Merit-Making Through Printing, Distributing and Reading Buddhist Canon in the Late Ming Dynasty

Abstract

In the Chinese Buddhist tradition, copying and printing sacred texts is considered a form of merit-making, or virtuous activity. One reason for the printing and circulation of books in the Buddhist tradition is the belief that one can gain merits. From the introduction of Buddhism into China, devotees copied, printed and disseminated sūtras to generate merit, a kind of spiritual goodness, which accumulates with each positive act. The author has gathered a large amount of data from libraries, museums and temples around the world that demonstrates how the imperial family members, concubines, court ladies, eunuchs, Buddhist monks and lay devotees supported the construction of the Buddhist canon. They believed that the printing of the Buddhist scriptures would grant them all kinds of merit, such as those who seek happiness in life now and happiness in the next life, or those who encounter disasters and difficulties in the present world. As this paper deeply delves into the sources of the editions of the Chinese Buddhist canon, we may further analyze the practice of merit-making hierarchically and horizontally.

1. Introduction

The studies on Buddhist canon has not been a favored topic either in China or in the West. The twenty-first century witnessed not only the flourishing Buddhist studies but also the interest in the study of the development of Chinese Buddhist canon. Li Fuhua and He Mei made detailed analysis on the Chinese Buddhist canons in 2003. Fang Guangchang and Li Jining have served as exemplary pioneers in the study of the Buddhist canon. In the subsequent two decades, more research works have come out, such as Richard Payne (2014), Wu and Chia (2016), Wu and Wilkinson (2017), D. Zhang (2020), Long and Chen (2020), Susan Shih-shan Huang (2024), etc., who made outstanding progress in this field (see Bibliography). The Center for Buddhist Studies in University of Arizona initiated The Chinese Buddhist Canon Research Newsletter (bilingual monthly) in 2020 and has published more than 37 issues. These works are signs that the interest in the study of Buddhist bibliographic studies (Fojiao banben xue 佛教版本學) has been rising. They will eventually allow for the reconstruction of a more comprehensive and precise picture of Buddhist publishing enterprise and book culture.

The study of merit-making through printing, distributing and reading Buddhist canon or scriptures has been noticed by the scholars. Many scholars have found colophons that record these merit-making deeds. John Kieschnick devoted a section in Section 3 to discussing the importance of books in the Chinese Buddhist tradition.1

When Buddhism spread to China around the first century CE, the concept of karmic retribution became deeply rooted in Chinese culture. Dr. Tsien suen-Hsuin 錢存訓 (1910–2015) points out that Buddhism teaches that mass production of its sutras is a way to receive blessing from the Buddha…The enthusiasm of the Buddhist devotees for producing a great multitude of sacred texts was highly influential in the birth of printing in China (Tsien 1985, pp. 8–9). Buddhists believed that “a bad deed yields a bad reward,” while “good deeds inevitably reap good rewards.” The term “karma” in Buddhism refers to the principle of cause and effect, in which intentional actions (of body, speech, and mind) have consequences that influence future experiences. According to the karma of the past, a living being will undergo repeated rebirths in the cycle of existence and assume a different form in each rebirth. Buddhists viewed printing scriptures as a good deed that would accumulate merit, which would then influence karma. Individuals could earn merits by copying and venerating Buddhist texts, as well as by offering financial donations to support the production of scriptures.2

It is necessary to make a distinction between karma and merit (puṇya; gongde 功德). Karma refers to the principle of cause and effect, where actions, both good and bad, determine future consequences. Puṇya, often translated as merit or virtue, is the positive outcome or beneficial result of good karma. Essentially, puṇya is the positive karmic energy accumulated through virtuous actions. According to the Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism, it refers to the store of wholesome karma created by the performance of virtuous deeds, which fructify in the form of happiness in the future. This merit may be accumulated over many lifetimes and dedicated toward a specific outcome, such as a favorable rebirth for oneself or another, or the achievement of Buddhahood (Buswell and Lopez 2014, p. 681).

I took notice of the colophons related to merit-making business as I examined the Buddhist canon in 2009 when I examined the Yongle Northern Canon held by East Asian Library, Princeton University. Since then, I have focused my research on the Yongle Northern Canon, taking opportunities to examine volumes of this edition of Buddhist canon preserved in libraries, museums, and monasteries worldwide since 2009. The Yongle Northern Canon was initiated by Emperor Yongle (r. 1403–1424) who was responsible for the construction of both Yongle Southern and the Yongle Northern Canon. This was unprecedented in Chinese history for this one emperor in his two decades of reign in the entire history of China. He claimed in an imperial decree:

I who govern the realm and rest in the great foundation [established by the previous emperor, my father], I [think]: [I,] greatly benefited by my Father and Mother, and bound together by the most excellent [Imperial] line, with the difficult goal of repaying their kindness, sent an ambassador, and after his return from the West bringing a canon, had it executed in print as a beneficial gift for all, in order to benefit both my Father and Mother and cause all beings to obtain inexhaustible merit. Such benefit is inexpressible

(Hahn et al. 1996).3

It was generally believed that the imperial court, emperors and empresses, monopolized the merit-making of printing the Buddhist canon, especially the Yongle Northern Canon. This was true. However, through meticulous fieldwork, I discovered new evidence indicating that eunuchs, palace maids, officials, and even commoners participated in funding the printing of the Buddhist canons to accumulate merits.4 These materials were overlooked by previous scholars.

The relationship between the imperial court and Buddhist officials is a big topic. Why did the imperial court support Buddhism so generously, especially in the building of Buddhist temples and the printing and distribution of copies of the Buddhist canon? How did Chinese Buddhists reciprocally help the ruling class? Emperors in China and other parts of East Asia invoked the “Cult of the Canon” to strengthen the symbolic power of the state and royal family during empire building (Wu and Chia 2016, p. 71).5 In other words, Buddhism functioned as a means of achieving social harmony. This paper further explores the relationship between emperors and Buddhism in the carving, printing, and circulation of the Chinese Buddhist canon based on a wealth of rare materials discovered during the long period of investigations in libraries, museums and temples.

In the past millennium years, the Chinese Buddhist clergy and lay believers went about compiling, collating, printing and funding eight editions of Buddhist canon. Unlike the imperial court editions sponsored by the emperors or empresses, these eight editions were constructed by private funding. Thus, many donors’ names and their wishes were recorded in colophons throughout the entire canon.6 It is beyond me to dwell upon such big chunks. Therefore, I am not going to discuss these privately funded editions of the Buddhist canon kept in Chinese temples or libraries except the Qisha Canon kept in the East Asian Library at Princeton University as it has been available to the public.

The Buddha’s teachings are like a gentle spring breeze and light rain, subtly influencing people and deeply penetrating their hearts. Is it possible that the merits accumulated through the printing and dissemination of the Buddhist canon may transfer to both the living and the dead? How can we measure this transference of merits?

The Buddhist canon is a “living” thing in the sense that the texts bear witness to a wide swath of history. We still face questions regarding the development of Buddhism in China: how Buddhism was introduced into China; how the texts were translated, copied, and printed; and how Buddhists propagated their beliefs with the printed texts. The Buddhist canon has endured because the wisdom and teachings it contains possess universal value that transcends time and space. It continues to offer modern readers spiritual solace, guidance for life, and wisdom for navigating the world. At the same time, the canon has inspired new interpretations and the transmission of Buddhist philosophy and cultural traditions around the world. It is not a static collection of texts, but rather a compendium of scriptures that can be continually interpreted, practiced, and integrated into contemporary life, thereby perpetually “renewing life.”

The canon stands as a vital component of Eastern—indeed, all human—cultural heritage, encompassing a rich and wide range of philosophical thought, ethical concepts, historical records, and artistic forms. Its study and transmission foster cross-cultural dialogue among people of diverse backgrounds and eras, promoting understanding and respect for pluralistic ideas.

The Buddha’s teachings as collected in the canon, such as the wisdom on the nature of the mind revealed in the Diamond Sūtra, possess universal relevance. The teachings help people to understand the essence of suffering and joy; to transcend temporal constraints; and thereby to attain inner peace and liberation. The canon offers a profound perspective on the world and human existence, providing spiritual sustenance and moral guidance for the diverse challenges faced by modern individuals.

Let us begin with the earlier records found in Dunhuang. The documents show that the pious added to their store of religious merit by copying sūtras themselves or by sponsoring the production of copies. Fine printed editions were produced for the imperial courts and upper classes, and complete imperial editions of the canon were presented to favored temples (Weidner et al. 1994, p. 294). Buddhist devotees believed that Buddhist texts might provide them with sacred powers. A colophon in one of the manuscripts unearthed in the Library Cave in Dunhuang says:

The Greatly Merciful Greatly Compassionate Rescuer from Suffering, the Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara (Figure 1) Made by Cao Yuanzhong 曹元忠, the Military Commissioner of the Return to Allegiance Circuit and Grand Preceptor The disciple, Inspector of Guazhou 瓜州, Shazhou 沙州 and other districts, Commissioner for the distribution of military land allotments within the sphere of his jurisdiction, specially promoted additional Grand Preceptor, inaugural Baron of the prefecture of Qiao 譙郡, Cao Yuanzhong, [had] carved this printing block and offered it so that the city god may enjoy peace and prosperity, that the whole prefecture may be tranquil, that the highways leading east and we may remain open, that evil-doers north and south may be reformed, that diseases may disappear, that the sound of the war-going may no longer be heard, that pleasure may attend both eye and ear, and that all may be steeped in happiness and good fortune. Recorded on the fifteenth day of the seventh moon of Dingwei, the fourth year of Kaiyun in the Great Jin dynasty 大晉開運. [Carved by] Artisan Lei Yanmei 雷延美.

Inscription note: Dated 4 August 947.7

At the beginning of the Song dynasty (960–1279), the Chinese began to engrave Buddhist texts on woodblocks for large-scale printing. A cartouche at the end of the Buddhist text in the Kaibao Canon (Figure 2) 開寳藏 contains the following text:

We hear that to donate [to the production of] sutras is a wonderfully meritorious act, [which will lead one to] reap the beneficial consequences of the three Vehicles, [and that] to praise and intone the discourse will save [one] from the fruits of karma leading to the five destinations [i.e., the realms of hell, ghosts, animals, men and Devas]. Thus [it is our] vow that in the whole Dharmadhātu and in the boundless waters and lands all living beings alike may ascend to the shore of enlightenment, …Completed in the year Daguan 2 [1108 CE], of the august Song [Dynasty], the cyclical year Wùzi, tenth month…8

Since 2009, I have been examining the extant copies of the Yongle Northern Canon with support from Princeton University Library, which provided me with two scholarships and a congenial research environment. I was able to examine the library’s extensive collection of both the Qisha Canon and the Yongle Northern Canon. I was so fortunate to be exposed to the huge collections of Buddhist scriptures in the United States, China and Poland. I spent the summer of 2011 in Regenstein Library of the University of Chicago, and three summers of 2016, 2017 and 2018 in the Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland to examine their collections. In China, friends helped me to examine the extant copies of the Buddhist canon in various libraries, museums, and temples. Scholars have extensively discussed Empress Dowager Li’s devotion to Buddhism, focusing in particular on her financial support for the construction of temples in the capital and elsewhere on pilgrimage mountains. Li Fuhua 李富華 and Mei He 何梅 (Li and He 2003, pp. 434–64), Nozawa Yoshimi 野沢佳美 (Nozawa 2003), Deng Shujun鄧淑君 (Deng 2017, pp. 62–76) and Zhang Dewei 張德偉 (Wu and Zhang 2021, pp. 69–72) describe how Empress Dowager Li acted as patron to the printers and distributors of the Yongle Northern Canon.

Chinese scholars have recorded more than fifteen printed editions of Chinese Buddhist canon constructed from the fourth year of Kaibao period (971) to 1943.9 When I began to examine the Yongle Northern Canon and the Qisha Canon kept in the East Asian Library in Princeton University in 2009, I was deeply impressed by the numerous volumes of each set of Buddhist canon. I realized that it was beyond my ability to make investigations into the all fifteen editions. Thus, I made a decision to focus on the Yongle Northern Canon and the Qisha Canon because they are available to scholars. In this paper, I will utilize the sources I collected from the East Asian Library of Princeton University, the Regenstein Library of the University of Chicago, and the Section of Manuscripts in the Library of Jagiellonian University in Poland. I will also use the sources of Buddhist literature kept in libraries, museums and temples in China.

The discussions of topics of merit-making in Chinese Buddhism can be found in many books. My paper focuses on the data of merit-making in the construction, print, distribution and reading of the Buddhist canon uniquely found in the colophons of extant volumes of Buddhist canon kept in libraries, museums and temples after hundred years of social vicissitudes. They are the witnesses to the history of the devastating periods of social suffering. Thus, the extant volumes are considered rare treasures. Many librarians in China are reluctant to display them because the papers of these Buddhist canons have become fragile. Each time the pages are turned, it causes damage to these ancient books whose paper has already become brittle. When I make a request to librarians in China for a look at these rare books, I have to spend great effort to convince them that I am a serious scholar and do not request the Buddhist canon for fun. I have to follow the regulations to take great care of these rare books.

It is with such a spirit and efforts that I have been able to investigate a limited number of collections of the Chinese Buddhist canons in various libraries, museums and temples in China. The public libraries in Shanxi Province, Liaoning Province, and Shaanxi Province supported my research by displaying their collections of the treasures. However, I encountered many rejections, too. Upon hearing my wish to examine the Buddhist canons, a young Buddhist monk in Chongshan Temple崇善寺 in Taiyuan, Shanxi Province, flatly rejected my request. He thought that his rejection was to protect the Buddhist canon. Another time, I stayed in a temple in Mount Jiuhua 九華山 where I waited for three days when finally, the young monk, advised by local authorities in charge of religious affairs, showed me two volumes of the Yongle Northern Canon. He allowed me to have a look for ten minutes only!

Given such a condition, I have to limit my scope of research to the extant volumes of the Yongle Northern Canon and the Qisha Canon, especially the collections held in libraries in the United States and Poland. Occasionally, I have collected sources of other editions of the Chinese Buddhist canons if they are available. In this paper, I will discuss a few editions of the Buddhist canons, including the Kaibao Canon, the Qisha Canon, the Yongle Southern Canon, and the Yongle Northern Canon. Most of the photos in this paper come from trips to various libraries and museums around the world.

The data I have collected in the past fifteen years are first-hand materials. Many of the photos are on display for the first time. By utilizing primary sources from the Yongle Northern Canon, along with relevant temple gazetteers and stele inscriptions, I will bring to light further details of the relationship between Chinese Buddhism and the imperial court in the late Ming period. In this paper, I examine the extent of religious devotion among imperial family members, court consorts, son-in-law of the Empress, eunuchs, palace maids, and bureaucrats, as well as the participation of common people in printing the Buddhist canon under the influence of literati.

The paper is divided into nine parts:

• The Imperial Family Members’ Merit-Making
• The Eunuchs’ Donations for the Print of the Yongle Northern Canon
• A Court Lady Li Xiunü’s Donation to Print the Yongle Northern Canon
• Buddhist Monks’ Devotion to Reading the Canon for Merit Making
• Donations from Lay Devotees: Colophons from the Yongle Northern Canon
• Lay Devotees’ Donation as Recorded in the Qisha Canon
• Donations to Repair Woodblocks of the Yongle Southern Canon as a Form of Merit Making
• How Did the Local People Obtain and keep a Set of the Yongle Southern Canon
• Conclusions

2. The Imperial Family Members’ Merit-Making

In general, Buddhists believe that one can improve one’s karmic fortunes and generate merit, by copying, printing, distributing, and even reading Buddhist scriptures. Because of the respect and affection for written books of the Chinese literati, together with the country’s long history of book making, the Buddhist cult of books was quickly accepted in China. There are many ways of generating merit, including making offerings to the monastic community, feeding the monks, building temples, stupas, bridges, casting Buddha icons, making robes and providing reliefs, etc. Entering a temple, one can see names of donors in the inscriptions on steles and monastery bells and drums. Devotees believe that merit plays a role.

Over the past 15 years, I have examined the Yongle Northern Canon and other editions of the Chinese Buddhist canon. From the colophons, inscriptions, notes, and a collection of prefaces, sources indicate that emperors, empresses, officials, and commoners believed that giving donations for the printing and distribution of the Buddhist canon could accumulate enough merit to be reborn in the Pure Land of Amitabha Buddha.

As the Chinese Buddhist monk Daoxuan 道宣 (596–667) said, “There are a thousand ways to create karma, and ten thousand ways to experience retribution”. In this paper, I will use the examples of the imperial family who sponsored the projects of engraving and printing the Yongle Northern Canon as a test case for my discussion. The imperial family sponsored the production and distribution of the Buddhist canon in the hopes of generating merit that could be dedicated to consolidating the power of the imperial court or for their future rebirth in the Western Paradise.

The first part of my paper will illustrate how the late Ming imperial family monopolized merit-making associated with the compilation of the Yongle Northern Canon and the consequent donation of these canonical sets to various Buddhist monasteries in China. The project to engrave the Buddhist canon was initiated by Emperor Yongle 永樂 (r. 1402–1424) in 1419. The main part of the project was completed in the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Zhengtong 正統 (1440). The supplementary sections of the Yongle Northern Canon were sponsored by Empress Dowager Li 李太后 (1546–1614) in the years 1579–1583 (Li and He 2003, pp. 434–49).

2.1. Emperor, Empress and Concubine

The Dowager Empress Li, mother of Emperor Wanli 萬曆 (r. 1573–1619), was a Buddhist devotee who enthusiastically supported the printing and distribution of copies of the Yongle Northern Canon. In this paper, I will provide more information on Empress Dowager Li’s involvement in the creation of the canon; her name can be found on the last page of shijing pai 施經牌 (board of donations for the Buddhist canon) in almost every tenth volume throughout the canon. According to the investigations by Japanese scholar Yoshimi Nozawa10 and Chinese scholar Deng Shujun, Empress Li probably single-handedly donated 87 of the 147 sets of the Yongle Northern Canon printed during the reign of her son Emperor Wanli to various temples throughout China.11 Both scholars’ analyses show that the Empress Dowager utilized all the sources available in the court to patronize Buddhism. The imprint of her seal and other imperial seals are found on Emperor Wanli’s decree to present the Buddhist canon to various temples. Both the emperor’s decree and the imperial seals imparted an auspicious and regal character to the Buddhist canon.

One sixteen-character inscription clearly indicates the purpose of carving, printing and distributing the Buddhist canon: 皇圖永固，帝道遐昌，佛日增輝，法輪常轉 (Figure 3) (Respectful wishes for the consolidation of the royal domain and the long-lasting prosperity of the governing state. May the Buddha-sun which drives away the darkness of ignorance be honored and the dharma wheel roll along forever).12

The motivation for Empress Dowager Li to sponsor large-scale printings of the Buddhist canon was no doubt complex and multifaceted. She was the mother of the emperor—she could assert imperial authority and help the court establish political legitimacy.

Similar wording appeared in the inscription in another set of the Yongle Northern Canon housed in the Jagiellon University Library, Kraków, Poland. The donor named Hao Shi郝氏 was a concubine of Emperor Wanli.

Here is my translation of the colophon in Lady Hao’s donation:

Wang Zhong 王忠, a devotee at Huguo Wanshou Monastery 護國萬壽寺, printed a set of the Buddhist canon in response to the emperor’s edict, Lady Hao 郝氏, who holds the title of jing shi gong qin 敬侍恭勤, expressed her wish that the emperor live a long, long life.

The empire shall be consolidated and prosperous. The Buddha shines and the Dharma Wheel revolves constantly.

This set of the Buddhist canon is to be kept at Huguo Wanshou Monastery forever.

On an auspicious day, the sixth month, the year of Renchen 壬辰 (1592).

Who was Lady Hao? Her name can be found in juan 4, Ming shenzong shilu 明神宗實錄 when she was given an imperial title and attire (Figure 4).

When I stayed at Xiangjie Monastery 香界寺 in the Western Hills 西山 in the outskirts of Beijing, I found a bell with an inscription containing sixteen characters similar to those mentioned above. The bell was cast in the Jiawu year 甲午 (1594). The timing of the casting of the bell was close to the printing of the Buddhist canon in 1592. The casting was initiated by monks and devotees of Jingtu Monastery 淨土寺, which was located on Jintai Lane 金台坊 near Anding Gate 安定門.14 The sixteen characters of 皇圖永固，帝道遐昌，佛日增輝，法輪常轉 are also found in the bell. Here is the inscription on the bell:

Lady Wang, Great Ming Emperor’s legal wife 大明正宮嬢嬢王氏

Princess Yongning 大明永寧公主15

Emperor’s high concubine Zheng 皇貴妃鄭嬢嬢16

Emperor’s concubine Lady Xu 德妃許氏

Emperor’s concubine Lady Chang 順妃常氏

Emperor’s concubine Lady Wei 慎嬪魏氏17

Concubine Lady Shao 敬嬪邵氏

Concubine Lady Rong 和嬪榮氏

Concubine Lady Zhou 端嬪周氏

Crown Prince 皇太子

Grand Aunt Li 大李嬢嬢李氏

Second Aunt Li 二李嬢嬢李氏

Devoted Wang Ming and others 信心弟子王明等

Princes, princesses, so-and-so mistress 皇太子，長公主，？尊夫人

Liu Yingjie, a relative of the emperor 皇親劉應節18 and his wife Ma 夫人馬氏

Ji Ying 吉英, Li ?yuan 李？園, and Li Gongnü 李恭女Tian Dongnü 田棟女, Zhang Yinü 張義女, Liu Aisong 劉愛松 and Lady Hao 郝氏

The last person’s name was Lady Hao in the epigraph on the bell (Figure 5) (Long 2022).19 Was she the same Lady Hao in the colophon of the Yongle Northern Canon housed in the Jagiellonian Library in Poland? I assume that Lady Hao is the same person. According to Professor Chen Yunü 陳玉女, Lady Hao’s name appeared in the list of lady donors who assisted in the construction of the Qianfo Temple 千佛寺. This event took place in the ninth year of Emperor Wanli (1581).20

Let us turn to Emperor Wanli. In most cases, Emperor Wanli’s decree was issued under the name of his mother, Empress Dowager Li. Here is a record from Mount Wutai.

The eastern side of the library in Xiantong Monastery 顯通寺 contained a complete set of the Yongle Northern Canon, including zhengzang 正藏 (the main part of the canon) and xuzang 續藏 (a supplementary section).

The emperor’s decree is roughly translated here:

The emperor issues a decree to Abbot Fudeng 福登21 and monks of Yongming Temple 永明寺 in Mount Wutai, Shanxi Province. I, the Emperor, have decided to print the Buddhist canon and present it to famous temples in the capital and throughout China. The beginning of the Buddhist scripture explains why it is necessary to do so. Abbot, monks and lay people, you should always show your respect and sincerity by reciting the Buddha’s words from morning to evening, with reverence. [Let us] pray for the good health and safety of our Empress and for the purity of the concubines in the inner palace. [Let us] repent for the faults of the past and pray for enduring longevity. Let the people live in peace and in prosperity. Let the whole world be peaceful. Let all people convert to the benevolent teachings of Buddhism. I, the Emperor, began to govern the state in way of self-control and non-action. Now I am sending Lu Yongshou 盧永夀, eunuch in charge of horses in the printing house of the Imperial Palace, to escort a set of the Buddhist canon to your temple. All these things are made known and all should show your respect. Thus is the Emperor’s decree. In the twenty-seventh year of the Wanli era (1607).22

According to the record of Sakai, the first volume in the first han (‘tian’ 天) begins with these words: “to Venerable Fudeng, Abbot of Huguo Shengguang Yongming Monastery, and monks and lay devotees” and ends with the date of the fourth day, the ninth month and the thirty-fifth year of Wanli (1607) (敕建護國聖光永明寺住持福登 (妙峰) 及僧眾人等). This text shows that this set of the Buddhist canon was printed in the early seventeenth century (Figure 6).

The Court’s goal in donating the Buddhist canon is clearly stated in the inscription of this stele. Officials requested prayers for the benefit of the Emperor’s mother, peace in the palace, health and longevity for the royal family members, and peace and prosperity of the state.

2.2. The Son-in-Law of the Royal Family

Next, we turn to Wan Wei 萬煒 (ca. 1570–1644), son-in-law of Emperor Longqing 隆慶 (r. 1567–1572) and brother-in-law of Emperor Wanli (Figure 7).

Born into an imperial medical doctor’s family, Wan Wei was Junior Tutor and Grand Mentor for the Crown Prince. He married Princess Rui’an 瑞安 in the thirteenth year [1585] of Emperor Wanli. Wan Wei’s father was a court physician.24 From my research, I concluded that he was an educated and well-respected person. Princess Rui’an was the sister of Emperor Wanli. They were born to Empress Li, who was a devotee of Buddhism.

Emperor Wanli entrusted his brother-in-law to take care of his eldest son; the emperor was apathetic and cold to the young boy.25 The emperor withheld the title of ‘crown prince’ for his eldest son Zhu Changluo 朱常洛 (1582–1620) until he was nineteen years old, after a long series of struggles between Emperor Wanli and his high officials in the imperial court.26

Wan Wei was appointed Junior Tutor 少師 and Grand Mentor 太傅 of the Crown Prince who, together with his mother, suffered tremendously in the royal court. When Emperor Wanli died in 1620, Zhu Changluo ascended to the throne after a series of court assassinations and conspiracies. Unfortunately, he died only one month after becoming the emperor. The next reign was Emperor Tianqi 天启 (r. 1620–1626), one of the worst periods of the Ming dynasty. Wan Wei, observing the darkness of this Tianqi period, was frustrated. He retreated to Cilong Monastery 慈隆寺 (Naquin 2000, pp. 392–94) and concentrated on reading the Mahāprajñāpāramitā sūtra in the Yongle Northern Canon in the second year of Tianqi (1622).27 Apparently, he was one of the richest donors to this temple. He wrote his name, his title, the date of the month, and the year at the end of each volume he had read and stamped them with two red seals. By spending time in the Buddhist temple reading scriptures, he avoided many court power struggles and survived until Emperor Tianqi died in 1626. During the reign of the last emperor Chongzhen 崇禎 (r. 1628–1644), he probably lived a less turbulent and more secure life.

3. The Eunuchs’ Donations for the Print of the Yongle Northern Canon

The second group of donors were eunuchs. The presence of eunuchs in the Chinese court was a long-standing tradition. Many of eunuchs were servants or slaves who had been castrated to make them less threatening servants of the imperial court where physical access to the emperor could wield great influence. Top eunuchs, due to their close relationship with the emperor, were promoted to powerful positions and inevitably exerted great impact on the fate of the state and even caused the dynasty’s downfall. Eunuchs, as a distinct class of slaves, groaned under the absolute authority of monarchical despotism, enduring a life of suffering. Their wretched circumstances and painful existence drove them to seek spiritual solace and evade the reality of suffering (He 2016, pp. 336–37). In many cases, they were generally looked down upon as “abnormal” people. Some top eunuchs abused the power they possessed and caused social problems.

In this section, I will show some examples of high-class eunuchs in the imperial court who were involved in raising funds to print the Buddhist canon. They were responsible for the printing and distribution of the Buddhist canon. One was Feng Bao 馮保 (1543–1583), who was a controversial eunuch of the mid-Ming dynasty (Figure 8).

Feng Bao was made the Sili zhangyin taijian 司禮掌印太監 or the grand guardian in charge of Seals of the Ceremonial Directorate, the highest position any eunuch could hope to attain (Tsai 1996, p. 107). Moreover, Feng continued to supervise the secret police apparatus. Some people despised him because of his sinister and vicious methods. But others praised him for his full support of the reforms of Zhang Juzheng 張居正 (1525–1582). In fact, according to Chinese historical sources, although Feng Bao hurt many people in his quest for power, later generations evaluated him positively. He donated money to print a set of the Yongle Northern Canon, which is now contained in the Guangji Temple 廣濟寺, now headquarters of the Chinese Buddhist Association in Beijing.

Feng Bao not only donated money to print the Yongle Northern Canon, but he also donated money to build Yongheng An 永亨庵 (Yongheng Temple) in Shangfang Mountain 上方山, Fangshan 房山, Beijing. A collection of the Buddhist canon, with blue silk covers, totaling 5048 volumes, was placed in eight huge cabinets on the eighth day, fourth month, fourth year of Emperor Wanli (1576).28 This figure of 5048 volumes does not correspond with historical records. The main part of the Yongle Northern Canon was first printed in the fifth year of Zhengtong 正統 (1440) totaling 637 han 函 (cases), 1615 works and 6361 volumes (Li and He 2003, p. 442). In the twelfth year of Emperor Wanli (1584), Empress Dowager Li donated money to engrave the supplementary part, adding 41 han, totaling 678 han with 6771 volumes (Li 2002, p. 162). Further study is needed to resolve this discrepancy.

Feng Bao, Grand Directorate of the Ceremonial Department, followed the imperial decree of Her Majesty the Empress Dowager to pray for the protection of the empire and blessing for the birth of the Emperor’s heir apparent. He was responsible for raising funds and supervising the construction of a Buddhist temple. Venerable Master Bianrong 徧融 (1506–1584) was invited to be the abbot of the temple in the ninth year of Emperor Wanli (1581).29 It was initially named “Huguo baoen qian fo chan si 護國千佛禪寺” Guarding the Nation and Repaying Grace Thousand Buddha Chan Temple, commonly known as Qianfo Temple. Later, it was changed to the name of Nianhua Temple. 拈花寺. In addition, Feng Bao was involved in the construction of three other Buddhist monasteries.30

Eunuch Lu Shou 盧受 was made Superintendent Eunuch and Director of Ceremonials (司禮監管監事太監) and concurrently Supervisor of the Eastern Depot (東廠官校辦事總理提督), a kind of imperial secret service headquarters exempt from regular governmental regulation. [Add in the dates of his birth and death, and/or the year he took on these roles, if known]. He had been Emperor Wanli’s trusted servant for many years. He was responsible for a set of the Yongle Northern Canon now held at Yunju Monastery (Figure 9) 雲居寺 in the outskirts of Beijing. The words in the shijing pai 施經牌 (board of donations for the Buddhist canon, Figure 10) expressed Lu Shou’s wish to become enlightened with prajñā wisdom and reach the other shore with the merit gained by printing the Buddhist canon (Tsai 1996, p. 112).

Lu Shou was involved in the fund-raising business for the rebuilding and repair of temples in Beijing.32 Some scholars believed that eunuch Lu Shou’s involvement of the print of the Buddhist canon was due to the shortage of money in the imperial court. How about Feng Bao’s case? The colophon I found in the Library of Chinese Buddhist Institute in Guangji Temple shows that Feng Bao made a vow to print the Buddhist canon in the tenth year of Wanli (1582) (Please see Figure 8). According to Cambridge History of China, the treasury reserve accumulated from 1572 to 1582 (Mote and Twitchett 1988, p. 522).

The tenth year of the Wanli reign marked a pivotal period in the Ming Dynasty’s economic development. Despite the economy’s flourishing appearance, political issues began to lay the groundwork for the dynasty’s subsequent decline.

Gao Xun 高勲 was a high-ranking eunuch in the Directorate of Imperial Horses 御馬監太監. Empress Dowager Li asked him to be in charge of the construction of Cilong Monastery 慈隆寺 near Anding Men 安定門 in Beijing.33 At that time, he probably asked Empress Dowager Li to bestow a set of the Yongle Northern Canon to this monastery (Figure 11).

Gao Xun wrote a colophon at the end of one volume stating that he raised funds to print the Buddhist canon. He pasted quite a number of red labels indicating that the canon was bestowed to the temple by decree of Emperor Wanli. More than 3757 volumes of this set of the Yongle Northern Canon are now housed at the East Asian Library at Princeton University, and twenty-seven volumes are preserved at Liaoning Provincial Library in Shenyang. Gao Xun was dispatched by the imperial court to Mount Wutai to offer food to the monks (Shi 1978, p. 214).

A number of questions need to be addressed: Why did eunuchs embrace Buddhism? Why did they generously support Buddhist temples? Why were they so devoted to Buddhist rituals? What motivated their faith in Buddhism? What, if anything, did they expect in return from their participation in religious activities? Here, I will offer some brief commentary on these questions; however, the topic is too specialized and complicated to be fully addressed in this paper and requires further investigation.

First, eunuchs often came from humble, lower-class backgrounds and experienced struggles in the process of achieving their posts. To alleviate their frustration and hopelessness, they put their faith in Buddhism—a realm they imagined was free of strife and filled with bliss.34

Second, after eunuchs were castrated, they underwent significant psychological and personality changes. Deprived of their physical integrity, eunuchs found solace in Buddhism as a refuge. Having lost the opportunity to find true love or create a family, eunuchs embraced Buddhism to alleviate their emptiness and despair. Eunuchs also turned to Buddhist practice to seek atonement for regretful actions, to expiate sins, and even in times of illness, to seek relief from calamities and misfortunes (Ibid.).

Third, their severe physical disabilities and lowly status as palace slaves made them a target for public scorn. They did not have normal lives, and to some extent, possessed dual identities. On the one hand, they were arrogant and wielded power that allowed them to oppress the common people. Hidden beneath the bravado, on the other hand, was deep insecurity, loneliness, and misery in their personal lives. Eunuchs sought spiritual solace in Buddhism.

Dr. Sherry Pan pointed out that a privileged minority of the eunuchs held influential positions, which granted them an abundance of resources and a notable social standing (Pan 2023, p. 228). Some powerful eunuchs tried to protect themselves during complex and dangerous conflicts and political struggles. They did so through recitation of the Buddha’s names and prayers for blessings from the Buddha. Furthermore, they donated generous amounts of money to build temples with the belief that their actions would repay the grace of the nation. They also prayed for the emperors to enjoy good health and longevity, and for the protection of the nation and the people.

And finally, some imperial temples also served as retirement homes. Eunuchs who entered these temples did so not out of duty but because they were “elderly and infirm, retiring here to receive only provisions for themselves—firewood, rice, winter clothing, and boot materials—to live out their remaining years.”35 The imperial court may have formalized this arrangement for its retired eunuchs. The Buddhist temple became a vital sanctuary for calming their minds and bodies, serving as their ultimate refuge, which further deepened the close and profound bond between Buddhist institutions and the eunuchs.36

Buddhist practice had already provided eunuchs with spiritual efficacy by offering religious solace and calming their inner fears. Buddhist temple administrators sheltered eunuchs for strategic and political reasons as well, to secure future favor as the eunuchs’ influence grew (Y. Chen 2001, pp. 66–67, 183–93).

4. A Court Lady Li Xiunü’s Donation to Print the Yongle Northern Canon

A court lady named Li Xiunü 李秀女 donated her money to print a set of the Yongle Northern Canon, which is intact and housed at the Regenstein Library at the University of Chicago. At the end of each tenth volume, she expressed her wish to be reborn in the Western Paradise, like a lotus. She wished to encounter Maitreya Buddha and attend his lecture in person. In this way, she wished that all sentient beings might obtain the seeds of wisdom in the dharma world.

Buddhist believer Court Maid Li Xiunǚ 李秀女, who was in charge of zoushi paizi 奏事牌子 in the Inner Court, vowed to donate money to print a copy of the Buddhist canon to be circulated among commoners. The colophon says, “With this merit as a good cause, I vow to be reborn in the Land of Utmost Bliss in the Western Paradise, and to be born transformed into a lotus in the highest level of the highest grade and personally seeing Amitābha, directly receive a prophecy of future buddhahood. May all living things in the world share this wisdom. The fourth month, the twelfth year of Emperor Wanli (1584).37 See Figure 12.

Both photos show the same content. There is a tiny slip of paper covering the date on the left photo. The date was changed from the twelfth year of Wanli (1584) to the third year of Emperor Qianlong 乾隆 (1738) (Figure 12). Apparently, this incident occurred during the reign of terror imposed by agents of Emperor Qianlong’s literary inquisition. Monks were forced to hide the true origin of the Buddhist canon printed during the previous dynasty.

The Empress Dowager, the emperor’s concubines, the eunuchs, and the court ladies were a tiny group of people in the imperial court who shared this merit-making business of producing the Buddhist canons. They seemed to be true believers, especially in their conviction that the printing and spreading of the Buddhist canon would bring them more merits. For eunuchs who were denied the comforts of a typical middle- or upper-class life, Buddhism gave them hope of being reborn in their next life into a rich or well-educated scholar-official family and experiencing the happiness of a normal life. Empress Dowager Li, concubines, and court maids experienced the luxury, wealth and splendor of court life; they probably wished to gain merits in order to be reborn and enjoy imperial court life again.

5. Buddhist Monks’ Devotion to Reading the Canon for Merit Making

Buddhist monks who read the sacred scriptures resided in temples that were privileged to have received the Buddhist canon from the imperial court. How did monks read, process, and understand the Buddhist canon? I have examined more than 25 sets of the Yongle Northern Canon, but seldom have I encountered commentary or reflections of the monks themselves.

In this section, I will show that two monks read the Mahāprajñāparāmitā sūtra and wrote their thoughts [Figure 13 and Figure 14] on the margins in Cilong Temple 慈隆寺 (see Gao Xun 高勲in the previous pages). They had probably heard stories of Emperor Wanli’s mistreatment of Palace Lady Wang, who had given birth to the emperor’s eldest son, Crown Prince Zhu Changluo 朱常洛 (Emperor Guangzong 光宗, 1582–1620). Emperor Wanli mistreated both the crown prince and his mother. Though they lived in the magnificent imperial palace, their life was tragic. The prince even encountered threats to his life, including an assassination attempt in the court.

Monks heard the stories from visiting officials because the temple was close to the imperial palace. After reading the Mahāprajñāpāramitā sūtra, they wrote prayers requesting the transfer of the merit they had accumulated to the crown prince and his mother as good wishes for their safety and good health (看經功德，上祝 大明宫妃王氏身躬康泰，大明皇长太子洪福萬安吉祥如意, Figure 13).38 In China, monks always remember what Dao-an 道安 (312–385) admonished them in the fourth century. In fact, Dao-an’s words have echoed through the ages (Figure 15).

We are now meeting with evil times, and if we do not rely on the ruling prince, the affairs of religion will be hard to establish (今遭兇年, 不依國主，法事難立).39

Three colophons are found in the collection of the Princeton University Library. They might be of some help to locate the place. The first one was written in the twenty-seventh year of Emperor Wanli (1599). It says:

[I use my reading of this canon as a merit] to wish Consort Wang to be in good health and enjoy longevity. All disasters and obstacles are eliminated. Wishing her a permanent good life.

[I wish] the crown prince a good and peaceful life.

[I wish] for the country to enjoy prosperity forever.

[I wish] all to enjoy good health and live a joyful life.

[I wish] all to live a peaceful and pleasant life.

Written by Ruyuan, on the first day, the sixth month, twenty-seventh year of Wanli (1599).

With my mentor Zuoyuan.40

The second colophon expresses the same wish. The following is a rough translation:

[I use this reading of the Buddhist canon] as merit to wish:

Concubine Wang would enjoy good health and longevity.

Crown Prince of the Great Ming dynasty would enjoy a happy and peaceful life and everything would go on well.

Xingtong 性通, written in the twenty-seventh year of Wanli (1599).41

Both colophons express good wishes to Consort Wang and Crown Prince Zhu Changluo, who were never favored by Emperor Wanli. Monks who commissioned the reading of the Mahāprajñāpāramitā sūtra dedicated the merit to the crown prince and his mother, both of whom experienced untold suffering in the imperial court (Figure 14 and Figure 16).

Monks Reading the Buddhist Canon: Colophons in the Copy of the Yongle Northern Canon in Princeton University Library (Figure 17).

This photo shows that a monk, having read the scriptures, complained that contrary to his wish, he did not become enlightened (Figure 18). This is a rare source showing a monk’s disappointment upon failing to obtain the expected stage of enlightenment after reading the Buddhist texts. He wrote the same words on the reversed side (願與意違，終不解脫).

The spread of the Chinese Buddhist canon unfolded in two stages: the hand-copied stage and woodblock print stage. Over the past millennium, China has produced more than twenty-two editions of the Chinese Buddhist canon. At least seven of them were initiated and sponsored by the imperial court. Chinese emperors, imperial family members, high-ranking officials, as well as ordinary people, inspired by the medieval religions of Buddhism and Daoism, duplicated and distributed charms or sacred scriptures to accumulate great “merit” toward the salvation of the soul. After this Yongle Northern Canon was designed, printed and bound in the capital, emperors, empress dowagers, imperial family members, a tiny number of high officials, and even some powerful eunuchs presented them to favored temples in China as an act of merit-making.

6. Donations from Lay Devotees: Colophons from the Yongle Northern Canon

In 1633, after reading the Buddhist scriptures, a wealthy patron of Cilong Temple named Lady Shi 史氏42 reported that she had fully recovered from an illness (Figure 19). She made a donation to the monks, who allowed her to paste a tiny red label of paper with her testimony in every volume she read of the Yongle Northern Canon, which is now housed in the East Asian Library at Princeton University.43 This is another form of merit-making. She indicated that she was a member of Wang’s family and had dedicated herself to merit-making to the therapeutic sacred power of the Buddhist canon. She must have been an unusually well-connected patron of this temple. Like Wan Wei, who was brother-in-law of Emperor Wanli, this female patron managed to paste a red label to the end of every volume of this set of Yongle Northern Canon kept in East Asian Library, Princeton University.

For a long time, academics believed that only the imperial court provided the funds to bestow the Yongle Northern Canon to favored temples. It seems that upper-class people monopolized the patronage of printing and distribution of the Buddhist canon. However, a unique set of the Yongle Northern Canon housed at Xiaoxitian Temple in Xixian 隰县小西天, Shanxi Province, clearly shows that local people raised the funds to request this set of the Buddhist canon from the imperial court. Professor Dang Baohai and Mr. Wang Jin both made detailed analyses of the colophons, which recorded how local people raised funds to obtain this set of the Buddhist canon (Figure 20). This set of Yongle Northern Canon came to Xixian County probably around the twenty-ninth year of Emperor Wanli (1601) (Dang 2001; also see J. Wang 2024). A number of questions arise: Was it an exception that the imperial court agreed to meet this request? Who were the organizers of this initiative? How did the organizers connect with high officials in the imperial court to receive the approval from the emperor or empress to print the Buddhist canon? How much did it cost? How many donors were involved in the process? What impact did the Buddhist canon exert on the local population? Further research is necessary to answer these questions (Figure 21 and Figure 22).

7. Lay Devotees’ Donation as Recorded in the Qisha Canon

The East Asian Library at Princeton University contains an “almost” complete set of the Qisha Canon 磧砂藏 constructed during the Southern Song (1127–1279) and Yuan (1206–1368) dynasties. The carving work continued during the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). Colophons in many volumes provide information on how officials organized the fund-raising, and how eminent local scholar-officials and commoners donated money for the printing of the Buddhist canon. This set of Qisha Canon differs from other sets of the same Qisha Canon kept in Shaanxi Provincial Library, Liaoning Provincial Library, and the National Library of China because it has more than many hand-copied manuscripts with unique colophons.

Tang Sijing 唐思敬, together with his mother and the third eldest aunt and male family members donated money to print the Qisha Canon in the seventh month of the third year of Jiaxi 嘉熙 (1239). They lived in Huangting County 華亭縣 (present-day outskirts of Shanghai). They wished to devote this merit to their ancestors so they may ascend to the Pure Land, and for safety, fortune, and peace for their families.44

The photo shows the colophon of a group of women who donated money to print Avataṃsaka Sūtra in the hope that they would be forgiven of all sins; they might enjoy a long, happy life; and they might attain perfect enlightenment (Figure 23).

These two photos show a unique copy of the Buddhist canon printed in the period of Emperor Jianwen 建文 (r. 1399–1402). Emperor Jianwen was quickly dethroned by his uncle Zhu Di 朱棣 who became Emperor Yongle 永樂 (r. 1403–1424). Dated books printed from blocks cut during the reign of Emperor Jianwen were deliberately obliterated by Emperor Yongle after he ascended the throne in 1404 from all documents and publications (Hu 1954). Therefore, the word Jianwen was covered over with a blank space (Figure 24). The colophon shows that a devotee and his wife donated money to print this volume of the Avataṃsaka Sūtra with a prayer for his sister, who had died early. With this act of devotion, the couple hoped to console the soul of the departed (Figure 25).45

More than 2150 volumes were recopied between 1600 and 1602 to replace missing volumes in the Qisha Canon. Dr. Hu Shi cited one colophon that recorded the merits made by Lady Shen, wife of Mr. Zhao Zhigaoc 趙志臯 (1524–1601). Zhao was the Grand Secretariat of the Ming Court. As a form of merit, Zhao’s wife made the donation for the re-copying of the missing volumes of the Buddhist canon. She dedicated the merit to her husband, who was suffering from a stroke, and to her son, who was young. The following colophon is translated by Dr. Hu Shi:

I, Mrs. Zhao, née Shen 沈氏, a devout believer, give 15 taels of silver for the purpose of copying 100 of the missing volumes of the Sacred Tripitaka with the most devout prayer that my husband, Zhao Zhigao 趙志臯, the Grand Secretary of the Jianji Palace 建極殿 [i.e., Prime Minister of the Empire], may be blessed with improved health, that his hands and feet may be restored to smooth functioning, and that our young son, Zhao Fengge 趙鳯閣, may be free from all calamities and be blessed with long life and happiness. The copies were completed on the sixth day of the Sixth Moon of the twenty-eighth year of Wanli 萬曆 (1600).46

Dr. Hu Shi 胡適 (1891–1962) commented on this colophon and pointed out:

Her husband (whose biography appears in chapter 219 of the Ming Shih) was Prime Minister from 1594 until his death in 1601, but was confined to his sickbed for about four years before he died. Her pious vow will interest the student of history, of religion, and of the development of book printing. It was the same belief in the “merit” of duplicating and spreading sacred scriptures—the belief that had been responsible for the origin of block printing in China—that made Madame Zhao contribute money for copying the missing volumes (Ibid., pp. 136–37) (Figure 26 and Figure 27).

8. Donations to Repair Woodblocks of the Yongle Southern Canon as a Form of Merit Making

I visited Xingyuan Library in Yulin 陕西榆林星元圖書館 in June 2024 to examine their collection of the Yongle Southern Canon 永樂南藏 (Figure 28).

The Yongle Southern Canon was constructed in the years 1412–1420. The printing and distribution of this canon was administered by the Bureau of Ancestral Worship and Sacrifices in the Ministry of Rites in Nanjing. The woodblocks were kept in Baoen Monastery 報恩寺. Monks from various parts of China could make a request and pay to have a new set of this Buddhist canon printed (Li and He 2003, pp. 406–31).

As the Yongle Southern Canon was a court edition, there were no records of donors’ and carvers’ names in the early years. It was said that each year twenty sets of the Yongle Southern Canon were printed. During its long period of printing, the woodblocks became worn-out.47 The characters became unreadable and needed to be repaired. Some woodblocks needed complete recarving. Historical records indicate two major block restorations: one led by Ge Yinliang 葛寅亮 (1570–1646) of the Bureau of Sacrifices under the Ministry of Rites in Nanjing, and another organized by the monk Songying 松影 of Bao’en Temple. During the era of Emperor Wanli (1573–1620) in the Ming dynasty, donations from patrons made it possible for further printing and circulation, which resulted in numerous colophons of donors and carvers. In the thirtieth year of the Wanli reign (1552), when the supplementary part of the Continuation of the Canon was added, the typeface was uniformly changed to Song style (Li and He 2003, pp. 416–17).

Thus, the two styles of calligraphy can be seen in one text, as the photo below shows. The right two pages followed the style called fang song ti 仿宋體 (Song dynasty style of typeface). They were replaced when the original woodblocks were damaged after years of use (Figure 29).

The left part remains in the calligraphy style of Ouyang Xun 歐陽詢 (557–641), who was famous for his regular script known as “Ouyang style” and was regarded as one of the Four Great Calligraphers of the Early Tang. A number of editions of the Chinese Buddhist canon were carved with the Ouyang style of calligraphy, such as the Qisha Canon 磧砂藏 and the Hongwu Southern Canon 洪武南藏.

We can see that, in the early days, the emperor and the imperial family monopolized the merit-making of printing the Buddhist scriptures—no donors’ or carvers’ names are found. “When blocks for specific texts were damaged or worn, individuals or groups would solicit funds and have the blocks recut. In extant colophons noting the recutting of such blocks, merit is, as we might expect, again an important theme” (Kieschnick 2003, p. 182). While the donors aimed to gain merits for themselves and their dead ancestors, the carvers, on the other hand, were responsible for the quality of the woodblocks. They were paid for their merits based on how many words they carved on the woodblocks.

Colophons recorded how donors and carvers were involved in the repair of the woodblocks, and merit-making was an important theme (Figure 30).

9. How Did the Local People Obtain and Keep a Set of the Yongle Southern Canon?

The Beibei Library in Chongqing holds an incomplete set of the Yongle Southern Canon 永樂南藏. The librarians, however, have insisted that their collection is in fact a very rare copy of the Hongwu Southern Canon (Long 2000).48

Dr. Zhao Hongchuan 趙红川 is careful enough not to mention the title of the Yongle Southern Canon in his paper. The paper provides some interesting photos to show the merit of making, distributing, and protecting the Buddhist canon. Below I translate these two colophons (Figure 31).

Devotee Ma Douhu 馬斗斛, pacification commissioner 宣撫司 appointed by the provincial administration commissioner 承宣布政, lived in tribal areas in Shizhu County 石砫 in Sichuan, together with his wife Lady Qin 覃氏, his son Ma Qiancheng 馬千乘 (1570–1613), daughters Ma Yuying 馬玉英 and Ma Qiongying 馬瓊英 who were to inherit the posts. Ma Douhu? sent Monk Rujie 如戒 and lay devotee Lü Xingzhao 呂性照 and others to the capital (Nanjing) to request a set of the Buddhist canon on the fifteenth day, the second month, sixth year of Wanli (1578). [They wished that] the Buddhist canon would be respected and worshiped. They wished that Lady Qin would ascend to the wondrous world of a Lotus Treasury, and flow into the sea of the Vairochana in her rebirths from generation to generation.49

Another colophon shows the strict rules for how to protect the Buddhist canon. It says:

The Buddhist scriptures will serve the country and bring good fortune. Therefore, the rules [for its protection] should be made known. When the Buddhist canon has been housed in the shrine, it will always be maintained and sustained by the pacification commissioner’s family. Nobody is allowed to take any copy out of the library. Any person who is responsible for the loss of one volume or one han 函 (case) will offer compensation of 108,000 jin 斤 or 55,000 kg of oil and wax. This person will be born again and again into the hell realm, while the person responsible for guarding and protecting the Buddhist canon will be blessed with increasing happiness and longevity.50

The second colophon records the responsibility of the heads of the family to protect the Buddhist canon. If the person fulfilled their duty, they would be blessed; otherwise, they would be severely punished (Figure 32 and Figure 33).

10. Conclusions

In this paper, I have discussed the merit generated from carving woodblocks, printing, and distributing the Buddhist scriptures, particularly the Buddhist canon. Here is a fundamental teaching of the Buddha: “Sabbapāpassa akaraṇaṁ, kusalassa upasampadā; Sacittapariyodapanaṁ—etaṁ buddhāna sāsanaṁ.” (Dhammapada Verse 183).

The English translation of this verse is: “To avoid all evil, to cultivate good, to purify one’s mind—this is the teaching of the Buddhas.” “To cultivate good” means that one actively engages in wholesome or skillful deeds, actions that are beneficial to oneself and others.

When Buddhism entered China in the first centuries of the Common Era, the concepts of karma and retribution gradually became integral in Chinese society. Practitioners developed numerous ways to accumulate merit by making offerings to the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha. These categories of merit included offerings, almsgiving, copying sūtras, releasing captive animals, creating Buddhist images, building stupas, monastic ordination, and rejoicing in others’ merits.

Among these forms of merit-making, the practice of sūtra copying flourished so extensively in China that it developed into a specialized profession—the sūtra copyist. Later, with the invention of printing—with a notable flourishing during the Song Dynasty (960–1279)—specialized printing institutes were established to engrave newly translated scriptures. The use of the printing press gradually replaced the practice of circulating hand-copied Buddhist texts. Consequently, the merit gained from circulating engraved or printed scriptures, thereby enabling others to read them, became equivalent to the merit of hand-copying sūtras. Printing has not only become a way to disseminate Buddhist sacred texts but also has functioned as a form of merit making for Buddhists throughout centuries.

As numerous Mahāyāna scriptures expounded the merits of reading, reciting, and copying, the dissemination of Buddhism became closely intertwined with the concepts of “writing” and “merit.” During China’s Ming dynasty (1368–1644), there were four major carving and printing projects for the circulation of the Buddhist Canon. Only one was commissioned by monks and lay devotees; the other three were initiated by the imperial court. They raised funds, commissioned scribes to write the texts, carved printing blocks, and printed the scriptures. This clearly demonstrates the immense merit associated with printing and disseminating Buddhist teachings.

Not only did the imperial ruling class control political aspects of the nation, but they also sought to control religion by monopolizing the printing of Buddhist scriptures. In this way, they could thereby monopolize the dissemination of the Dharma and the acquisition of merit. The imperial projects to construct the Buddhist canon clearly demonstrated the impact of the centralized tyrannical power on religion in China. The sixteen-character inscription is often found in Buddhist scriptures, bells, steles—they clearly indicate the purpose of carving, printing and distributing the Buddhist canon for the consolidation of the empire with ever-lasting prosperity (Figure 3).

As Jiang Wu rightly points out, the “Cult of the Canon” provided opportunities for devotees, including royal family members, to establish their personal relationship with the divine and to ensure their own and their families’ welfare.51 This reminds us of Mencius’ words: “What the superior likes, the subordinates will like even more (上有好者，下必有甚焉 Mencius, 5.2).” It is no surprise that eunuchs, officials and local people actively involved themselves in the construction of the Buddhist canon, its distribution, and its maintenance.

The colophons of court concubine, eunuchs, court lady, monks and common people demonstrate their prayers and wishes for the print of the Buddhist canon. These prayers vary from person to person. The prayer of Emperor Wanli’s concubine repeats the sixteen characters in Figure 3 and also the longevity of the emperor. The son-in-law Wan Wei did not write any extra words except that he just read the scripture with reverence. Eunuch Feng Bao was reticent—he just recorded his official titles and his donation. The financial situation in which Feng donated money to print the Buddhist canon was comparatively good. Eunuch Lu Shou expresses his wish to get Prajñā wisdom and enlightenment. Gao Xun simply writes his name and indicates that he raised the funds for the print in 1599.

A few words about eunuchs. Denied the traditional values of Chinese society, eunuchs attempted to overcome the challenges they faced. Eunuchs embraced Buddhism, making offerings to monasteries, constructing temples, funding the printing of Buddhist scriptures, and honoring monks. This exerted a profound influence on society at the time. The high-class eunuchs possessed power, privilege, and wealth. The privilege extended to their ability to sponsor the printing of Buddhist canon. Feng Bao and Gao Xun did not say any prayer in their colophon. Judging by Feng Bao’s active role in printing the Buddhist canon and temple in Figure 8 and Figure 9, we can figure out his wish to be reborn in the Western Paradise.

The court lady expresses her wish to be reborn in the Western Paradise. Monks were smart to express their best wishes for the crown prince and her mother, for they knew that the future fate of Buddhism depended on the young prince. A rich lady dedicated herself to merit-making to the therapeutic and sacred power of the Buddhist canon. The prayers of Qisha Canon were made by commoners. Their wish was simple—the merits would help them to ascend to Pure land, the safety, good fortune and good health for their families. The commoners from Shizhu County requested a set of Yongle Southern Canon. The colophons repeated the wish that Lady Qin, the head of the family, would ascend to the wondrous world of a Lotus Treasury.

Previous studies on Chinese Buddhist canon overgeneralized the imperial court editions by saying that it was emperor or empress who monopolized the merit-making business by sponsoring the project to carve, print and disseminate the Buddhist canon in famous temples in China. During my two decades of investigations, I have taken many photos of colophons recording the names of donors. They were court concubine, eunuchs, court ladies, and even common people who joined the fund-raising activities. Studies show that palace eunuchs had a complex relationship with Buddhism. Being denied the normal human life, they found spiritual solace in Buddha’s teachings. They utilized religious resources in shaping their identities. Thus, they tried to identify themselves with Buddhism by making merit. They wished to enter a better world in the next rebirth.

Due to the rigid regulations in libraries, museums and temples in China, scholars have found it difficult to get access to the original copies of the Buddhist canons. The chances to examine every volume are rare unless you are a librarian yourself. Even the librarians have been hindered from examining extant copies of other libraries. Thus, they are unable to compare the copies of the same edition of the Buddhist canon. My research at Princeton University, University of Chicago, Jagiellonian University in Poland, plus the photos I took in libraries, museums and temples in China, has enabled me to compare the nuances of these scriptures. For instance, Figure 2 shows a shi jing pai 施經牌 (board of donations for the Buddhist canon) with a word of yuzhi 御製 (Imperial-made). Other shi jing pai 施經牌in Figure 4, Figure 8, Figure 10 and Figure 12 do not have this word yuzhi 御製 (Imperial-made). We may assume that these sets were not bestowed by the emperor or empress because they were printed with the donations of court ladies, concubines, eunuchs, etc. These people were fully aware of their status in the imperial court. However, Figure 20 shows the word yuzhi. The colophon in Figure 20 shows that a commoner in Xixian donated money to request the Buddhist canon. How can we explain the discrepancies?

My fifteen years of traveling and conducting research have not been in vain. I can compare photographs of collections of the Yongle Northern Canon from various libraries, museums, and temples in the world.

The proliferation of Buddhist canon was directly related to the notion of merit-making, which meant that people from all social classes were motivated to sponsor printing projects. The Buddhist publishing industry was also supported by lay donors who gained merit by sponsoring the copying and publication of sutras and other Buddhist texts.52 We need to continue to pursue research into the Buddhist canon, which has been a discipline that few people have paid attention to for a long time. In this way, we may reach a better understanding of the Buddhist print culture.