of “shen” 申 resembles lightning, “depicting the zigzagging of lightning” 象電耀屈折 (xiang dian yao qu zhe) (Y. Ye 1934, p. 17), similar to the modern symbol for lightning. Although Xu Shen 許慎 (author of Shuowen Jiezi) had never seen oracle bone inscriptions, his statement in the section on the radical “gun” 丨 that “‘shen’ 申 means lightning” seems to suggest he recognized that “shen” 申 referred to the thunder and lightning in the sky—an act of Heaven, driven by a divine power that humans could not explain at all. Xu Kai’s 徐鍇 Shuowen jiezi Xizhuan 繫傳 (Commentaries on the Shuowen Jiezi) notes: “Heaven sends down vital energy to inspire all things, hence the saying that deities ‘bring forth all things’” 天主降氣以感萬物，故言引出萬物也 (tian zhu jiang qi yi gan wan wu, guy an yin chu wan wu ye)—revealing that deities possess the function of generating all things. Religious activities during the Shang and Zhou dynasties can generally be categorized into three types: suburban sacrifices 郊祀 (jiaosi) (Sacrifice to Heaven), ancestral sacrifices 祖祀 (zusi), and sacrifice to the deities of earth 社祀 (shesi).5 According to Chen Mengjia’s 陳夢家 summary, the objects of worship recorded in the chapter “Da Zong Bo” 大宗伯 of the “Chun Guan” 春官 section in the Rites of Zhou 周禮 (zhouli), include: “jia 甲, deities 神, heavenly deities 天神 (tian shen), great deities 大神 (da shen),” specifically referring to “the Supreme Heaven 昊天 (hao tian), the Supreme God 上帝 (shang di); the sun 日 (ri), the moon 月 (yue), the stars 星辰 (xing chen), Si zhong 司中, Si ming 司命, wind 風 (feng), and rain 雨 (yu)”—all of which were deities worshipped in suburban sacrifices. “yi 乙, Shi 示, earthly spirits 地示 (dishi),” including “the soil altar 社 (she), the grain altar 稷 (ji), the Five Sacrifices 五祀 (wusi), the Five Great Mountains 五嶽 (wuyue), mountains 山 (shan), rivers 川 (chaun), forests 林 (li), marshes 澤 (ze); the four directions 四方 (sifang), all creatures 百物 (baiwu)”—which were the objects of sacrifice to the deities of earth 社祀 (shesi). “bing 丙, Ghosts 鬼 (gui), human ghosts 人鬼 (ren gui), great ghosts 大鬼 (da gui)” (M. Chen 1988, p. 562), referring to the “former kings” 先王 (xianwang), who were worshipped in ancestral sacrifices. In early China, ghosts were close to humans—they were all transformed from one’s own ancestors after death, and familial affection still existed. Unlike the ferocious and terrifying images fictionalized in later periods, they were not fearsome.

The formation of the early Confucian group was closely linked to the religious life of the Shang and Zhou dynasties. During the Republican era, Fu Sinian 傅斯年, in his lecture “On the Schools of Thought in the Warring States Period” 戰國子家敘論 (zhanguo zi jia xu lun) pointed out: “The so-called Confucians originated as ‘teachers’ in the State of Lu and spread to other regions”6 and “whether it is the organized schools of Confucianism and Mohism or all the various thinkers who established their own doctrines, the orientation of their thoughts was largely determined by their occupations.”7 It is easy to imagine that in the State of Lu during the Zhou Dynasty, studying was a luxury accessible only to noble families, and society did not require so many Confucians. Therefore, it is more accurate to say that the widespread ancestral worship, local deity beliefs, and Supreme God worship in rural society gave rise to a certain number of professionals specializing in rituals and customs, rather than claiming that Confucians emerged from “teachers.” Thus, it was precisely the religious life of the Shang and Zhou dynasties that gave birth to the Confucians. TU Weiming stated: “Ancestor reverence and heaven worship are two mutually compatible principles within the Confucian worldview of the unity of heaven and humanity” 孝祖與敬天，在儒家天人一體世界觀中是兩條並行不悖的原理 (xiaozu yu jingtian, zai rujia tian ren yiti shijieguan zhong shi liang tiao bingxing bu bei de yuanli) (Du 2013, p. 130). Early Confucian scholars inherently possessed a collective temperament and academic foundation emphasizing the interaction and communication between heaven and humans.

The so-called “(the holy man) uses the divine way to give instruction” 神道設教 (shen dao she jiao) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, pp. 879–80) (Wang et al. 2013, p. 60) in the Tuan zhuan 彖傳 (Commentary on the hexagrams) of the Hexagram of Contemplation 觀卦 (guan gua) in the Book of Changes precisely reflects Confucius’ attempt to seek existential principles and ultimate meaning for human ethics by drawing on heaven and earth. Chen Wangheng 陳望衡 regards “(the holy man) uses the divine way to give instruction” as the “core purpose of the Book of Changes, noting that it “takes the Dao of heaven as its basis” 以天道為依據 (yi tian dao wei yiju) and “embodies the will of ghosts and spirits, thereby possessing immense authority and mystery” 體現出鬼神的意旨，因而具有極大的權威性、神秘性 (tixian chu guishen de yizhi, yiner juyou jida de quanwei xing, shenmi xing) (W. Chen 1999. pp. 54–60). From a historical perspective of religious development, Lü Jianfu 呂建福 identifies “using the divine way to give instruction” as a symbol of Chinese civilization’s gradual transition “from the religious age to the humanistic age” 宗教時代走向人文時代 (zong jiao shidai zou xiang renwen shi dai) (Lü 2022, pp. 1–8). Shi Yanping 施炎平 argues that the notion of “using the divine way to give instruction, and the whole world submits to him” 神道設教而天下服 (shen dao she jiao er tian xia fu) has “transcended mere belief in divine ways,” signifying the “formation of a value orientation shifting from theistic belief to humanistic reflection” 神文信仰走向人文思考之價值導向的定型 (shen wen xin yang zou xiang ren wen sikao zhi jiazhi daoxiang de dingxing) (Shi 2022, pp. 5–12). Zhang Wenzhi 張文智 also interprets “using the divine way to give instruction” in the hexagram of contemplation of the Book of Changes as “a integration of divine Dao, heavenly Dao, and human Dao,” 是對神道、天道、人道之貫通 (shi dui shendao, tiandao, ren dao zhi guantong) asserting that its fusion of “immanent transcendence” 內在的超越 (nei zai de chaoyue) and “transcendent transcendence” 外在的超越 (waizai de chaoyue) solidifies the religious nature of Confucianism. (W. Zhang 2019, pp. 30–38) Adopting an innovative research perspective, this paper takes the religious sacrificial practices of the aristocracy in the Shang and Zhou dynasties of ancient China as its historical background and empirical foundation. Starting from the shamanic origins of the Confucians, it conducts textual exegesis and philosophical elaboration on the hexagram text, structure, imagery, meaning, line positions, line texts, and line imagery of the hexagram of contemplation. By exploring the theoretical origins, humanistic value, political significance, and religious implications of the shift from “theistic culture” 神文 (shen wen) to “humanistic culture” 人文 (ren wen) in “using the divine way to give instruction,” this study aims to shed light on the origin of Confucianism and the religious nature of Confucian thought.

2. Suburban Sacrifices (Sacrifice to Heaven) 郊祀 (jiaosi), Ancestral Sacrifices 祖祀 (zusi), and Sacrifice to the Deities of Earth 社祀 (shesi)

The highest object of worship in Yin Shang religion was the Supreme God, who was the paramount deity of the Shang people. The Shang people were extremely pious toward the Supreme God and made divinations on almost all occasions—a tendency clearly reflected in the Oracle Bone Inscriptions from Xiaotun South 小屯南地甲骨 (xiao tun nan di jia gu): “On the Guiyou Day, the shaman worshipped the Supreme Heavenly God.” (4566) 癸酉巫帝 (gui you wu di), “On Dingchou day, divined: to offer … to the Supreme God …” (1147) 丁丑卜 (ding chou bu), 其又 (qiyou) …… 於帝 (yudi)……, “On Gengchen day … worshipped the Supreme God with … nine …” (3664) 庚晨 (gengchen)…… 帝於 (di yu) …… 九 (jiu) ……. Therefore, the worship of the Supreme God must have been the most grand and solemn religious activity (R. Zhang 1998, p. 194). In oracle bone inscriptions, rituals related to praying for rain, temple worship, river deity worship, and great deity worship were possibly referred to as “fang” 方 or “yi fang” 以方. Hu Houxuan’s 胡厚宣 Continued Collection of Oracle Bone Inscriptions 甲骨續存 (jia gu xu cun) (Part 1) records: “On Wushen day, divined: … offered a burnt sacrifice to the earth deity in the ‘fang’ ritual” (595) 戊申卜 (wushen bu), …… 方帝燎於土 (fang di liao yu tu). The Oracle Bone Inscriptions from Xiaotun South also contains records such as “May there be rain in the ‘fang’ ritual” (108) 其方有雨 (qi fang you yu), “I performed the fang 方 (a form of sacrifice) at the ancestral temple. “ (313) 我以方矢于宗 (wo yi fang shi yu zong), and “On Jiashen day, divined: reported the arrival of the ‘fang’ ritual to the Great Ancestral Shrine” (243) 甲申卜，於大示告方來 (jia shen bu, yu da shi gao fang lai). Later, the Zhou people directly incorporated the “fang” 方 ritual into “suburban sacrifices” 郊 (jiao) and the concepts of “fangshu” (方術, esoteric arts) and “fangshi” (方士, occultists) in the Warring States period may have originated from early primitive religions. By the Zhou Dynasty, suburban sacrifices became prevalent and gradually refined; the Spring and Autumn Annals 春秋 (chunqiu) alone records nine suburban sacrifices held by the State of Lu, including both regular “prayers for a bountiful year” 祈年 (qi nian) and occasional “divinations.” 卜問 (bu wen) These activities were generally held on the outskirts of the capital, usually on the Winter Solstice. The “Jiao Te Sheng” 郊特牲 chapter in The book of Rites 禮記 states that “[a]t the (Great) border sacrifice, he welcomed the arrival of the longest day. It was a great act of thanksgiving to Heaven, and the sun was the chief object considered in it.” 郊之祭也，迎長日之至也，大報天而主日也 (jiao zhi ji ye, ying chang ri zhi zhi ye, da bao tian er zhu ti ye) and “ [f]or (all) sacrifices in the border they used a xin day; because when Zhou first offered the border sacrifice, it was the longest day, and its name began with xin. “ 郊之用辛也。周之始郊日以至 (jiao zhi yong xin ye, zhou zhi shi jiao ri yi zhi) Regarding the location, “[t]he space marked off for it was in the southern suburb—the place most open to the brightness and warmth (of the heavenly influence).” 兆于南郊，就陽位也 (zhao yu nan jiao, jiu yang wei ye) As for the sacrificial animals, “ The victim was red, that being the colour preferred by the (Zhou) dynasty; and it was a calf to show the estimation of simple sincerity” 牲用騂，尚赤也；用犢，貴誠也 (sheng yong xing, shang chi ye, yong du, gui cheng ye) (Refer to James Legge’s English translation of The Book of Rites, as well as the following texts from the same book) (Legge 2013, p. 118; Zheng and Kong 2013a, p. 497).8

Although suburban sacrifices were important, the Supreme God or Heaven was after all far from the realities of the world. In contrast, ancestral sacrifices, which were prevalent during the Shang and Zhou dynasties, had a greater and more profound impact on people’s social lives and military-political decisions. This was because ancestors with direct blood ties seemed more capable of exerting mysterious protective and blessing powers, thus fostering the worship of ancestral spirits 祖先神. The main venues for ancestral sacrifices were palaces 宮 (gong), or ancestral temples 宗 (zong), grand ancestral temples 宗廟 (zongmiao), and sleeping quarters 寢 (qin). A large number of references to “zong” 宗 (ancestral temples) appear in Shang oracle bone inscriptions. The royal ancestral sacrifices were often referred to as “di” 禘, and The book of Rites, in the chapter “Da Zhuan” 大傳 states:

According to the rules, only the king offered the united sacrifice to all ancestors. The chief place was then given to him from whom the founder of the line sprang, and that founder had the place of assessor to him” 禮, 不王不禘。王者禘其祖之所自出，以其祖配之 (wang zhe di qi zu zhi suo zi chu, yi qi zu pei zhi).

(Legge 2013, p. 158; Zheng and Kong 2013a, p. 616)9

The “di” 禘 sacrifice could be offered not only to the founding monarch but also to other deceased former kings. In the oracle bone inscriptions of King Wuyi 武乙 (of the Shang Dynasty), recorded in the Oracle Bone Inscriptions from Xiaotun South, there are statements such as “Divined in the ancestral temple of Father Ding” 在父丁宗卜 (zai fu ding zong bu), “Divined in the ancestral temple of Ancestor Yi” 在祖乙宗卜 (zai zu yi zong bu), and “Divined in the ancestral temple of Great Ancestor Yi” (2707) 在大乙宗卜 (zai da yi zong bu)—From the First Ancestor to the Seventh Ancestor, and all the way to the Thirteenth Ancestor, not a single one is omitted—they are all worshipped and offered sacrifices to together. By the Western Zhou Dynasty, the Zhou people had begun to establish a system of ancestral temples. The poem “speading” 緜 (mian) in the King Wen 文王之什 (wen wang zhi shen) section of “The Major Odes” 大雅 (da ya) in The Book of Songs 詩經 states: “Dead straight was the plumb-line, The planks were lashed to hold the earth; They made the Hall of Ancestors, very venerable.” 其繩則直，縮版以載，作廟翼翼 (qi sheng ze zhi, suo ban yi zai, zuo miao yi yi) (Refer to Arthur Waley and Joseph R. Allen’s English translation of The Book of Songs, as well as the following texts from the same book) (Waley and Allen 1996, p. 233; Zheng and Kong 2013b, p. 548). The poem “The Hallowed Temple” 清廟 (qing miao) in the Hallowed Temple 清廟之什 (qing miao zhi shen) section of “The Zhou Hymns” 周頌 (zhou song) in The Book of Songs 詩經 says:

Solemn the hallowed temple, Awed and silent the helpers, well purified the many knights. 於穆清廟，肅雝顯相 (yu mu qing miao su yong xian xiang).

(Waley and Allen 1996, p. 291; Zheng and Kong 2013b, p. 707)

The book of Rites, in the chapter “Wang Zhi” 王制 provides a more detailed account:

(The ancestral temple of) the son of Heaven embraced seven fanes (or smaller tem ples) 天子七廟 (tian zi qi miao), the prince of a state embraced five such fanes 諸侯五廟 (zhu hou wu miao), Great officers had three fanes 大夫三廟 (da fu dan miao), Other officers had (only) one 士一廟 (shi yi miao).

(Legge 2013, p. 55; Zheng and Kong 2013a, p. 241)

According to the chapter “The Announcement Concerning Lo” 洛誥 (luo gao) of the Books of chow 周書 (zhou shu) in the Shoo King 尚書 (shang shu), When King Cheng of Zhou ascended the throne, “the king in the new city performed the annual winter sacrifice” 王在新邑，烝祭歲 (wang zai xin yi, zheng sui ji) and “the king entered the grand apartment, and poured out the libation” 王入太室裸 (Refer to James Legge’s English translation of The Shoo King: The Books of Chow) (Legge 2014, pp. 171–72; Kong and Kong 2013, p. 231). In the Zhou Dynasty, in addition to their sacrificial function, ancestral temples were also symbols of clan power and status. Therefore, from monarchs to nobles, rituals such as the capping ritual 冠禮 (guan li), ascension to the throne, imperial investiture by mandate 冊命 (ce ming), funeral sacrifices 殯祭 (bin ji), diplomatic missions, return from trips, military campaigns, and hunting all had to be held in ancestral temples. The establishment of ancestral temples by clan leaders had developed into an institutional requirement, rather than merely a reflection of spiritual and psychological needs. However, around the transition from the Shang to the Zhou Dynasty, the Supreme God and ancestral spirits gradually merged. Chen Mengjia 陳夢家 observed: “The prominence of ancestral worship, and its gradual convergence with the worship of heavenly deities, established a paradigm for Chinese religion after the Shang Dynasty—specifically, ancestral worship took precedence over the worship of heavenly deities.”10 (M. Chen 1988, pp. 561–62) To this day, the Chinese people still believe in both Heaven and ghosts, and they have always been willing to reverence and worship Heaven and ancestors together.

The sacrifice to the deities of earth 社祀 (shesi) during the Shang and Zhou dynasties may have originated from the worship of the earth, and they were closely linked to geopolitics 地緣政治 (di yuan zheng zhi) and agricultural production. During the Shang and Zhou dynasties, the earth deity were called “qi” 祇, corresponding to heavenly deities. The “she” 社 referred to the earth deity, which was closest to people’s daily lives. The Master Shi 尸子 states: “heavenly deities are called ‘ling’ 靈, and earthly deities are called ‘qi’ 祇” 天神曰靈，地神曰祇 (tian shen yue ling, di shen yue qi) (Wang and Zhu 2006, p. 103). The Records of the Grand Historian 史記 (shiji), in the chapter “Biography of Song Weizi” 宋微子世家 (song wei zi shi jia) says: “Now the people of Yin (Shang) recklessly indulge in the worship of celestial and earthly spirits.” 今殷民乃陋淫神祇之祀 (jin yin min nail u yin shen qi zhi si) Pei Yin’s 裴駰 Collected Annotations quotes Ma Rong 馬融 as saying: “Heavenly beings are called ‘shen’, and earthly beings are called ‘qi’.” 天曰神，地曰祇 (tian yue shen, di yue qi) (Si 1988, p. 294) Throughout the Shang Dynasty, the worship of heavenly and earthly deities was widespread. The Shuowen Jiezi, in the section on the radical “shi” 示, notes: “‘Di qi’ 地祇, are those that bring forth all things” 地祇，提出萬物者也 (di qi, ti chu wan wu zhe ye). “Di qi” 地祇 were more abstract than the earth deity 社神 (she shen); therefore, in later periods, people mostly believed in and worshipped the relatively familiar earth deity (she shen). The twenty-ninth year of Duke Zhao 昭公二十九年 in the Commentary of Zuo on the Spring and Autumn Annals 春秋左傳 points out: “‘Houtu’ is worshipped as the She, ‘ji’ refers to the position of ‘Tianzheng’ (an ancient official in charge of agricultural affairs, who oversees agriculture) “ 后土為社，稷，田正也 (hou tu wei she, ji, tian zheng ye) (Du and Kong 2013, p. 925). Luo Zhenyu 羅振玉 recorded in Ancient Oracle Bone Inscriptions from Yinxu: First Series, Volume 1 (1·5): “Offer the liao sacrifice to the Earth, with a sacrificial animal” 寮於土，牢 (liao yu tu, lao). Ye Zhengbo 葉正渤 stated in his Textual Research and Interpretation: “Offer the liao sacrifice to the Earth” refers to “offering the liao sacrifice to altar社 (she) (the ancestral temple)” (Z. Ye 2023, p. 5). Li Yanong’s 李亞農 Continued Compilation of Collected and Lost Yin Oracle Bone Inscriptions 殷契摭佚續編 records: “On Renchen day, divined: perform a Yu 禦 sacrifice to for the earth deity” (91) 壬辰卜，禦於土 (ren chen bu, yu yu tu) (Y. Li 2020, p. 265). According to Wang Guowei’s 王國維 inference, the character “earth” 土 (tu) in Shang oracle bone inscriptions should be a substitute for “she” 社: “‘Tu’ 土 is used as a substitute for ‘she’ 社, it is suspected that all characters ‘tu’ 土 in oracle bone inscriptions are loan characters for ‘she’ “假土為社，疑諸土字皆社之假借字 (jia tu wei she, yi zhu tu jie she zi zhi jia jie zi) (G. Wang 1983, p. 428).11 Both “tu” 土and “she” 社refer to the venue for worshipping the earth deity.

The Shang people held deities in high regard, forming a common practice; thus, they established numerous State Altar 國社 (guoshe). By the Zhou Dynasty, however, the number had significantly decreased. The Zhou Dynasty had two capitals, so it established two state shrines of the land deity: the “Qi Altar” 岐社 (qishe) in Zongzhou (the western capital) and the “Luo Altar” 洛社 (luoshe) in Chengzhou 成周 (chengzhou) (the eastern capital). During the Spring and Autumn period, the State of Lu also had two State Altars: one was the “Zhou Altar” 周社 (zhoushe), established by the Zhou people; the other was the “Shang Altar” 商社 (shangshe) or “Bo Altar” 亳社 (boshe),12 a relic from the previous Shang Dynasty. “Altar” 社 (she) occupied an important position in the political life of the Shang and Zhou dynasties, involving activities such as establishing a state and setting up the altar 建國定社 (Jian guo ding she), enfeoffing nobles and building the altar 封侯立社 (feng hou li she), consulting the altar before military campaigns 征伐問社 (zheng fa wen she), and offering sacrifices to the altar during disasters 災異祭社 (za yi ji she). Beyond state altars associated with the royal court and feudal states, numerous non-official altars 社 (she) existed during the Zhou Dynasty. The chapter “Ji fa” 祭法 in The book of Rites states: “ Great officers and all below them in association erected such an altar, called the Appointed altar. “大夫以下成群立社，曰置社 (da fu yi xia cheng qun li she, yue zhi she) (Legge 2013, p. 217; Zheng and Kong 2013a, p. 801) Zheng Xuan’s 鄭玄 Annotations explains: “Great officers are not allowed to establish their own altars. They live together with common people, and if there are more than a hundred households, they jointly establish an altar.” 大夫不得特立社，與民族居，百家以上則共立一社 (da fu bu de te li she, yu min zu ju, bai jia yi shang ze gong li yi she) (Zheng and Kong 2013a, p. 801). In addition to state altars, there were also folk altars, such as the “Qingqiu Altar” 清丘之社 (qing qiu zhi she)13 in the State of Lu, the “Shu Altar” 書社 (shu she)14 in the State of Qi, and possibly the so-called “Qian Altar” 千社 (qian she).15 In the religious life of the Shang and Zhou people, all suburban sacrifices, ancestral sacrifices, and altar sacrifices relied on specialized practitioners such as shaman 巫 (Wu); otherwise, it would have been impossible to ensure the normalization, institutionalization, and sustainability of sacrificial activities. Due to factors such as the enfeoffment of vassals or the change of royal power, some of these specialized practitioners later moved from official positions to private life, gradually evolving into Confucians who made a living by presiding over rituals 相禮為生 (xiang li wei sheng).

The origin of the Confucians is inherently linked to the shamanic priests of ancient sacrificial rituals, and the Hexagram of Contemplation 觀卦 (guan gua) in the Book of Changes is precisely associated with the sacrificial rituals of “ablution” 盥 (guan) and “offering” 薦 (jian). Sima Qian 司馬遷 stated: “In his later years, Confucius took a profound liking to the book of changes and compiled the Tuan Commentary (Tuan Zhuan), Xi Ci Commentary (Xi Ci Zhuan), Xiang Commentary (Xiang Zhuan), Shuo Gua Commentary (Shuo Gua Zhuan), and Wen Yan Commentary (Wen Yan Zhuan)” 孔子晚而喜易，序彖、系、象、說卦、文言 (kongzi wannian xi yi, xu tuan, xi, xiang, shuogua, wenyan) (Si 1988, p. 419). Meng Peiyuan 蒙培元 regards this as the earliest claim that Confucius authored the Commentaries on the book of changes (Yizhuan) (Meng 2007, p. 186). Based on this assertion, regarding the Yizhuan as a product of the Confucian school, this paper states that Confucius proposed the concept of “(the holy man) uses the divine way to give instruction” 神道設教 (shen dao she jiao) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, pp. 879–80; Wang et al. 2013, p. 60) in the Tuan zhuan 彖傳 (Commentary on the hexagrams) of the Hexagram of Contemplation 觀卦 (guan gua) in the Book of Changes. A similar record can be found in the “Ba Yi” 八佾 chapter of in the Confucius Analects 論語, The Master said, “As for that part of the di sacrifice that comes after the pouring of the ceremonial libation, I have no desire to witness it” 禘自既灌而往者，吾不欲觀之矣 (di zi ji guan er wang zhe, wu bu yu guan zhi yi) (3.10 Slingerland 2003, p. 21; He and Xing 2013, p. 27). As early as the Shang and Zhou dynasties, the seeds of Confucianism had already emerged in the rituals of worshipping heaven, earth, ghosts, and spirits. Confucius’ efforts to secularize, humanize, and moralize Confucian scholars were rooted in profound historical origins and noble political aspirations.

3. Trust Between Humans and Deities 人、神之孚 (ren shen zhi fu)

The tradition of worshipping Heavenly deities, earthly deities, and ancestors—prevalent among the nobility during the Shang and Zhou dynasties—was later summarized and highly condensed by the Tuan zhuan 彖傳 (Commentary on the hexagrams) of the Hexagram of Contemplation 觀卦 (guan gua) in the Book of Changes as “(the holy man) uses the divine way to give instruction” 神道設教 (shen dao she jiao) (Refer to Richard Wilhelm and Cary F. Baynes’ English translation of The I Ching, or Book of Changes, as well as the following texts from the same book) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, pp. 879–80; Wang et al. 2013, p. 60) (The “instruction” herein encompasses rich connotations, such as enlightenment, consanguinity-based patriarchal Chinese religion, and moral exhortations, whose specific meaning is to be understood in light of the specific context of the text), which was regarded as an effective method for ancient sages to inspire the people and govern the world. The Hexagram of Contemplation, composed of the Wind trigram (upper) and the Earth trigram (lower), is the twentieth hexagram in the Book of Changes. Lai Zhide’s 來知德 Collected Annotations on the Book of Changes 周易集注 explains:

“Contemplation” 觀 (guan) means displaying phenomena to people for them to observe and revere. The trigram image of Xun 巽 (Wind) above Kun 坤 (Earth)—wind blowing over the earth, permeating all things—embodies the essence of all-encompassing contemplation. 觀者，有象以示人，而為人所觀仰也。風行地上，遍觸萬類，周觀之象也 (guan zhe, you xiang yi shi ren, er wei ren suo guan yang ye, feng xing di shang, bian chu wan lei, zhou guan zhi xiang ye)

(Lai 2013, p. 100)

Deities reveal phenomena, and the common people look up and observe, feeling reverence; hence the name “contemplation” 觀 (guan). The Interpretation and Verification of the Book of Changes 易經證釋 states: “‘Guan’ (contemplation) originates from ‘ming’ (clarity). In Heaven, ‘ming’ manifests as the light of the sun and moon; in humans, it manifests as the perception of the eyes. The two eyes are raised high, seeing all things clearly—observing external objects and internal thoughts. ‘Guan’ (contemplation) is achieved through ‘ming’ (clarity); without ‘ming’ (clarity), there is no ‘contemplation.’” 觀生於明。明在天為日月之光，在人為眼目之視察。雙目高懸，洞觀一切，外觀諸物，內觀諸心。觀以明成，非明無觀 (guan sheng yu ming. ming zai tian wei ri yue zhi guang, zai ren wei yan mu zhi shi cha. shuang mu gao xuan, dong guan yi qie, wai guan zhu wu, nei guan zhu xin. guan yi ming cheng, fei ming wu guan).16 The inherent nature of “ Guan “ (contemplation) is “ming” (clarity); its virtue is formed through alignment with “ming” (clarity), manifesting internally as the mind and externally as things. Tracing the origin of the Hexagram of Contemplation 觀卦 (guan gua) from the perspective of hexagram transformation reveals that the Guan Gua belongs to the Qian (Heaven) palace 乾宮 (qian gong): it transforms from the Pi Gua (Hexagram of Stagnation) after the third line 三爻 (san yao) changes, and becomes the Guan Gua after the fourth line 四爻 (si yao) changes. The Pi Gua (composed of Qian above and Kun below) represents the images of father and mother respectively, indicating that Heaven and Earth still exist, and parents are still alive. However, when the Pi Gua transforms into the Guan Gua, Qian and Kun (Heaven and Earth) disappear, meaning Heaven and Earth no longer exist, and parents have passed away. Ma Hengjun’s 馬恒君 Annotations states: “‘Guan’ (observation) is an enlarged Gen trigram 艮卦 (gen gua), which symbolizes a gateway. ‘Guan’ (contemplation) represents a grand gateway; ancestors, both paternal and maternal and Heaven and Earth have entered this grand gateway, hence the image of an ancestral temple.”17 Additionally, “the interlaced Gen trigram 互艮 (hu gen) symbolizes hands, and the lower Kun trigram 下坤 (xia kun) symbolizes vessels; hands above vessels represent the ‘guan’ 盥 ritual (hand-washing).”18 (Ma 2001, p. 184). The upper interlaced trigram of the Guan Gua is Gen, which symbolizes a gateway or an ancestral temple. The upper interlaced trigram also symbolizes hands; combined with the lower Kun trigram, symbolizing vessels, hands above vessels represent the act of washing hands, thus forming the guan 盥 ritual.

The Hexagram of Contemplation 觀卦 (guan gua) consists of four yin lines 陰爻 (yinyao) and two yang lines 陽爻 (yangyao): “The two yang lines are respected and positioned above, and are observed and revered by the four yin lines below—this is the meaning of ‘Guan’ (contemplation).” 二陽尊上，為下四陰所觀仰，觀之義也 (er yang zun shang, wei xia si yin suo guan yang, guan zhi yi ye) (Lai 2013, p. 100) The hexagram text of Guan states: “The ablution has been made, But not yet the offering” 盥而不薦，有孚顒若 (guan er bu jian, you fu yong ruo) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 879; Wang et al. 2013, p. 59). In the silk manuscript version of the Book of Changes 帛書周易, “offering” 薦 (jian) is written as “respect” 尊 (zun), and “trust” 孚 (fu) is written as “return” 復 (fu).19 “Yong” 顒 is suspected to be a miswriting of “yong” 雍 (H. Wang 2020, p. 147) Here, before the start of the temple sacrifice—when the sacrificial offerings have not yet been presented (“bu jian” 不薦)—shamans, sorcerers, or the ritual host must carefully wash their hands to ensure absolute cleanliness. Furthermore, the entire process of hand-washing must be displayed, with the pace deliberately slowed down, solely to allow people to clearly observe. “Guan” 盥 refers to washing hands with water or sprinkling wine on the ground before a sacrifice. “Before offering a sacrifice, one washes one’s hands” 將祭而潔手也 (jiang ji er jie shou ye)—first, the hands are cleaned to show inner devotion, solemnity, and purity of both body and mind. “Jian” 薦 refers to presenting sacrificial offering to deities and ancestral ghosts during a sacrifice. “Presenting wine and food as offerings” 奉酒食以薦也 (feng jiu shi yi jian ye) —the offerings of wine and food are made with utmost care, without the slightest negligence. However, “the great function of Guan (contemplation) lies not in sacrifice but in inspiration and trust” 觀之大用，不在祭祀，而在感孚 (guan zhi da yong, bu zai ji si, er zai gan fu)20—it emphasizes the sincere and effective communication between humans and Heaven, while the type of sacrificial offerings and the specific form of the sacrifice are not the focus. “You fu” 有孚 means having trust. Regarding “yong” 顒, Lai Zhide’s 來知德 Collected Annotations states: “It means ‘large head’ or ‘looking up,’ “大頭也，仰也 (da tou ye, yang ye) implying “the image of a large head above and the intention of observing the ruler’s virtue.” 大頭在上之意，仰觀君德之意 (da tou zai shang zhi yi, yang guan jun de zhi yi) (Lai 2013, p. 100) The Interpretation and Verification of the Book of Changes 易經證釋 also notes:

“Yong” 顒 is the image of being elevated above, like the sun and moon in the middle of the sky, shining on all directions; the two eyes of humans are below the forehead, also capable of seeing far and wide, with all things within their sight. 顒者，高出在上之象，如日月中天，普照萬方；人之雙目在額之下，亦足以遠矚一切，而萬物無不在其觀中 (yong zhe, gao chu zai shang zhi xiang, ru ri yue zhong tian, pu zhao wan fang, ren zhi shuang mu zai e zhi xia, yi zu yi yuan zhu yi qie, er wan wu wu bu zai qi guan zhong).

(Lu 1998, pp. 519–20)

However, these interpretations are inconsistent with the Er Ya 爾雅, which states: “‘YongYong’ 顒顒 refers to the virtue of a ruler.” 顒顒，君之德也 (yong yong, jun zhi de ye) Instead, “yong” 顒 should be interpreted in terms of mental state—referring to a solemn and respectful attitude, rather than being defined by morality. Hence, Kong Yingda’s 孔穎達 Subcommentaries states: “‘Yong’ 顒 is the appearance of solemnity and righteousness.” 顒，是嚴正之貌 (yong, shi yan zheng zhi mao) (Wang et al. 2013, p. 59). This point was clearly inherited by Confucius later; his statement “When offering sacrifices, one should act as if the deities are present” 祭如在，祭神如神在 (ji ru zai, ji shen ru shen zai),21 emphasizes that the person presiding over the sacrifice must maintain a high degree of piety toward the existence of deities to achieve the objective effect of communication and supplication. Wang bi’s 王弼 Annotations states: “The most admirable aspect of the Dao of King lies in the ancestral temple; the most admirable aspect of the ancestral temple lies in the guan 盥 ritual.” 王道之可觀者，莫盛乎宗廟。宗廟之可觀者，莫盛於盥也 (wang dao zhi ke guan zhe, mo sheng hu zong miao, zong miao zhi ke guan zhe, mo sheng yu guan ye)22 If the ritual host is the Son of Heaven 天子 (tian zi), he must first observe a seven-day period of abstinence (refraining from impure thoughts and behaviors), requiring purity in diet, appearance, and sensory pleasures, though he may not reside in a pure chamber. Subsequently, he must observe a three-day period of strict abstinence, requiring a vegetarian diet, residence in a pure chamber, and ritual bathing with incense. During the sacrifice, the “corpse” 尸主 (shi zhu) (a person representing the deceased ancestor) is first welcomed into the ancestral temple, and then the ritual host begins the hand-washing ritual—an act filled with emotional significance.

In accordance with the requirements of the guan 盥 ritual, an attendant uses a “yi” 匜 (a special water vessel) to hold water and present it to the ritual host. The host stretches his hands above a basin (without submerging them in water); the attendant lifts the “yi” 匜 and pours water over the host’s hands, while the host rubs his hands alternately until they are clean (Ma 2001, p. 184). The guan 盥 ritual performed by the host can both move Heaven and Earth and influence officials and common people. According to Lai Zhide’s 來知德 Collected Annotations, “The ablution has been made, But not yet the offering” 盥而不薦 (guan er bu jian) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 879) refers to “the response of deities”神感也 (shen an ye) (Lai 2013, p. 100), and “[f]ull of trust they look up to him” 有孚顒若 (you fu yong ruo) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 879) refers to “the reaction of deities” 神應也 (shen ying ye) (Lai 2013, p. 100). Ancient myths and primitive religions often presupposed that humans and deities shared the same nature—i.e., deities, like humans, have emotions and will, enabling mutual communication and interaction. If humans and deities are separated by a barrier and cannot communicate smoothly, neither can enter the other’s emotional or cognitive world. Hence, The Interpretation and Verification of the Book of Changes 易經證釋 states: “Those born from Heaven comply with Heaven; those formed by deities respond to deities.” 生於天者、順於天；成于神者、應於神 (sheng yu tian zhe, shun yu tian, cheng yu shen zhe, ying yu shen) Precisely because humans, Heaven, deities, and sages share an inherent unity—their inner instincts 內在之機 (nei zai zhi ji) before external stimulation 未發之時 (wei fa zhi shi) are continuous and similar—their mutual inspiration and alignment are possible. A wooden stick and a stone, if their inherent natures lack sufficient unity, cannot communicate or interact with each other. “Since human life originates from Heaven, their sincerity directly connects to deities, inspiring trust at all times.” 以人之生，本出於天。其誠直通於神，無時不感孚也 (yi ren zhi sheng, ben chu yu tian, qi cheng zhi tong yu shen, wu shi bu gan fu ye) Humans are inherently endowed with the nature to connect with and reach Heaven; ritual forms such as sacrifices are “not necessary”不必待 (bu bi dai) —they are not required because “the trust between humans and deities” 人、神之孚 (ren shen zhi fu) depends solely on “the inherent clarity and intelligence, which is the source of the function of ‘Guan’ (contemplation).” 原具之靈明，即觀之所由成用 (yuan ju zhi ling ming, ji guan zhi suo you cheng yong) Therefore, monarchs must approach sacrifices with extreme piety to move the heavenly deities. When a monarch performs the guan 盥 ritual, he devotes his inner “sincerity and clarity” 誠明 (chengming); in response, the heavenly deities also “show trust” 有孚 (you fu). Thus, the existence of deities in Heaven is confirmed, and the interactive, responsive relationship between Heaven and humans is verified. Through repeated testing in life practice, people’s faith and worship of heavenly deities are continuously deepened. “Deities are called ‘shenming’ (divine clarity), and humans are called ‘chengming’ (sincere clarity)” 神曰神明，人曰誠明 (shen yue shen ming, ren yue cheng ming), both “can achieve sincerity and purity, without duality.”乃能夠誠一，清明不二 (nai neng gou cheng yi, qing ming bu er) Hence, “their clarity is the same, so their contemplation is the same” 其明同，則其觀同 (qi ming tong, ze qi guan tong)—this is the “great function of Guan (contemplation) “ 觀之大用 (guan zhi da yong), realizing the ideal state of “unifying Heaven and humans” 通天人而一之 (tong tian ren er yi zhi) (Lu 1998, pp. 520–21, 527).

Why is the character “Guan” (contemplation) involved in the pious attitude of the ritual host? Moreover, during “[t]he ablution has been made, But not yet the offering” 盥而不薦 (guan er bu jian) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 879; Wang et al. 2013, p. 59), the pace is deliberately slowed down to display the entire process of hand-washing, attracting people’s focused attention. Jin Jingfang 金景芳and Lü Shaogang 呂紹綱, in their Complete Interpretation of the Book of Changes 周易全解 (zhi yi quan jie), only interpret this from the perspective of political ethics between rulers and ministers: the hexagram structure of four yin lines 四陰爻 below and two yang lines 二陽爻 (er yang yao) above implies that:

The four yin lines below look up to the two yang lines above, just as the Son of Heaven and feudal lords occupy respected positions, acting with solemnity and reverence to serve as models for officials and common people—allowing them to observe and be inspired.23

(Jin and Lü 2005, p. 182)

This generally aligns with the superficial meaning of the hexagram image: officials and common people below look up to the monarch, with piety and reverence in their hearts. This interpretation explores the political and ethical implications of the Guan Gua 觀卦, revealing the hidden principles of governing the world within it. In contrast, Lai Zhide 來知德 states: “When those offering sacrifices wash their hands but have not yet presented the offerings, people already trust and look up to them. Those who observe must act in this way. When displaying from above to below, ‘Guan’ is pronounced with a falling tone (guàn); when observing from below to above, ‘Guan’ is pronounced with a level tone (guān).”24 (Lai 2013, p. 100) This interpretation tends to reveal the religious nature of the Guan Gua and seems closer to the inherent meaning of the hexagram text. Shamans (“wu” 巫 and “xi” 覡) or monarchs clearly stand on the altar to wash their hands and perform all ritual procedures, while people below the altar can only look up to observe their every move. Analyzing the line images 爻象 (yao xiang): Nine in the fifth place 九五 (jiuwu) is on the altar; Six at the beginning 初六 (chu liu) (a yin line) is occupies a yang position and is the farthest away, so its contemplation is unclear, hence the phrase “[b]oylike contemplation” 童觀 (tonguan) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 881); the Six in the second place 六二 (liu er), a yin line in a yin position, is also far away, hence the phrase “ [c]ontemplation through the crack of the door” 窺觀25 (kuiguan) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 882). Only the Six in the fourth place 六四 (liu si), a yin line in a yang position, is closest to the nine in the fifth place 九五 (jiuwu) and in a correct position, so its contemplation is the clearest, hence the phrase “[c]ontemplation of the light of the kingdom” 觀國之光 (guan guo zhi guang) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 883; Wang et al. 2013, p. 60). Its “contemplation of the kingdom” refers to contemplating the nine in the fifth place 九五 (jiuwu) above it—the ruler of the people and the embodiment of the state. Therefore, Lai Zhide’s 來知德 distinction between two types of “Guan” (contemplation)—“displaying from above to below” 自上示下 (zi shang shi xia) and “observing from below to above” 自下觀上 (zi xia guan shang) (Lai 2013, p. 100)—is justified. Establishing instruction through contemplation thus enlightens monarchs on how to govern the world, which is the true purpose of the compiler of the Book of Changes creation of the Guan Gua.

4. “Using the Divine Way to Give Instruction” 神道設教 (shen dao she jiao): Humans Connecting to Deities

The Tuan zhuan 彖傳 (commentary on the hexagrams) of the Guan Gua states: “A great view is above. Devoted and gentle. Central and correct, he is something for the world to view” 大觀在上，順而巽，中正以觀天下 (da guan zai shang, shun er xun, zhong zheng yi guan tian xia) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 879; Wang et al. 2013, p. 59). “A great view” 大觀 (Daguan) refers to the nine in the fifth place 九五 (jiuwu). As a yang line 剛爻, it is “great”; positioned in the heavenly position 天位 (tian wei), it possesses a transcendent and commanding momentum relative to the four yin lines below. Zheng Xuan’s 鄭玄 Annotations state: “Nine in the fifth place is the line representing the Son of Heaven” 九五，天子之爻 (jiu wu, tianzi zhi yao) (Zheng 2018, p. 134). As the line symbolizing the Son of Heaven who holds supreme status, the Son of Heaven governing the world with effortless ease perfectly embodies the image of “a great view”. There is always a proportional relationship between the height of one’s position and the degree to which one is observed: the higher one stands, the more people can see them; similarly, one’s strengths and weaknesses are magnified and seen more clearly. According to Lai Zhide’s 來知德 Collected Annotations, “Devoted” 順 (shun) means “the mind is in harmony with reason, without contradiction”心於理無所乖 (xin yu li wu suo guai); “gentle” 巽 (xun) means “actions are in line with reason, without conflict.” 事於理無所拂 The meaning of “Central and correct” 中正 (zhongzheng) centrality and righteousness refers to the nine in the fifth place 九五 (jiuwu). “A great view” 大觀 (daguan) grand observation is based on the principle that “yang is great and yin is small” 陽大陰小 (yang da yin xiao); the nine in the fifth place 九五 (jiuwu), as a yang line, is obviously stronger and more vigorous than the group of yin lines. “Standing above with centrality and righteousness—this is the way of contemplation. When a ruler wishes to be viewed by the world” 在上中正，則所觀之道也。言人君欲為觀於天下者 (zai shang zhong zheng, ze suo guan zhi dao ye, yan ren jun yu wei guan yu tian xia zhe), he must occupy the “a great view” 大觀 (daguan) position of the nine in the fifth place 九五 (jiuwu), and possess the virtues of “ Devoted and gentle” 所具者，順巽之德 (suo ju zhe, shun xun zhi de). He observes “the lack of centrality in the world” 天下之不中 (tian xia zhi bu zhong) with “his own centrality” 以我所居之中 (yi wo suo ju zhi zhong) and observes “the lack of righteousness in the world” 天下之不正 (tian xia zhi bu zheng) with “his own righteousness” 所居之正 (suo ju zhi zheng) (Lai 2013, p. 100)—this is what is meant by “Contemplation” 觀 (Guan). It is clear that the ruler’s observation also serves the important function of correcting and rectifying social trends and people’s minds.

In the structural composition of the Guan Gua, according to the Mengshi Lost Images孟氏逸象 the lower trigram is Kun 坤, which symbolizes the people 民 (min) and compliance 順 (shun); the upper trigram is Xun 巽, which symbolizes penetration 入 (ru) (T. Wang 2013, pp. 21–22). The dominant nine in the fifth place 九五 (jiuwu) “is yang, firm, central, and righteous, occupying a respected position” 陽剛中正以居尊位 (yang gang zhong zheng yi ju zun wei) (Lai 2013, p. 103)—it has good conduct, a high status, and great power, Yu Fan 虞翻 remarked of the nine in the fifth place: “It has attained the Dao and occupies the mean position” 得道处中 (de dao chu zhong) (D. Li 1994, p. 235). So it is naturally able to view the world. As Lai Zhide 來知德 puts it: “‘Contemplating what I generate’ means contemplating the four yin lines that I (the nine in the fifth place) generate” 觀我生者，觀示乎我所生之四陰也 (guan wo sheng zhe, guan shi hu wo suo sheng zhi si yin ye) or “the four yin lines below are all what the nine in the fifth place 九五 (jiuwu) views and demonstrates” 下四陰皆其所觀示者也 (xia si yin jie qi suo guan shi zhe ye) (Lai 2013, pp. 102–3). Contemplating from above to below, from a high position, it can win the trust of all people, with no opposition—everything is gentle and compliant, making it easy to govern. Hence, The Interpretation and Verification of the Book of Changes 易經證釋 states:

“Fu” 孚 signifies harmony—supreme harmony, non-action, and pure consistency—analogous to the radiance of the sun and moon, which endures through the ages. The world is blessed by its virtue, sharing in its nurturing and growth, without end. 孚者，和也，太和無為，純一不已，則如日月之明，萬古如斯，而天下胥被其德，共生化育，以迄無窮 (fu zhe, he ye, tai he wu wei, chun yi bu yi, ze ru ri yue zhi ming, wan gu ru si, er tian xia xu bei qi de)

(Lu 1998, p. 521)

This is clearly the highest realm that a monarch can attain in governing the world. From the perspective of contemplating from below to above, all people look up with sincere admiration for the great virtue and achievements of the nine in the fifth place 九五 (jiuwu), fully revealing the glory of the Confucian principle of “respecting the worthy” 尊尊之道 (zun zun zhi dao). “The four yin lines below all represent petty people” 下四陰爻，皆小人 (xia si yin yao, jie xiao ren), and petty people “must look up to those above” 當仰觀乎上 (dang yang guan hu shang) (Lai 2013, pp. 102–3); only from the monarch can they obtain material sustenance and spiritual nourishment to sustain their lives. The officials and common people below are loyal and sincere to the monarch, convinced and full of praise. Hence, The Interpretation and Verification of the Book of Changes 易經證釋 states: “The people below trust and believe in all things, like the sun and moon shining brightly—illuminating the entire world and nurturing all creatures. This is what is meant by ‘[t]hose below look toward him and are transformed’” 下孚民物而同信，如日月光明，天下無不照臨，萬物無不生成。此所謂下觀而化也 (xia fu min wu er tong xin, ru ri yue guang ming, tian xia wu bu zhao lin, wan wu wub u sheng cheng, ci suo we ixia guan er hua ye) (Lu 1998, p. 523). The lower trigram Xun 巽 symbolizes penetration, indicating that the monarch’s policy guidance and ritual education not only conform to affairs and reason but also successfully penetrate people’s hearts. Government affairs are handled efficiently, and ideological management is carried out in depth and effectively—deserving recognition. The information fed back from both the upper and lower dimensions indicates “without blame” 無咎 (wujiu) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 884; Wang et al. 2013, p. 60). The Tuan zhuan 彖傳 (commentary on the hexagrams) states:

Contemplation. The ablution has been made, but not yet the offering. Full of trust they look up to him. 觀，盥而不薦，有孚顒若，下觀而化也 (guan, guan er bu jian, you fu yong ruo, xia guan er hua ye).

(Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 879) (Wang et al. 2013, pp. 59–60)

Standing on the altar, the monarch washes his hands clean before the sacrifice and displays extreme solemnity and piety even before presenting offerings to the deities—sufficient to move the officials and people standing below the altar, whose emotions are already influenced. It is clear that the dominant nine in the fifth place 九五 (jiuwu) itself possesses great inspiring power. “The great view is above” 大觀在上 (da guan zai shang) and “[t]hose below look toward him and are transformed” 下觀而化 (xia guan er hua) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 879; Wang et al. 2013, pp. 59–60) constitute two fundamental dimensions for interpreting the Guan Gua. On the one hand, they emphasize the infinite transcendence of the worshipped deities: the greater their divine power, the more they can transcend the constraints of sensibility, appearing elusive—thus often possessing an inexplicable charisma and appeal that attracts more followers and garners greater devotion. On the other hand, they highlight humans’ profound reverence and faith in deities and the absolute existence: the more pious and selfless humans are, the more they dedicate, and the closer they draw to God. Consequently, as a reciprocal reward, they are more likely to receive God’s favor and protection.

Ancient sages, inspired by the Dao of Heaven, invented and utilized divine way to connect the Dao of Humans, unifying it with the Dao of Heaven. The Tuan zhuan 彖傳 (commentary on the hexagrams) states: “ He affords them a view of the divine way of heaven, and the four seasons do not deviate from their rule. Thus the holy man uses the divine way to give instruction, and the whole world submits to him” 觀天之神道而四時不忒，聖人以神道設教而天下服矣 (guan tian zhi shen dao er si shi bu te, sheng ren yi shen dao she jiao er tian xia fu yi) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, pp. 879–80; Wang et al. 2013, p. 60). Sages mediate between Heaven and humans, tapping into the immense instructional power inherent in divine ways to unite and consolidate the hearts of the people. Lai Zhide’s 來知德 Collected Annotations states: “‘divine’ 神 (shen) means mysterious and incomprehensible, with no knowing of its origin” 神者，妙不可測，莫知其然之謂 (miao bu ke ce, mo zhi qi ran zhi wei) (Lai 2013, p. 100)—the divine is an intangible, transcendental existence beyond experience, not subject to the laws of cause and effect, yet conceivable only through a priori reason. In reality, however, deities are not truly “divine”; they are merely advanced life forms from prehistoric Earth civilizations or extraterrestrial civilizations. When they descended to Earth, their advanced science and technology and highly developed civilization far exceeded the cognitive experience of ancient humans on Earth. When our ancestors witnessed and observed the great activities of these deities—such as creating the Earth’s space, creating human life, and teaching humans how to survive on Earth—they were perplexed, unable to understand, and could only express amazement, surprise, and admiration, thus developing a psychology of prostration and worship. The laws of cause and effect are only valid for humans in the three-dimensional world; existence in higher dimensions certainly exceeds the acceptance and understanding of humans on Earth, and thus can never be experienced or comprehended by us. Although the “divine way of Heaven” 天之神道 (tian zhi shen dao) is “without sound or form” 非有聲色 (fei you sheng se), it manifests through “the alternation of the four seasons (spring, summer, autumn, winter) admits of no slightest deviation” 四時代謝，無少差忒 (si shi dai xie, wu shao cha te) (Lai 2013, p. 100). Since it cannot be confirmed through experience, deities do not possess any sensory manifestations unique to humans; yet, they can reveal themselves through the general laws of the operation of the four seasons and the metabolism of all things, allowing humans to truly feel their existence. “ [D]o not deviate” 不忒 (bute) means “without error.” By contemplating the divine way of Heaven, humans discover the basic trajectories of the sun, moon, and stars to identify the common laws or patterns of the four seasons’ operation—ensuring they are accurate and precise, without the slightest error. The Dao of Heaven and the Dao of Humans are consistent, sharing an inherent unity and essential identity.

However, ordinary people cannot directly connect to Heaven; between Heaven and humans, there must exist a class of “sages” 聖人 (shengren)—only they can communicate with deities, understand the will of deities, and as intermediaries, convey the will and commands of deities. Sages comprehend the Dao of Heaven, then model themselves on Heaven to formulate the Dao of Kings and the Dao of Humans. They also utilize the monarch’s bureaucratic system to establish an instructional system for enlightening the people—aiming to make the people submit and be tamed by both deities and the monarch. Wang bi’s 王弼 Annotations states: “The sage does not command the people explicitly, yet the people submit voluntarily” 不見聖人使百姓，而百姓自服也 (bu jian sheng ren shi bai xing, er bai xing zi fu ye) (Wang et al. 2013, p. 60)—The highest realm of a sage’s governance of the world lies in emulating the Heavenly Dao’s non-action through refraining from reckless words, achieving the effect of making the people submit voluntarily and inspiring awe without explicit commands.26 Therefore, the Dao of Heaven cannot exist in a universe without humans. Even with humans, the Dao of Heaven cannot emerge without sages. The opening chapter of “Zhong Yong” 中庸 in The book of Rites states: “What Heaven has conferred is called The Nature; an accordance with this nature is called The Path of duty; the regulation of this path is called Instruction.” 天命之謂性，率性之謂道，修道之謂教 (tian ming zhi wei xing, shuai xing zhi wei dao, xiu dao zhi wei jiao) (Legge 2013, p. 256; Zheng and Kong 2013a, p. 879) Here, “The Nature” 性 (xing) refers to the inherent essence, the cosmic ontology, and nature itself—existing as it is. “The Path of duty” 道 (dao) is the result of human perception, a product of subjective thinking; yet, these two alone cannot constitute the true “Dao of Humans” 人道 (ren dao). Only after sages transform the “Dao” 道with kingly values and endow it with meaning can “education” 教 (jiao) be established, enabling it to play an important role in guiding the people. Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 Collected Annotations states: “Sages formulate norms for the actions that humans and all things ought to take, establishing them as models for the world—this is called education, such as rituals, music, punishments, and governance.” 聖人因人物之所當行者，而品節之，以為法於天下，則謂之教，若禮、樂、刑、政之屬是也 (sheng ren yin ren wu zhi suo dang xing zhe, er pin jie zhi, yi wei fa yu tian xia, ze wei zhi jiao, ruo li yue xing zheng zhi shu shi ye) (Zhu 1983, p. 17). Thus, for humans, the establishment and implementation of education is an extraordinary undertaking; through education, humans can realize their true nature as humans, and society— as a community of human existence—can have hope. However, “the Dao of Guan (Contemplation) 觀” pursues the subtle effect of influencing people silently. Zheng Xuan’s 鄭玄 Annotations states: “It does not control things through punishments, but transforms them through inspiration and contemplation.” 不以刑制使物，而以觀感化物者也 (bu yi xing zhi shi wu, er yi guan gan hua wu zhe ye) (Wang et al. 2013, p. 60). The greatest difference between education and law is that education does not rely on rigid coercion; instead, it utilizes the soft power of inspiration and trust to unite all people in the world voluntarily and effectively around the monarch, forming a positive and healthy force for justice.

Thus, establishing instruction based on the Dao of Heaven allows humans to model themselves on Heaven; “Using the Divine Way to Give Instruction” 神道設教 (shen dao she jiao) allows humans to connect to deities. The Interpretation and Verification of the Book of Changes 易經證釋 states: “Sages observe the Dao of Heaven to establish the Dao of Humans, and observe divine way to establish instruction” 聖人觀天道而立人道，觀神道而設教 (sheng ren guan tian dao er li ren dao, guan shen dao er she jiao). It is clear that sages— as intermediaries between humans and deities—establish religion for the sake of human life, but do not regard themselves as religious leaders. “Education is the foundation of the Dao of Humans” 教者，人道之本始 (jiao zhe, ren dao zhi ben shi); only with “education” can humans realize their true nature. “All ways of complying with Heaven and responding to deities are forms of education” 凡所以順天、應神之道，皆教也 (fan suo yi shun tian ying shen zhi dao, jie jiao ye); for humans, the primary function of education and religion is to connect to heavenly deities. “Nothing is more important than religion, which begins with respecting Heaven and worshipping deities. With religion, the Dao of Humans is complete; when the Dao of Humans is complete, human life is stable, and then all under heaven will submit unconditionally.” 而莫大於宗教，宗教以敬天奉神為始。有宗教，而後人道以全。人道既全，人生斯固，則天下無不服矣 (er mo da yu zong jiao, zong jiao yi jing tian feng shen wei shi, you zong jiao, er hou ren dao yi quan, ren dao ji quan, ren sheng sig u, ze tian xia wu bu fu yi) (Lu 1998, p. 527) All ideal definitions of human nature must ultimately be fulfilled and realized through the religious practices of the state and individuals. Yu Zhiping 余治平 stated: “Almost all early religions regarded sacrifice as a possible pathway to establish effective communication with deities”27 (Yu 2024, pp. 111–22). Furthermore, since the Dao of Heaven is elusive, humans can only obtain spiritual comfort through sages and divine revelation during their existence in the world. The meaning that humans attribute to their daily lives is always limited; only from God can they obtain ultimate value. Because deities reside in Heaven, people naturally assume that deities must know the secrets of the Dao of Heaven. Thus, worshipping deities becomes the only way for humans to attain the Dao of Heaven and an important task in human life. Deities possess divine way that ordinary people cannot understand; only sages can communicate with deities and glimpse a fraction of their mysteries. In this way, deities are positioned between the Dao of Heaven and sages, forming a four-tiered structure: Heaven (highest) 天 (tian), deities 神 (shen), sages聖人 (shengren), and ordinary humans (lowest) 凡人 (fan ren). To interpret the will of the Dao of Heaven, sages must also worship deities, invoke deities, consult deities, and receive divine revelation. Kong Yingda’s 孔穎達 Subcommentaries states: “Subtle and without fixed form, its principles are incomprehensible, it is invisible to the eye, and one knows not why it is so yet it is so—this is called the Divine Way.” 微妙無方，理不可知，目不可見，不知所以然而然，謂之神道 (wei miao wu fang, li bu ke zhi, mu bu ke jian, bu zhi suo yi ran er ran, wei zhi shen dao) (Wang et al. 2013, p. 60) The divinity of deities lies precisely in their transcendence of all rules and boundaries; they cannot be constrained or restricted by any form of theoretical reason, and clearly do not exist within visual experience. Although deities also exist outside the category of cause and effect familiar to humans (“why it is so” 所以然 (suo yi ran)), humans can still perceive and recognize their influence on existing beings (“yet it is so” 而然 (er ran)).

In the belief system of ancient China, Heaven was greater and more exalted than deities; the absolute existence possessed ultimate value. Heaven was the highest authority, the supreme peak, endowed with extraordinary power. In the spatial imagination and legendary lineage of ancient people, there was clearly no entity greater or more powerful than Heaven. Deities, or groups of deities, were merely equivalent to department heads in the Heavenly Court—auxiliary ministers of the Heavenly Emperor. In ancient China, people with underdeveloped intelligence equated the Dao of Heaven with divine way, regarding it as an inscrutable principle. By the middle ancient period, however, people tended to explain the Dao of Heaven using the relatively clear theory of Yin-Yang and the Five Elements 陰陽五行之學 (yin yang wu xing zhi xue), eliminating mythological traces and shamanistic obsessions. A series of important classics—such as The Huangdi Neijing 黃帝內經, The Lüshi Chunqiu 呂氏春秋, The Huainanzi 淮南子, and Dong Zhongshu’s 董仲舒 surviving work The Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn 春秋繁露 (Chunqiu Fanlu)—demystified the Dao of Heaven, stripping it of its profound mystery and magical power. Kong Yingda’s 孔穎達 Subcommentaries states:

Heaven operates without words and achieves results without action; sages emulate the divine way of Heaven, practicing virtue by themselves and influencing others—without relying on verbal teachings or intimidating others with punishments. People below naturally observe and transform, submitting voluntarily. 天既不言而行，不為而成，聖人法則天之神道，本身自行善，垂化於人，不假言語教戒，不須威刑恐逼，在下自然觀化服從 (tian ji buy an er xing, bu wei er cheng, sheng ren fa ze tian zhi shen dao, ben shen zi xing shan, chui hu ayu ren, bu jia yan yu jiao jie, bu xu wei xing kong bi, zai xia zi ran guan hua fu cong)

(Wang et al. 2013, p. 60)

Sages were wise and intelligent, able to anticipate the best ways to govern the world, control the people, and reform human nature; thus, their establishment of instruction to enlighten the people was also inspired by the Dao of Heaven. Half of the effectiveness of a sage’s edification of the people came from the sage himself, and half from heavenly deities. Relying solely on a sage’s virtue and prestige, it was difficult to make humans submit absolutely; hence, the assistance of divine authority was necessary. Governing humans with humans would inevitably lead to dissent; governing humans with deities, however, easily made them obedient. Establishing instruction through divine way, all religions, and national education were essential tools and favorable means for rulers to govern the world well.

When sages establish instruction, they obviously have conditional requirements regarding potential energy. That is to say, there must be a gap between the educator and the educated—a stark disparity in status, i.e., superior and inferior, high and low—only then can a certain impact be formed. The Shuowen Jiezi 說文解字, in the section on the radical “pu” 攴, states: “‘education’ 教 (Jiao) means what is imposed by those above and imitated by those below” 教，上所施、下所效也 (jiao, shang suo shi, xia suo xiao ye) (Xu and Xu 2006, p. 69). With a hierarchy of “above” and “below,” “high” and “low,” there arises a need for education. Two parallel groups cannot form an instructional relationship. Heaven occupies the highest position, followed by deities; deities are higher than sages, who are higher than monarchs; monarchs are higher than officials and ministers; common people occupy the lowest position—the base of the power pyramid. Just as water flows downward, the process of education is also a process in which the culturally dominant side imparts knowledge and radiates values to the culturally subordinate side. Knowledge and morality also flow from sages and monarchs to officials, ministers, and the general public. Therefore, Lai Zhide’s 來知德 Collected Annotations refers to “displaying from above to below” 自上示下 (zi shang shi xia) as establishing education through divine way—Heaven issuing commands to educate humans; “observing from below to above” 自下觀上 (zi xia guan shang) (Lai 2013, p. 100) refers to officials, ministers, and people across the world admiring sages and monarchs, accepting education and influence, and proactively achieving self-moral edification and transformation. The Book of Changes and many Confucian classics imagine ancient sages as carriers of advanced culture—they were most skilled and capable of leading the masses from ignorance and barbarism to civilization and enlightenment. According to Lai Zhide 來知德, the practical effect of “(the holy man) uses the divine way to give instruction” 神道設教 (shen dao she jiao) “ (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, pp. 879–80). is that “it has no sound or form, yet the people submit voluntarily. The divinity of ‘contemplation’ 觀 (guan) is unified and undivided.” 亦非有聲色，而民自服從。觀之神一而已矣 (yi fei you sheng se, er min zi fu cong, guan zhi shen yi er yi yi) (Lai 2013, pp. 100–1) The divine instruction established by sages for the benefit of all people, although lacking tangible manifestations and exerting its function without leaving traces—nurturing all things without a sign of its presence—could truly make all people aware of its existence and submit wholeheartedly to the guidance and leadership of the divine Heaven.

5. The Transition from “Theistic Culture” 神文 (shen wen) to “Humanistic Culture” 人文 (ren wen)

Not only could sages such as shamans, sorcerers, and prophets establish instruction for the people through divine way, but the “former kings” 先王 (xian wang) of the Three Dynasties (Xia, Shang, Zhou) and earlier periods also had a history of “Using the Divine Way to Give Instruction” 神道設教 (shen dao she jiao)”, for the people. The Xiang zhuan 象傳 (Commentary on Images) of the Guan Gua states:

The wind blows over the earth: [t]he image of Contemplation. Thus the kings of old visited the regions of the world, contemplated the people, and gave them instruction 風行地上，觀。先王以省方，觀民設教 (feng xing di shang, guan, xian wang yi xing fang, guan min she jiao)

(Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 881; Wang et al. 2013, p. 60).28

The ancient former kings—political leaders in early China, ideal rulers endowed with authoritative control and moral charisma—were also the earliest “great Confucians” 大儒 (daru). According to Lai Zhide’s 來知德 Collected Annotations, “visited the regions of the world” 省方 (xingfang) refers to the former kings “touring and inspecting the four regions” 巡狩、省視四方也 (xun shou, xing shi si fang ye) (Lai 2013, p. 101) within their domain. “Contemplated the people” 觀民 (guanmin) refers to “contemplating folk customs” 觀民俗也 (guan min su ye)—going to the grassroots to understand local traditions and customs, “collect and present poems to observe the folk customs; accept and recognize their values to discern the people’s likes and dislikes.” 陳詩以觀民風，納價以觀好惡 (chen shi yi guan min feng, na jia yi guan hao wu)—promptly promoting virtue and punishing evil to facilitate the healthy operation of society. “Gave them instruction” 設教 (shejiao) often involved “establishing instruction based on local customs—for example, guiding people in the State of Qi (which was inclined toward commerce) to engage in agriculture and sericulture, and educating people in the State of Wei (which had a dissolute social atmosphere) to uphold moral distinctions” 因俗以設教也，如齊之末業教以農桑，衛之淫風教以有別 (yin su yi she jiao ye, ru qi zhi mo ye jiao yi nong sang, wei zhi yin feng jiao yi you bie) (Lai 2013, p. 101). Education has its foundation; it is not fabricated out of nothing; folk customs served as the basic carrier, allowing targeted improvements. “The wind blows over the earth, reaching all things—this is the image of comprehensive inspection; hence, it is embodied through inspecting the four directions” 風行地上，周及庶物，有曆覽周遍之象，故以省方體之 (fang xing di shang, zhou ji shu wu, you li lan zhou bian zhi xiang, gu yi xing fang ti zhi) (Lai 2013, p. 101)—indicating that the former kings’ “tours and inspections” 巡狩、省視 (xun shou, xing shi) were comprehensive, covering every inch of the land. From the structural composition of the Guan Gua in the Book of Changes, we know that the upper trigram is Xun (wind) 巽 and the lower trigram is Kun 坤 (earth); their combination produces the effect of “wind blowing over the earth.” Ancient people believed that “wind is the most inspiring force—when spring wind blows, even solid ice melts; wind has the greatest power of penetration, seeping into every corner and filling the world; wind is the most conquering force—when wind blows, grass bends, all leaning in one direction” (Ma 2001, p. 185).29 Wind possesses the strongest penetrating power, seeping into everything without gaps, shaping and transforming all things, while also being capable of deconstructing them. Lai Zhide 來知德 stated: “Kun symbolizes the four directions” 坤為方 (kun wei fang)—the image of “fang” (directions) 方之象 (fang zhi xiang) (Lai 2013, p. 101). The Kun 坤 trigram, according to the lost images of Xun’s Nine Schools of the Book of Changes 荀九家易逸象, “symbolizes the four directions.” 坤，為方 (kun, wei fang) He also said: “Xun 巽 represents the issuance of commands” 巽以申命 (xun yi shen ming)—the image of “gave them instruction” 設教 (shejiao). The Comprehensive Images of the Eight Trigrams 八卦廣象 states: “Xun 巽 symbolizes wind” 巽，為風 (xun, wei feng)—when wind blows, grass bends, indicating that action above leads to imitation below. Additionally, the Comprehensive Images of Meng’s School 孟氏廣象states: “Xun 巽 symbolizes commands, orders, and instructional edicts” 巽，為命，為命令，為教令 (xun, wei ming, wei ming ling, wei jiao ling) (T. Wang 2013, pp. 20, 22)—implying that the Guan Gua contains the meaning of kings implementing national instruction from above to below. The task of education was invented by sages, but its specific implementation had to be carried out by kings. Sages were the designers of national instruction, while kings were the agents of its practical implementation. Sages represented morality, while kings symbolized political authority.

The ancient practice of “(the holy man) uses the divine way to give instruction” 神道設教 (shen dao she jiao) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, pp. 879–80; Wang et al. 2013, p. 60) left a profound legacy in Confucianism: the retention of religious traits within Confucianism itself. C. K. Yang states that “Perhaps the most succinct is found in the Confucian Commentary on the mystic Book of Change: “The sages devised guidance by the way of the gods, and the [people in the1 empire became obedient.” Whether or not Confucius actually wrote this com mentary matters little for the present purpose. The fact is that the statement was widely quoted in traditional discussions on religious matters down to recent times, thus showing its effectiveness.” (C. Yang 1961, p. 145) During the transition from the Shang to the Zhou Dynasty, a significant shift occurred in the spiritual life of the Chinese people—from shamanism 巫 (wu) to ritual propriety 禮 (li), and from theistic culture 神文 (shen wen) to humanistic culture 人文 (renwen). This shift firmly laid the fundamental direction for the development and evolution of Chinese culture over the following 2500 years, with Confucius playing a key role as a driving force. Confucius attempted to replace or even eliminate the strong shamanistic elements in early Confucians with personalized moral experience and a high degree of ethical consciousness.30 All religions possess religious traits, but not all things with religious traits are religions. Humans can never eliminate or reduce the religious traits within themselves; we can even say that religious traits have become part of human nature—without them, humans cannot exist for a moment. Confucian education is clearly not an “institutional religion” 制度性宗教 (zhi du xing zong jiao) (C. Yang 1961, p. 20) as it does not simultaneously possess the fundamental components of religion: doctrine, rituals, and the worship of deities. However, Confucian education is inherently endowed with religious traits; from the perspective of the fundamental nature of its philosophical content, Confucianism is not only a moral and ethical philosophy (as is commonly claimed) but also a religious philosophy centered on personal emotional experience. As the American scholar Christian Jochim noted, The Five Classics—the book of changes 易, Book of Songs 詩, the Shoo King 書, Book of Rites 禮, and Spring and Autumn Annals 春秋—“are to the Chinese what the Bible is to Westerners”. They are not merely historical texts, but rather “profound transformations in the beliefs and practices of a society” (Jochim 1991, p. 49).

Ren Jiyu 任繼愈 once said: “Although Confucianism lacks the external characteristics of ordinary religions, it possesses the essential attributes of all religions.” (Ren 2018, p. 29)31 Therefore, to discuss the religious traits of Confucianism, we must examine its inherent qualities and the practices of learning and self-cultivation. According to the Chapter “Shu er” 述而 in the Confucius Analects 論語, The Master taught four things: “cultural refinement, comportment, dutifulness, and trustworthiness” 子以四教：文、行、忠、信 (zi yi si jiao, wen, xing, zhong, xin) (Refer to Slingerland, Edward’s English translation of Confucius Analects, as well as the following texts from the same book) (7.25 Slingerland 2003, p. 72) (He and Xing 2013, p. 63). Here, Confucius’ “ taught “ 教 (jiao) was no longer limited to “cultural refinement” 文 (wen)—which transcends the Western epistemological concept of “knowledge” 知 (zhi) and includes moral understanding and ethical insight—but also encompassed practical “comportment” 行 (xing, practical reason, moral philosophy), personal “dutifulness” 忠 (zhong), and emotional “trustworthiness”信 (xin, moral judgment, emotional metaphysics). Among the “taught four things,” both dutifulness and trustworthiness are directly related to the personal experience of religion; if developed to their extreme, they could even be called a “personal religion” 個人宗教 (ge ren zong jiao). In the chapter “Li ren” 里仁 of the Confucius Analects 論語, The Master said: “ “Having in the morning heard that the Way was being put into practice, I could die that evening without regret.” 朝聞道，夕死可矣 (zhao wen dao, xi si ke yi) (4.8 Slingerland 2003, p. 32; He and Xing 2013, p. 37) The “Dao” here is by no means an epistemological concept of intellectual truth; rather, it is closely linked to personal existence, the meaning of life, and ultimate concern. The “Dao” in Confucianism connects life and death—how can it be reduced to a mere “truth”? The religious traits of later Confucianism originated directly from self-reflection and sincere reverence, bypassing the origins of primitive shamanism. Their depth and intensity were no less than those of any mature institutional religion, and their emotional origin and authenticity were more reliable, with a more steadfast attitude.

Confucius’ concept of “ mandate of Heaven” 命 (ming), Dong Zhongshu’s 董仲舒concept of “Heaven” 天 (tian), and the concepts of “sincerity” 誠 (cheng) and “reverence” 敬 (jing) in Song-Ming Confucianism 宋明儒學 (song ming ru xue) ultimately did not lead to the altar; instead, they evolved into the ultimate beliefs of the human mind. The American religious philosopher William James, in his book The Varieties of Religious Experience, advocated for “personal religion” 個人宗教 (ge ren zong jiao) and opposed “institutional religion” 制度宗教 (zhi du zong jiao). He argued that the essence of religion lies in personal experience and feeling, rejecting dogma and ritual systems: Religion signifies certain emotions, acts, and experiences which predicate themselves on the assumption of the existence of an unseen order, and which the believer regards as relating himself to that order.32 True religion should rely on an individual’s perception and appreciation of the sacred. Thus, Confucius, on the one hand, strived to eliminate the shamanistic traits of Confucians, and on the other hand, attempted to replace mysterious shamanism with humanistic rituals and music 禮樂 (li yue). However, in all ritual and musical activities, Confucius required individuals to take thorough self-reflection and profound sincere reverence as prerequisites. Although Confucianism is not a religion, the basic emotions contained in its practical activities bear striking similarities to the religious emotions present in religious experience. Confucian practices—including learning, self-cultivation, governance, daily life, sacrifice, and the pursuit of ideals—were no longer purely moral or ethical acts; they also contained a deeper, ever-present meaning of pursuing the infinite.33

In early Confucianism, everyone—even monarchs and emperors—was expected to constantly reflect on themselves. In the chapter “Yao yue” 堯曰 of the Confucius Analects論語, [Tang] said: “Your servant, Lord, conceals nothing; examine my actions with your mind, oh Lord. If I should personally commit an offense, let not the punishment be visited upon the inhabitants of the myriad regions; if the inhabitants of the myriad regions commit offenses, let the punishment be visited upon me personally” 帝臣不蔽，簡在帝心。朕躬有罪，無以萬方。萬方有罪，罪在朕躬 (di chen bu bi, jian zai di xin, zhen gong you zui, wu yi wan fang, wan fang you zui, zui zai zhen gong) (20.1 Slingerland 2003, pp. 231–32; He and Xing 2013, p. 178). Taking blame upon the King himself rather than blaming others reflects the self-blame of one’s conscience, not the original sin of Christianity. “If any of the Hundred Clans commit a transgression, let the punishment be visited upon me alone. “ 百姓有過，在予一人 (bai xing you guo, zai yu yi ren) (20.1 Slingerland 2003, p. 232; He and Xing 2013, p. 178). Unlike the sorrowful confession of sin to God in Christianity, Confucian self-reflection and self-examination were entirely based on the positive cultivation of emotions. In the chapter “Li ren” 里仁 of the Confucius Analects 論語, The Master said, “When you see someone who is worthy, concentrate upon becoming their equal; when you see someone who is unworthy, use this as an opportunity to look within yourself” 見賢思齊焉，見不賢而內自省也 (jian xian si qi, jian bu xian er nei zi xing ye) (4.17 Slingerland 2003, p. 35; He and Xing 2013, p. 37). Blind self-blame could easily lead to the loss of self, but Confucian self-blame had a clear direction: aspiring to equal those more virtuous than oneself. In the chapter “Gong ye chang” 公冶長 of the Confucius Analects 論語, The Master said, “I should just give up! I have yet to meet someone who is able to perceive his own faults and then take himself to task inwardly” 已矣乎，吾未見能見其過而內自訟者也 (yi yi hu, wu wei jian neng jian qi guo er nei zi song zhe ye) (5.27 Slingerland 2003, p. 51; He and Xing 2013, p. 46). This is entirely self-accusation—prosecuting and condemning oneself, not being blamed by others. Combining Mencius’ statement in the Part A of chapter “Jin xin” 盡心 that “[t]here is no greater joy for me than to find, on self-examination, that I am true to myself” 反身而誠，樂莫大焉 (fan shen er cheng, le mo da yan) (Refer to Lau Din Cheuk’s English translation of Mencius) (Lau 2004, p. 146; Zhao and Sun 2013, p. 229) with Wang Yangming’s 王陽明 statement in Chuanxilu 傳習錄 (Record of Instructions) that “the effort of self-examination and restraint should never cease—just as eliminating bandits requires the determination to completely wipe them out” 省察克治之功則無時可間，如去盜賊，須有個掃除廓清之意 (xing cha ke zhi zhi gong ze wu shi ke jian, ru qi dao zei, xu you ge sao chu kuo qing zhi yi) (Y. Wang 2004, p. 48)and “overcoming one’s selfishness until no selfishness remains” 克得自己無私可克 (ke de zi ji wu si ke ke) and “rooting out every evil thought so that not a single one lingers in the mind” 徹根徹底不使那一念不善潛伏在胸中 (che gen che di bu shi na yi nian bu shan qian fu zai Xiong zhong) (Y. Wang 2004, p. 265), all emphasize that the subject of practice must strive to transform their soul from within, making a conscious effort to cultivate a healthy emotional ontology. The confession of Christianity follows an upward, outward, and transcendent path, while the self-examination and reflection in Confucian practice open an inward, psychological, and worldly path centered on the self.

If self-examination and reflection are the internal requirements of the Confucian process of becoming a sage, then sincere reverence 篤敬 (dujing) is the necessary emotional attitude for the moral subject when interacting with the external world. Reverence 敬 (jing) is the most fundamental emotion that all believers hold toward deities. Hence, Zhu Xi 朱熹 states:

Simply restraining one’s mind and body, maintaining order and purity, and not indulging in recklessness—this is reverence” 只收斂身心，整齊純一，不恁地放縱，便是敬 (zhi shou lian shen xin, zheng qi chun yi, bu ren di fang zong, bian shi jing); “The practice of reverence is the primary principle of the Confucian school, which must be maintained without interruption from beginning to end 敬字工夫，乃聖門第一義，徹頭徹尾，不可頃刻間斷 (jing zi gong fu, nai sheng men di yi yi, che tou che wei, bu ke qin ke jian duan).

(J. Li 1997, pp. 186–87)

He elevated the virtue of reverence to the core of Confucian learning theory and practical cultivation. Reverence was crucial to Confucianism in terms of both ontology and practice. Reverence is an emotional attitude of admiration and respect. Although Confucianism never created a personalized supreme deity for the world, it never ceased its efforts to construct a religious sentiment of reverence and sincerity. In the chapter “Wei ling gong” 衛靈公 of the Confucius Analects 論語, “Zizhang asked about getting by in the world (xing 行)” 子張問行 (zi zhang wen xing). The Master replied: “In your speech, be dutiful and trustworthy, and in your conduct be sincere and respectful. In this way, you will always get by in the world, even if you find yourself in some barbarian state. If your words are not dutiful and trustworthy, and your conduct is not sincere and respectful, how can you possibly get along, even in your own region? “ 子曰：言忠信，行篤敬，雖蠻貊之邦，行矣。言不忠信，行不篤敬，雖州里，行哉？ (zi yue, yan zhong xin, xing du jing, sui man mo zhi bang, xing yi, yan bu zhong xin, xing bu du jing, sui zhou li, xing zai) (15.6 Slingerland 2003, p. 176; He and Xing 2013, p. 137). The effectiveness of actions—whether they are factual and objective—depends entirely on the subjective psychological attitude that persists throughout the activity. Amplifying and exaggerating the function of sensory psychology to such an extent—how far is this from religion? The practice of reverence always contains a magical power: it can influence everything and generate an inestimable practical force. In the chapter “Xian wen” 憲問 of the Confucius Analects 論語, “Zilu asked about the gentleman” 子路問君子 (zi lu wen jun zi). The Master said, “He cultivates himself in order to achieve respectfulness” 修己以敬 (xiu ji yi jing) (14.42 Slingerland 2003, p. 171; He and Xing 2013, p. 131). In the chapter “Zi lu” 子路, “Fan Chi asked about Goodness” 樊遲問仁 (fan chi wen ren). The Master replied, “When occupying your place, remain reverent; when performing public duties, be respectful; and when dealing with others, be dutiful. These are virtues that cannot be abandoned, even if you go to dwell among the Yi or Di barbarians.” 子曰：居處恭，執事敬，與人忠。雖之夷狄，不可棄也 (zi yue, ju chu gong, zhi shi jing, yu ren zhong, sui zhi yi di, bu ke qi ye) (13.19 Slingerland 2003, p. 148; He and Xing 2013. p. 118). “Goodness “ 仁 (ren) cannot exist without the sentiment of reverence; the moral and ethical concept of “Goodness” is inseparable from “reverence.” Reverence also became a compulsory course for Confucian gentlemen in self-cultivation. For Confucius, the presence or absence of the emotional attitude of reverence and sincerity distinguished different ways of existing in the world. In the chapter “Yong ye” 雍也, Zhonggong said, “To watch over the people by occupying one’s position with respect and being simple in one’s conduct—this is no doubt acceptable. To occupy one’s position with simplicity and also to be simple in one’s conduct, however, seems to me to be taking simplicity too far. 仲弓曰：居敬而行簡，以臨其民，不亦可乎？居簡而行簡，無乃大簡乎？ (zhong gong yue, ju jing er xing jian, yi lin qi min, bu yi ke hu, ju jian er xing jian, wu nai da jian hu) (6.2 Slingerland 2003, p. 52; He and Xing 2013. p. 51). “With respect” 居敬 (jujing) and “with simplicity” 居簡 (jujian) represent two different psychological worlds: one is a serious and sincere attitude rooted in emotion, and the other is a careless attitude devoid of emotion, where nothing matters. Zhu Xi 朱熹 states:

If one treats oneself with respect, one has an inner foundation and strict self-discipline; governing the people with simplicity in this way avoids trouble and does not disturb the people—hence it is acceptable. If one first treats oneself with negligence, one lacks an inner foundation and is lax in self-discipline; governing with simple methods in this way—does this not fall into excessive simplism, lacking rules to abide by? 自處以敬，則中有主而自治嚴，如是而行簡以臨民，則事不煩而民不擾，所以為可。若先處以簡，則中無主而自治疏矣，而所行又簡，豈不失之太簡，而無法度之可守乎？ (zi chu yi jing, ze zhong you zhu er zi zhi yan, ru shi er xing jian yi lin min, ze shi bu fan er min bu rao, suo yi wei ke, ruo xian chu yi jian, ze zhong wu zhu er zi zhi shu yi, er suo xing you jian, qi bu shi zhi tai jian, er wu fa fu zhi ke shou hu)

(Zhu 1983, pp. 83–84)

“Living with respect” 居敬 (ju jing) means “having an inner foundation” 中有主 (zhong you zhu)—i.e., using one’s own emotions to empathize with the emotions of the people; “living with simplicity” 居簡 (ju jian) means “lacking an inner foundation” 中無主 (zhong wu zhu)—if one lacks a heart of reverence and sincerity, one will naturally not care about the actual situation and feelings of the people.

6. Conclusions

The Book of Changes uses the Guan Gua to establish instruction, aiming to unite the hearts of the people and rectify the ways of the world. Although there is no personalized deity within Confucianism, this does not mean that Confucianism lacks concern for and pursuit of the absolute existence and the infinite whole. Meng Peiyuan 蒙培元 argued: “Confucius was a key figure in the evolutionary process from the book of changes 易經 to the Commentaries on the book of changes 易傳 (Yizhuan). It was precisely through Confucius’ interpretation of the book of changes that the rich and diverse theories contained in the Commentaries on the book of changes came into being” (Meng 2007, p. 188). Qin Jie 秦潔 has conducted a detailed and specialized analysis of the intrinsic connection between the hexagram text of Guan (Contemplation): “ Contemplation. The ablution has been made, but not yet the offering 觀，盥而不薦，有孚顒若 (guan, guan er bu jian, you fu yong ruo) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, p. 879; Wang et al. 2013, p. 59) and the passage in the “Ba Yi” 八佾 chapter of in the Confucius Analects 論語, The Master said, “As for that part of the di sacrifice that comes after the pouring of the ceremonial libation, I have no desire to witness it” 禘自既灌而往者，吾不欲觀之矣 (di zi ji guan er wang zhe, wub u yu guan zhi yi) (3.10 Slingerland 2003, p. 21; He and Xing 2013. p. 27). He argues: “For the way of the Zhou Dynasty, the fundamental basis for being able to communicate with spirits and obtain blessings lies in sincerity and virtue; thus, what is worthy of ‘contemplation’ is naturally sincerity and virtue. Therefore, ‘contemplating virtue’ constitutes the essence of evaluating sacrifices in the Zhou Dynasty. Confucius aspired to ‘uphold the ways of the Zhou,’ and naturally inherited the Zhou emphasis on sincerity and virtue. Examining the Analects, besides the chapter on ‘禘自既灌’ (di zi ji guan) Confucius also mentioned ‘unwillingness to observe’ 不觀 (bu guan) on several other occasions.” He further notes that in terms of the intrinsic moral character of the sacrificial tradition, “there is consistency among the ancient text of the book of changes, the Analects, and the Commentaries on the book of changes”34 (Qin 2024, pp. 57–66)—all attach great importance to human humility and reverence in the presence of heaven, earth, and spirits. Consequently, in the chapter “Zi han” 子罕 of the Confucius Analects 論語, “Standing on the bank of a river” 子在川上 (zi zai chuan shang), the Master said, “Look at how it flows on like this, never stopping day or night! “ 逝者如斯夫，不舍晝夜 (shi zhe ru si fu, bu she zhou ye) (9.17 Slingerland 2003, p. 92; He and Xing 2013, p. 80). In the chapter “ Yang huo” 陽貨, “The days and months are slipping away, and time is not on our side” 日月逝矣，歲不我與 (ri yue shi yi, sui bu wo yu) (17.1 Slingerland 2003, p. 199; He and Xing 2013, p. 154). In the chapter “ Shu er” 述而, The Master said, “Why did you not just say: ‘He is the type of person who is so passionate that he forgets to eat, whose joy renders him free of worries, and who grows old without noticing the passage of the years.’” 子曰：女奚不曰： 發憤忘食，樂以忘憂，不知老之將至 (zi yu, ru xi bu yue, fa fen wang shi, le yi wang you, bu zhi lao zhi jiang zhi) (7.19 Slingerland 2003, p. 70; He and Xing 2013, p. 62). In the chapter “Wei zheng” 為政, The Master said, “This is wisdom: to recognize what you know as what you know, and recognize what you do not know as what you do not know” 知之為知之，不知為不知，是知也 (zhi zhi wei zhi zhi, bu zhi wei bu zhi, shi zhi ye) (2.17 Slingerland 2003, p. 13; He and Xing 2013, p. 18). In the chapter “Zi han” 子罕, The Master said, “Do I possess wisdom? No, I do not” 吾有知乎哉？無知也 (wu you zhi hu zai, wu zhi ye) (9.8 Slingerland 2003, p. 89; He and Xing 2013, p. 78). Like almost all religions, Confucianism (as represented by Confucius) fully acknowledges human humility in the face of the cosmic whole and affirms human finiteness in the existing world. However, the difference lies in that other religions seem to seek transcendence and liberation from the heavenly kingdom, ultimately experiencing the “infinite” through communion and unity with deities—such as Christianity through God and Islam through Allah. In contrast, Confucianism faces the realities of life with extreme earnestness: first, acknowledging one’s own insignificance; then, confronting facts and adapting to circumstances, addressing all life’s problems at the level of “dealing with things as they are” 就事論事 (jiu shi lun shi); its moral practice also requires “tempering oneself in affairs” 事上磨練 (shi shang mo lian), rejecting and opposing abstract metaphysical “empty talk” 空言 (kong yan).35

Furthermore, it emphasizes that humans alone can resolve their own issues. The savior is a living human being, not an abstract deity far removed from reality.36 At the same time, all that humans do is not driven by external coercion—such as God’s questioning, judgment, and punishment—but by a sense of responsibility to oneself and one’s conscience, aiming to achieve emotional peace and stability throughout one’s life. Chen Lai 陳來 stated: Confucianism’s “rationalized ideological system is the product of the long-term evolution of Chinese cultural history. It evolved from the shamanic culture before the Xia Dynasty to sacrificial culture, then from the peak of sacrificial culture in the Shang Dynasty to the ritual and music culture of the Zhou Dynasty, and finally took shape.”37 Since the Shang and Zhou dynasties, Confucianism has gradually developed its own religious tradition characterized by moralization and rationalization (L. Chen 2009, p. 12). Thus, unlike the institutional religions of monotheism, the Confucian intellectual tradition—reformed by Confucius through rituals and music 禮樂 (li yue)—clearly became a sophisticated “humanistic religion” 人文性宗教 (ren wen xing zong jiao). By deconstructing the ancient practice of “(the holy man) uses the divine way to give instruction” 神道設教 (shen dao she jiao) (Wilhelm and Baynes 1977, pp. 879–80; Wang et al. 2013, p. 60), it ceased to be a “theistic religion” 神文教 (shen wen jiao) and transformed into a “humanistic religion” 人文教 (ren wen jiao). In fact, this also constitutes a major distinction between Confucians before Confucius and those after him.