The Publication and Dissemination of the Yuan Dynasty Pilu Canon

Abstract

This study explores the publication and dissemination of the Pilu Canon 《毗盧藏》, engraved by followers of Bao’en Wanshou Hall in Houshan Village, Fujian, during the Yanyou reign of the Yuan Dynasty. Funded through donations, this canon was part of a broader initiative to republish the four major Buddhist Canons. Its engraving style blends influences from Yan Zhenqing, Ouyang Xun, and Zhao Mengfu, with rounder characters and more spacious layouts compared to earlier Song editions. The project, supported by the White Lotus Society, involved various engravers and resulted in diverse transcription practices. Although no complete set survives, scattered volumes are housed in different institutions. The Pilu Canon provides valuable insights into the evolution of Buddhist scripture layout, the White Lotus Society’s influence, and the interaction between Buddhist texts and secular society in medieval China.

1. Introduction

Chinese Buddhist Canons, 漢文佛教大藏經, constitute a vital cultural vector of Chinese civilization. Due to historical contingencies, a significant number of these texts have been dispersed globally, including rare editions no longer extant within China. The Yuan Dynasty Pilu Canon 《毗盧藏》, one of the least-studied Yuan-era Canons with surviving fragmentary volumes, lacks a complete set domestically. This scarcity has constrained systematic scholarly inquiry. The present study aims to address this gap by enhancing the visibility of China’s rare Buddhist textual heritage. Focusing on these newly identified materials, the research employs interdisciplinary methodologies—including philology, historical analysis, and sociocultural contextualization—to systematically investigate the Canon’s compilation structure, engraving techniques, and dissemination pathways, thereby offering novel evidence for the history of Buddhist exchanges in East Asia.

The systematic collation and textual criticism 校勘 of the Pilu Canon align with the objectives of the Chinese Ancient Books Preservation Project “中華古籍保護計劃”. This endeavor facilitates the protection and utilization of overseas rare Buddhist texts, elevates domestic academia’s engagement with extraterritorial Chinese, 域外漢籍, and contributes to the global reunification of Chinese textual heritage “漢籍合璧”. By elucidating the transmission, influence, and cross-cultural interactions of Buddhist Canons across East Asia, this study provides primary sources and theoretical frameworks to support interdisciplinary research, fostering intellectual and cultural collaboration among East Asian nations and advancing the prosperity of the East Asian cultural sphere. Furthermore, this research seeks to deepen the application of Buddhist textual 佛教文獻學 through case studies of institution-specific repositories of Chinese Buddhist Canons. By analyzing the materiality and paratextual features of these collections, the project establishes methodological precedents for future Buddhist textual studies, bridging the gap between theoretical scholarship and practical preservation.

The Pilu Canon, published during the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368), represents a pivotal example of Buddhist Canon engraving during this period. Engraved at the Bao’en Wanshou Hall 報恩萬壽堂 in Houshan Village 後山村, Jianyang County 建陽縣, Fujian Circuit 福建道, this edition of the Pilu Canon (that referred to as the Yuan Pilu Canon) holds significant historical value. However, due to its fragmented survival, no complete copies remain, with only scattered volumes preserved in various locations across China. The Yuan Pilu Canon follows the catalog structure of the Pilu Canon from the Kaiyuan Temple 開元寺 in the Song Dynasty (hereafter referred to as the Song Pilu Canon), and it influenced later editions, including those produced at Miaoyan Temple 妙嚴寺 in Wuxi 無錫 and Huzhou 湖州. Scholars such as He Mei 何梅,1 Barend ter Haar 田海,2 and Ogawa Kan’ichi 小川貫弌,3 have explored this Canon, recognizing its importance in the history of Buddhist Canon engraving.

At the turn of the 21st century, the patronage and production agents behind Yuan Dynasty Chinese Buddhist Canons became a focal point in academia. He Mei’s 1999 study, An Investigation of Several Issues Regarding the 《<毗盧大藏經>若干問題考》, identified the sponsors 募刻人 of the re-engraved Pilu Canon. Subsequently, Li Fuhua and He Mei’s Research on Chinese Buddhist Canons (Hanwen Fojiao Dazangjing Yanjiu 《漢文佛教大藏經研究》, 2003) posited that the sponsors Chen Juelin 陳覺琳 and Chen Jueyuan 陳覺圓 were White Lotus 白蓮教 adherents, further revealing their clan-based collaboration. These studies collectively illuminated the socioreligious identities of Yuan dynastic canon production agents.

Over the past four decades, scholarly attention has increasingly turned to the genealogy of engraving techniques 版刻源流 in Buddhist Canons. Dai Fanyu’s 戴蕃豫, Research on Spreading of Chinese Buddhist Canon Carving Origin 《中國佛典刊刻源流考》 (1985), systematically traced the evolution of canon engraving across dynasties. Li and He’s aforementioned 2003 work provided a meticulous analysis of the Pilu Canon, delineating their technical lineages. Japanese scholar Ogawa Kanichi 小川貫弌 (1939) pioneered the study of Yuan-era private canon production in his 1944 article The Engraving Activities of the Yuan Dynasty White Lotus 《元代白蓮教の刻藏事蹟》 (1939), which contextualized sectarian networks within Buddhist textual production. More recently, Dutch scholar Barend ter Haar’s 田海 The White Lotus in Chinese History 《中國歷史上的白蓮教》 (2017) examined the religious nomenclature 名號 of White Lotus devotees, systematically analyzing their interpersonal networks and hierarchical ties to canon production.

First, White Lotus role in bridging Song-era orthodoxy and Yuan populism remains understudied. Second, the White Lotus Society’s organizational strategies, particularly their use of dharma names to consolidate authority, lack systematic analysis. Third, the canon’s fragmented survival has led to misidentification in historiography. This paper addresses these gaps by reconstructing the Pilu Canon’s engraving process, patronage networks, and dissemination, thereby positioning it as a linchpin in understanding grassroots religious publishing and sectarian identity in Yuan Dynasty of China. Despite these efforts, the fragmented nature of the surviving copies, along with their scattered distribution, has made it challenging to gain a comprehensive understanding of the canon’s publishing and dissemination.

From 2008 to 2009, the zero edition of the Pilu Canon Scattered Version (散藏零本) published in the Yuan Dynasty was successively selected into the first and second batches of the national list of precious ancient books, 第一、二批《國家珍貴古籍名錄》.4 The author has collected the zero books and pictures of major collection institutions in China, paid attention to the auction of rare ancient books at home and abroad, and read many fragments of the existing Yuan Journal Pilu Canon Scattered Version. He has some new understanding of the publishing process and distribution of this collection. The following is an introduction to the key issues of the Yuan issue Pilu Canon, followed by a textual study focusing on the key issues of the publication and distribution of the Pilu Canon.

2. Engraving Origin of the Yuan Pilu Canon

The engraving of the Yuan Pilu Canon is closely linked to the popularization of the four major Buddhist Canons of Chan Buddhism, namely, The Great maha-prajanparamita sutra 《大般若經》, The Mahāratnakūṭa Sūtra 《大寶積經》, The Great Hua-yan sutra 《大華嚴經》, and The Great Nirvana Sutra 《大涅槃經》. As He Mei 何梅 noted in Research on Chinese Canon 《漢文佛教大藏經研究》, the aim of re-engraving the Pilu Canon in the Yuan Dynasty was to republish the four minor canons 四大部經: “Maha-prajanparamita Jing, Mahāratnakūṭa sutra, Hua-yan sutra, and Nirvana sutra” (Li and He 2003, p. 354). Dai Fanyu 戴蕃豫 also referred to the four canons in his work, Spreading of Chinese Buddhist Canon Carving Origin 《中國佛典刊刻源流考》, stating (Dai 1995, p. 101):

（元代）私版《一切經》，上述管主八刻藏。《大普寧寺藏》外，僅有白蓮教刊行四小藏。延祐二年，福建道建寧路建陽縣後山報恩萬壽堂嗣教陳覺琳，募緣雕鐫四大部小藏：《大般若經》六百卷；《大寶積經》百二十卷；《大般若涅槃經》四十卷，同後分二卷；《大華嚴經》八十卷，原八十四函，出資皆庶民階級也。經各面六行十七字，字體秀麗，優於元普寧寺版。

“The private edition of the Canon (Yuan Dynasty) was engraved and stored by Guan Zhuba 管主八, as mentioned above. In addition to the Da Puning Temple Canon 《大普寧寺藏經》, there were only four minor canons published by the White Lotus Society 白蓮教. In the second year of the Yanyou reign 延祐年間, Chen Juelin 陳覺琳 from Bao’en Wanshou Hall in Houshan Village 後山報恩萬壽堂, Jianyang County 建陽縣, Jianning Lu 建寧路, Fujian Circuit 福建道raised funds through solicitation and engraved four minor canons: 600 volumes of The Great maha-prajanparamita sutra; 120 volumes of Mahāratnakūṭa Sūtra; 40 volumes of The Great Nirvana Sutra; 2 volumes of The Great Prajna Nirvana houfen; and 80 volumes of The Great hua-yan sutra all stored in 84 book wrappers. All the investors were from the commoner class. Each line 行 contained seventeen characters 字, and six lines were arranged on each side of the scriptures. The fonts were elegant and superior to the edition in the Puning Temple.”5

As Dai Fanyu further observed, “In the second year of the Yanyou reign, the White Lotus Society engraved the Pilu Canon in Jianyang” (Dai 1995, p. 51). This suggests that the Maha-prajanparamita sutra, Mahāratnakūṭa sutra, Hua-yan sutra and Nirvana sutra engraved by Chen Juelin and others were the only verifiable private block-printing activities of Buddhist scriptures in the Yuan Dynasty, besides the Puning Canon, with each scripture engraved to a high standard.

The primary goal of publishing the Yuan Pilu Canon was to republish the “Four Buddhist Canons”, which were in high demand at that time.6 Currently, only scattered volumes of this canon are preserved, with copies held in institutions such as Yongquan Temple 湧泉寺 on Mount Gu 鼓山 in Fujian, the National Library of China, Nanjing Library, Shanxi Library, and Sichuan University Library. No modern records detailing the printing and publication process of the Yuan Pilu Canon have been uncovered. Only 15 volumes of The Great maha-prajanparamita sutra and 1 volume of The Mahāratnakūṭa Sūtra from this canon have been found in printed copies, which were used for supplementary matching and appear in the A Photocopy of Song Qisha Canon 《磧砂藏》, published during the Republic of China period.

3. The Publishing and Engraving of the Yuan Pilu Canon

The Pilu Canon, engraved during the early years of the Yuan Dynasty, is a significant example of Buddhist Canon engraving that provides valuable insights into the development of scriptural printing in medieval China. This section examines key aspects of its publication, including the engraving time and location, as well as the changes in the typefaces and characters used in comparison to earlier editions, such as the Song Pilu Canon. Through these details, we gain a deeper understanding of the evolution of Buddhist Canons and the cultural and religious dynamics surrounding their dissemination during the Yuan period.

3.1. Engraving Timeline and Geographic Scope

The Yuan Pilu Canon is notable for its detailed engraving records, which provide crucial information about the time and place of its creation. Three key lines of engraving records state: “Chen Juelin of Bao’en Wanshou Hall in Houshan Village, Jianyang County 建陽縣, Jianning Lu 建寧路, Fujian Circuit 福建道, in order to pray for the eternal longevity of the current emperor and to wish prosperity and high positions for all distinct and military officials, solicited public support to carve the printing blocks of the Buddhist Canon, so that it could be circulated and recited by the people. Respectfully inscribed in the second year of Yanyou reign” (Li and He 2003, p. 354).

These inscriptions offer a clear timeline, indicating that the canon was engraved in the second year of the Yanyou reign (1315). Typically, a rectangular wooden inscription indicating the donor’s contribution is placed at the end of the Buddhist Canon title. Following this record, there is another inscription that states: “The Grand Promoter of Donations, Ronglu Grand Master, specially conferred with the honorary title of Kaifuyitongsansi 開府儀同三司, Wu Guogong 吳國公 (Duke Wu) Yihei–mi–shi (Yïγmïš) 亦黑迷失”. At the very end of each volume, phonetic transcriptions of the Buddhist texts are included, providing further details about the pronunciation of terms.

Based on these engraving records, it is clear that The Mahāratnakūṭa Sūtra in the Yuan Pilu Canon was engraved at Bao’en Wanshou Hall in Jianyang, Fujian, during the second year of the Yanyou reign. This edition is now scattered across several locations. The Mahāratnakūṭa Sūtra is currently stored in several locations, including the National Library of China, Nanjing Library, and the National Central Library of Taiwan. The latter holds the largest collection, with 5 volumes (volumes 18, 29, 50, 83, and 84), all bound in the folding style, with six lines per fold and seventeen characters per line. The calligraphy was executed in the style of Ouyang Xun 歐陽詢 (557–641). At the end of the volume, the phonetic explanation was provided first, followed by the inscription soliciting donations (See

Table 1. Engraving records of The Mahāratnakūṭa Sūtra in the Yuan Pilu Canon.

Volume	Serial Numbers Based on the Engraving Records	Colophon
10	Long 龍	黃州路麻城縣龔氏妙真、劉顯祥、陳氏妙清、林德廣、胡仲勝、程普壽、水氏一娘、朱大哥、熊覺明、李覺福、那氏五娘、鄒氏一娘、宮文仲、王氏妙法、楊氏妙義，已上各刊一紙，共成一卷，報資恩有者。
		Gong Mizhen, Liu Xianxiang, Chen Miaoqing, Lin Deguang, Hu Zhongsheng, Cheng Pushou, Shui Yiniang, Brother Zhu, Xiong Jueming, Li Jiaofu, Na Wu Niang, Zou Yiniang, Gong Wenzhong, Wang Miaofa, and Yang Miaoyi from Macheng County, Huangzhou Road. Each engraved one sheet, collectively completing one volume to repay kindness and blessings.
18	Shi 師	陸安州陸安縣晏覺燈同妻子丁氏妙明共刊五紙，周覺力刊五紙，劉氏妙持同夫鄒覺悔共刊二紙，高覺海刊一紙，共成一卷，報資恩有者。
		Yan Juedeng from Lu’an County, Lu’an Prefecture, with his wife Ding Miaoming, engraved five sheets. Zhou Jueli engraved five sheets. Liu Miaochi, with her husband Zou Juehui, engraved two sheets. Gao Juehai engraved one sheet. Altogether, they completed one volume to repay kindness and blessings.
20	Shi 師	光州固始縣李覺性、胡氏三娘各刊二紙，祝有才、李誠、張漢用各刊一紙，帥氏妙清刊半紙；陸安州陸安縣吳明祖同妻吳氏五娘、周氏妙新、周覺願、胡氏四娘、尤德明、李覺廣、朱氏七娘，已上各刊一紙，共成一卷，上報四恩，下資三有。
		Li Juexing and Hu Sanniang from Gushi County, Guangzhou, each engraved two sheets. Zhu Youcai, Li Cheng, and Zhang Hanyong each engraved one sheet. Shuai Miaoxing engraved half a sheet. Wu Mingzu from Lu’an County, Lu’an Prefecture, with his wife Wu Wu Niang, Zhou Miaoxin, Zhou Jueyuan, Hu Siniang, You Deming, Li Jueguang, and Zhu Qiniang, each engraved one sheet. Altogether, they completed one volume to repay the Four Great Kindnesses above and benefit the Three Realms below.
29	Huo 火	建昌州控鶴鄉津濟堂周覺布、男周覺德舍刊一函報資恩有者。
		Zhou Juebu and his son Zhou Juede from Jinji Hall in Konghe Country, Jianchang Prefecture, donated the engraving of one set of scriptures to repay kindness and blessings.
50	Wu (烏)	江西道贛州人謝覺戒施三十兩，僧久珩、謝妙心、宋覺會、四會鄉大安里居何逢元、劉覺直、李八都居住溫才英、李氏三各施十兩，共中統三定，刊經一卷。上報四恩，下資三有，惟願世世生生同生淨土者。
		Xie Juejie from Ganzhou in Jiangxi Circuit donated thirty taels of silver. Monks Jiuheng, Xie Miaoxin, Song Juehui, and He Fengyuan from Da’anli, Sihui Country, Liu Juezhi, Wen Caiying from Li Badu, and Li Shisan each donated ten taels of silver. Together, they donated three ding of Zhongtong banknotes and engraved one volume of scriptures, hoping to repay the Four Great Kindnesses above, benefit the Three Realms below, and be reborn in the Pure Land.
59	Guan 官	河南江北道汴梁省汝寧府光州固始縣回龍山古心堂陳覺圓募眾喜舍四十五定，謹刊斯經一十五卷，上報四恩，下資三有者。
		Chen Jueyuan from Guxin Hall on Huilong Mountain in Gushi County, Guangzhou, solicited donations from the public and received forty-five ding in contributions. He carefully engraved fifteen volumes of these scriptures to repay the Four Great Kindnesses above and benefit the Three Realms below.
83	Shi 始	江西撫州崇仁寧克伸舍刊一卷，祈薦父母宗親，超生淨界者。
		Ning Keshen from Chongren, Fuzhou, Jiangxi, donated the engraving of one volume of scriptures, praying for his parents and relatives to be reborn in the Pure Land.
84	Shi 始	福建道建寧路建陽縣後山報恩萬壽堂嗣教陳覺琳，恭爲今上皇帝，祝延聖壽萬安，文武官僚同資祿位，募眾雕刊《毗盧大藏經》板，流通讀誦者，延祐二年 月 日謹題。
		Chen Juelin of Bao’en Wanshou Hall in Houshan Village, Jianyang County, Jianning Road, Fujian Circuit, solicited public donations to carve the printing blocks of the Buddhist Canon, praying for the eternal longevity of the emperor and prosperity for distinct and military officials. Respectfully inscribed in the second year of the Yanyou reign.

).

Fujian during this period was part of the Jiang-Zhe Province, 江浙行省, bordering Jiangxi and Henan. The engraving records attached to these volumes reveal that the influence of the Pilu Canon, engraved through fundraising efforts by Chen Juelin 陳覺琳 and Chen Jueyuan 陳覺圓, had already spread to surrounding areas. This monumental engraving project not only received enthusiastic support from followers in distant regions but also garnered the backing of Yïγmïš, the chief official 平章政事 of the Fujian Provincial Administration Commission 福建行省. As a result, the Pilu Canon was successfully engraved and published, ensuring its widespread dissemination.7

The location of Bao’en Wanshou Hall in Jianyang County is significant. Known historically as the “Land of Books” 圖書之府, Jianyang was an ideal place for such a major engraving project. Chen Juelin, who led the project, was a follower of the White Lotus Society, which played a crucial role in organizing the funding and engraving of the Pilu Canon (Huang 1991, p. 813). A deeper understanding of the political context can be drawn from additional historical records. For example, The History of the Yuan Dynasty reveals that in the 21st year of the Zhiyuan 至元 reign of Emperor Shizu 世祖 (1284), Yïγmïš was sent to the foreign country of Simhala 僧迦剌國 to view the Buddha’s alms bowl and relics. In the 24th year of the Zhiyuan reign, he was dispatched as an envoy to the Kingdom of Mabar 馬八兒國 to retrieve the Buddha’s alms bowl and relics.

This marked the beginning of his karmic connection with Buddhism (Song et al. 2013, pp. 3198–200). In the 29th year of the Zhiyuan reign 至元年間, the Fujian Province was established, and Yïγmïš was appointed as Chief Administrator 平章政事. Later, as Grand Master of Honors and Treasury 榮祿大夫 and Chief Administrator, he became the head of the Jixian Academy 集賢院 and took charge of affairs related to Hui Tong Hall 會同館事. Following his retirement, Emperor Renzong 元仁宗, in recognition of his extensive missions to remote regions, issued an imperial edict conferring upon him the title of Duke Wu 吳國公 (ibid., pp. 3198–200). It is clear that Yïγmïš, an important court official during Emperor Renzong’s reign, was appointed Chief Promoter of the engraving of scriptures 雕經都大勸緣 shortly after being granted the title of Wu Duke. His influence was pivotal in the success of the Pilu Canon engraving project. As a result, the Pilu Canon was engraved in the second year of the Yanyou reign period, centered in Jianyang County, and its influence radiated over a vast area.

3.2. Typefaces and Characters Used in Engraving

The Pilu Canon was originally engraved during the Song Dynasty and later re-engraved in the Yuan Dynasty. One notable difference between the two editions is the layout of the pronunciation explanation section. In the Yuan Pilu Canon, this section was moved to the end of each volume, whereas in the Song Dynasty edition, it was a separate volume placed at the end. This shift in layout reflects the evolving style of the Yuan Dynasty engraving.

In the Song Dynasty editions of the Pilu Canon, the typefaces were primarily influenced by the calligraphy of Yan Zhenqing 顏真卿 (709–785), one of the most famous calligraphers of the Tang Dynasty. Yan’s calligraphy style is characterized by a mix of light horizontal strokes and heavy vertical strokes, sharp tips, strong pauses, and blunt hooks. The Song editions of the Pilu Canon, particularly those based on the Chongning Canon《崇寧藏》, adhered to this style, maintaining Yan’s distinctive calligraphy throughout the engraving process.

The Puning Canon, another important Buddhist Canon of the Song Dynasty, also initially used Ouyang Xun’s 歐陽詢 (557–641) calligraphy style. However, in its later stages, it transitioned to the more refined style of Zhao Mengfu 趙孟頫 (1254–1322), merging the strengths of both. This combination of styles marked the Puning Canon’s long engraving period. In contrast, the Yuan Pilu Canon fully adopted Ouyang Xun’s calligraphy style, which is noted for its smoother, thinner strokes compared to Yan Zhenqing’s heavier and more robust style. The Yuan edition’s writing appears more refined, with greater solemnity and less visual heaviness than the Song edition.

The typefaces used in the Yuan Pilu Canon display a blend of different influences, showing both continuity and change in the engraving process. Some sections of the canon retain Yan Zhenqing’s characteristic style from the Southern Song editions, with sharp edges and thick strokes, particularly in the vertical strokes, which contrast with lighter horizontal strokes. This stylistic similarity makes it easy to confuse the Yuan edition with earlier Song editions. However, other parts of the canon feature more fluid strokes and a more elegant structure, with fewer sharp edges. The characters in these sections are well balanced and neatly written, displaying characteristics that lie somewhere between Ouyang Xun’s and Zhao Mengfu’s calligraphy styles. These features are typical of the Yuan Dynasty editions. Compared to the Song Dynasty editions, the typefaces of the Yuan Pilu Canon are rounder and more forceful.

The spaces between characters in the folded parts of the canon are wider, giving the layout a more open and expansive feel. This shift reflects the evolving aesthetics and practical considerations of printing during the Yuan Dynasty. The Yuan Pilu Canon’s stylistic hybridity—combining Yan Zhenqing’s solemnity 顏體, Ouyang Xun’s angularity 歐體, and Zhao Mengfu’s solemnity 趙體—served as a visual rhetoric legitimizing the White Lotus Society’s doctrinal innovations. While the Song edition adhered strictly to Yan-style orthodoxy, the Yuan version’s rounded strokes and wider spacing accommodated lay readership, reflecting the sect’s populist outreach. This contrasts with the contemporaneous Puning Canon, which retained monastic rigidity through standardized Ou-style scripts. However, claims about “populist outreach” require qualification: the Yuan calligraphic style, while less rigid, remained an elite practice.

The Yuan-era Pilu Canon, while retaining the structural framework of Song Dynasty editions, incorporated distinct features of Yuan single-volume Buddhist sutra printing techniques. For instance, its accordion binding closely resembles the contemporaneous “Four Major Divisions of the Canon” produced at Huzhou’s Miaoyan Temple 湖州妙嚴寺, while its increased page margins and relaxed character spacing mirror design trends seen in Yuan-era privately printed sutras. By optimizing layout, the Pilu Canon achieved technical innovations that indirectly facilitated the secular dissemination of Buddhist texts, reflecting the pragmatic orientation of Southern China’s printing industry during the Yuan Dynasty (see Table 2).

Table 2. Comparative features of the Pilu Canon and other Yuan Dynasty engraved canons.

Feature/ Edition	Pilu Canon (Figure 1)	Puning Canon (Figure 2)	Yuanguan Canon (Figure 3)	Yuan-Supplemented Qisha Canon (Figure 4)
Format	Single-line border on all sides; 36 lines per folio (每折6頁); 17 characters per line	Early phase imitates Song formats; later phase: 30 lines per folio, 17 characters per line; single/double borders; smaller folio size	42 lines per folio 每折7個半頁; 17 characters per line; double-line borders on upper and lower margins	30 lines per folio, 17 characters per line; follows Southern Song prototypes; single/double borders; folio size akin to Puning Canon
Binding	Accordion binding 經折裝	Accordion binding; 5.5 pages per folio; includes protective covers and decorative wrappers	Accordion binding; 7 folded pages per folio; frontispiece illustrations of stupas and Śākyamuni preaching	Primarily accordion binding; Yuan-supplemented scrolls feature Yuan-era characteristics, e.g., hemp-paper linings
Calligraphic style	Hybrid of Ouyang Xun’s solemnity (Ou style) and Zhao Mengfu’s solemnity (Zhao style); fluid, vigorous engraving techniques, resembling Song engraving	Early phase: Ou style; mid-late phase: Zhao style (slender and elongated); alternates regular and semi-cursive scripts	Influenced by Zhao style, standardized with occasional semi-cursive flourishes	Southern Song origin: Ou-style Zhejiang script; Yuan phase absorbs Zhao style; Yuan supplements incorporate Yan Zhenqing and Zhao styles
Layout and orthography	17 characters per line; occasional colophons 刊版題記 and donor notes 施資題記; predominantly employs vernacular characters	17 characters per line; carver’s names annotated; uses Thousand-Character Classic numbering system 千字文函號 for folio/section labels; vernacular characters	17 characters per line; carvers’ signatures (e.g., “Yang Ding carved” 楊鼎刊); standardized orthography	Strict 17-character alignment; Yuan-supplemented colophons note dates and carvers (e.g., “Supplemented in the 10th Year of Dade” 大德十年補刊); standardized orthography
Additional features	Survives only in four major divisions; shares origins with Wuxing Miaoyan Temple Canon; emphasizes functionality and cost-efficiency for wider dissemination	Divided into early/late phases; late phase simplifies formats; early-phase fragments survive in Japan; book wrappers feature inscriptions in the style reminiscent of Six Dynasties stele inscriptions	Extant in 23 titles (32 scrolls); postdates Yuan Pilu Canon (exact dates debated); frontispiece-art integration reflects imperial authority	Initiated in Southern Song, completed via Yuan supplementation (c. 1290–1320 CE); Yuan supplements constitute over 75% of the canon; engravers overlap with Puning and Pilu Canons

Table 2. Comparative features of the Pilu Canon and other Yuan Dynasty engraved canons.

Feature/ Edition	Pilu Canon (Figure 1)	Puning Canon (Figure 2)	Yuanguan Canon (Figure 3)	Yuan-Supplemented Qisha Canon (Figure 4)
Format	Single-line border on all sides; 36 lines per folio (每折6頁); 17 characters per line	Early phase imitates Song formats; later phase: 30 lines per folio, 17 characters per line; single/double borders; smaller folio size	42 lines per folio 每折7個半頁; 17 characters per line; double-line borders on upper and lower margins	30 lines per folio, 17 characters per line; follows Southern Song prototypes; single/double borders; folio size akin to Puning Canon
Binding	Accordion binding 經折裝	Accordion binding; 5.5 pages per folio; includes protective covers and decorative wrappers	Accordion binding; 7 folded pages per folio; frontispiece illustrations of stupas and Śākyamuni preaching	Primarily accordion binding; Yuan-supplemented scrolls feature Yuan-era characteristics, e.g., hemp-paper linings
Calligraphic style	Hybrid of Ouyang Xun’s solemnity (Ou style) and Zhao Mengfu’s solemnity (Zhao style); fluid, vigorous engraving techniques, resembling Song engraving	Early phase: Ou style; mid-late phase: Zhao style (slender and elongated); alternates regular and semi-cursive scripts	Influenced by Zhao style, standardized with occasional semi-cursive flourishes	Southern Song origin: Ou-style Zhejiang script; Yuan phase absorbs Zhao style; Yuan supplements incorporate Yan Zhenqing and Zhao styles
Layout and orthography	17 characters per line; occasional colophons 刊版題記 and donor notes 施資題記; predominantly employs vernacular characters	17 characters per line; carver’s names annotated; uses Thousand-Character Classic numbering system 千字文函號 for folio/section labels; vernacular characters	17 characters per line; carvers’ signatures (e.g., “Yang Ding carved” 楊鼎刊); standardized orthography	Strict 17-character alignment; Yuan-supplemented colophons note dates and carvers (e.g., “Supplemented in the 10th Year of Dade” 大德十年補刊); standardized orthography
Additional features	Survives only in four major divisions; shares origins with Wuxing Miaoyan Temple Canon; emphasizes functionality and cost-efficiency for wider dissemination	Divided into early/late phases; late phase simplifies formats; early-phase fragments survive in Japan; book wrappers feature inscriptions in the style reminiscent of Six Dynasties stele inscriptions	Extant in 23 titles (32 scrolls); postdates Yuan Pilu Canon (exact dates debated); frontispiece-art integration reflects imperial authority	Initiated in Southern Song, completed via Yuan supplementation (c. 1290–1320 CE); Yuan supplements constitute over 75% of the canon; engravers overlap with Puning and Pilu Canons

As a privately funded canon from the early Yuan, the Pilu Canon.Influenced the Puning Canon through its supplementation techniques, exemplifying the integration of northern and southern engraving traditions. Stylistically, it preserved the Yan-style calligraphy of Song prototypes while adopting utilitarian features from the Qisha Canon supplements. Its fusion of the Thousand-Character Classic numbering system 千字文 from the Puning Canon resulted in a hybrid “Song framework adapted to Yuan usage” 宋體元用. Notably, compared to the free-form calligraphy of Yuan single-volume sutras like the Tianmu Zhongfeng Mingben Guanglu 《天目中峰明本廣錄》, the Pilu Canon prioritized orthographic standardization for religious texts, whereas the Qisha Canon supplements balanced Song and Yuan technical aesthetics (see

Table 3. Comparison of character styles in the Pilu Canon Published During the Song and Yuan Dynasties.

The Standard Form	The Vulgar Forms of the Song Pilu Canon	The Vulgar Forms of the Yuan Pilu Canon
藏
軟
多
差
復
教
切
往
厭
此
比

).

3.3. Founding of the Work

The Yuan Pilu Canon (See Figure 1) does not record the names of individual engravers. Instead, the inscription at the end of each volume lists the solicitors of donations for that particular volume. This practice contrasts with other official Canon engravings, where large teams of engravers, typically funded by the state, were responsible for the work. In these official state-sponsored projects, such as the Qisha Canon 《磧砂藏》 (See Figure 4) and Yuanguan Canon 《元官藏》 (See Figure 3), each engraver was usually tasked with several layouts. These large-scale projects were often managed by state institutions or official religious bodies.

In comparison, the Puning Canon(See Figure 2), although privately funded, was engraved under the direction of the Canon Bureau 大藏經局, a specialized institution associated with the Dapuning Temple on South Mountain. The Canon Bureau was specifically dedicated to the task of scripture engraving, and its involvement ensured a unified approach to the canon’s production.

However, the Yuan Pilu Canon differs significantly in its organizational structure. Unlike the Song Pilu Canon, which recorded the names of engravers in the center of each layout, the Yuan Pilu Canon does not provide this level of detail. The Song editions, initiated by temples, had more unified funding sources, which allowed for a more formalized process of engraving. In contrast, the Yuan Pilu Canon was primarily funded through the efforts of local followers and donors, such as those from Bao’en Hall in Houshan Village, Jianyang County. The engraving process was less formalized, and the workload was generally lighter. Each engraver was responsible for only one volume or a few pages. Once the engraving was completed, the donors directly paid the engravers’ wages. Only a select group of donors was recorded on the scripture printing blocks, reflecting the decentralized nature of the project.

The primary solicitors for the Yuan Pilu Canon were followers of the White Lotus Society, a religious movement that played a significant role in funding this massive engraving effort. Among the main figures were Chen Juelin of Bao’en Wanshou Hall, who raised funds in Fujian, and Chen Jueyuan, who solicited donations in Henan. He Mei, in her book Research on Chinese Canon, co-authored with Li Fuhua, suggested that Chen Juelin and Chen Jueyuan were relatives or from the same clan, based on the fact that the first two characters of their names were identical (Li and He 2003, pp. 43–51).

Though both the Pilu Canon and Puning Canon were privately engraved, the Pilu Canon exhibited greater graphic variability due to its “donor–carver integration” 募刊合一 mechanism. This system, managed by White Lotus devotees, delegated carving responsibilities to individual engravers responsible for one or more scrolls. The decentralized carving-by-individual approach, involving numerous engravers with diverse scribal habits, led to widespread use of vernacular variants 俗體字 and alternative glyphs 異體字. Such orthographic diversity reflects the tension between manuscript traditions and the emerging “print culture” of Yuan Buddhist Canons. A diachronic analysis of these orthographic variations illuminates the textual evolution of Chinese Buddhist scriptures from the “original ecology of manuscripts” to the “new ecology of printed editions” during the Song–Yuan transition.

4. The Socioreligious Context of the Yuan Pilu Canon

In the Yuan Dynasty, the fundraising and engraving of the Pilu Canon involved a diverse group of contributors, many of whom were also its solicitors. Most of these individuals came from the secular class and displayed a strong sense of religious homogenization, primarily linked to the White Lotus Society. By examining the religious names used by these followers, we gain a deeper understanding of their relationships and the overall nature of the Pilu Canon.

4.1. Religious Names of the White Lotus Society Followers

Yang Ne’s research on the White Lotus Society in the Yuan Dynasty provides substantial information on the religious names of its followers. For instance, Wei Su 危素, a figure from Jinxi 金溪, Jiangxi 江西, who lived during the Yuan Dynasty, was known by the courtesy name Tai Pu 太樸 and authored the Wei Taipu Ji 《危太樸集》. In this collection, he mentions Tu Wenzheng 屠文正, a member of the White Lotus Society, who used the religious name Jueyuan, while his son adopted the name Juexing 覺興 (Yang 2017, pp. 72–73). Similarly, the head monk of Shanfa Hall 善法堂 at Donglin Temple 東林寺 on Mt. Lushan 廬山 Pudu 普度, from Danyang 丹陽 (modern Jiangsu 江蘇), also had a secular surname 俗姓, Jiang 蔣. Pudu’s family had practiced Buddhism for generations, and he himself became a monk at the age of twenty (Yang 1989, p. 3). He wrote the Mirror of the White Lotus Society in Mt. Lushan, in which he describes the growing misunderstandings among people, even those who aspired to the right path. Despite their intentions, many fell into heretical sects, and various disputes about right and wrong arose. As he observes:

去聖時遙，人多謬解，雖期正道，悉陷邪宗，庸昏之徒，含識而已，致使群邪詭惑，諸黨並熾，是非蜂起，空有云云，夾截虛空，互相排毀。……有執我宗“普”字“覺”字者，有言彼宗“妙”字“道”字者，是皆私偷此鏡入彼邪域，致爲塵垢蔽蒙，不明宗體，雖得此鏡之名而不得其用也。

“The age of the sages has long passed, and many have fallen into misunderstanding. Though they yearn for the right path, they have instead veered into heretical sects. The mediocre and confused are but mere sentient beings. Consequently, countless heresies spread lies to deceive, and sects of all kinds flourish simultaneously. Disputes over right and wrong erupt like swarms of bees, and empty words are endless. These debates seem to cut through the void, as each faction slanders and attacks the others. There are those who cling to the characters Pu “普” and Jue “覺” of our sect, while others promote the characters Miao “妙” and Dao “道” of other sects. All these people secretly appropriate this mirror and bring it into the heretical realms of others, where it is covered in dust and dirt, obscured from the true essence of the sect. Though they claim to possess the name of this mirror, they are unable to use it” (ibid, p. 66).

From this, it is clear that within the White Lotus Society, followers used the characters Pu “普”, Jue “覺”, Miao “妙”, and Dao “道” as identifiers for different sects within the broader movement. This suggests that internal divisions had already taken shape, with various factions competing for influence.

An example of the complex relationships within the society can be found in Lu Qi’s 盧琦 poem, Expressing My Feelings While Staying at Shanying Temple in Pingnan, which recounts the history of Shanying Temple 善應庵. A follower named Chen Juejian 陳覺堅donated his private residence to the temple, and his disciples, including Chen Jueqing 陳覺慶 and Chen Juezheng 陳覺正, were Taoists, while his grandson, Chen Juezhen 陈觉真, later shaved his head and became a monk. Many White Lotus Society members shared the surname Chen, with family members 家人 and master–disciple 師徒 relationships intertwining, reflecting the society’s grassroots support for the Pilu Canon in Jianyang.

4.2. Relationships of Solicitors

The fundraising and engraving efforts for the Yuan Pilu Canon spanned a wide geographical area, with solicitors and donors coming from places such as Jian’an, Jianyang 建陽, Zhenghe, Shaowu, Jianning 建寧, Chongren 崇仁, Gushi, and Lu’an 陸安, covering regions in both Fujian and Jiangxi Provinces, as well as parts of Henan and Guangdong (Li and He 2003, pp. 355–56). The contributors to this canon largely came from the lower strata of society, with the majority of solicitors being followers of the White Lotus Society, along with some non-affiliated individuals. The colophon at the beginning of the volume reveals that the engraving of Buddhist scriptures, a significant undertaking by the White Lotus Society, received considerable support from various quarters. While the financiers came from diverse locations, the majority were concentrated in the regions south of the Yangtze River, with relatively few coming from the north. This may be attributable to the comparatively weaker influence of the White Lotus Society in northern China (You 2011, pp. 93–100).

Many followers of the White Lotus Society incorporated religious characters into their names, such as Dao “道”, Zhi “智”, Yuan “圓”, Pu “普”, Miao “妙”, and Jue “覺”. According to Barend ter Haar’s research, over half of the 45 lay Buddhists mentioned in the engraving records of the Pilu Canon had religious characters in their names. Specifically, 19 had the character Jue “覺” and 6 had Miao “妙”. Following the Buddhist tradition of adopting religious names, both Chen Juelin and Chen Jueyuan were of the jue generation and members of the White Lotus Society (Haar 2017, p. 40).

The use of standardized dharma names in the Yuan Dynasty White Lotus Society was not merely a nominal practice but a deliberate strategy to construct collective religious identity. The recurrence of “Jue” in key figures like Chen Juelin and Chen Jueyuan (likely kin or master–disciple relations) highlights a structured hierarchy that reinforced internal cohesion. This naming convention, akin to the Pu “普” and Dao “道” branches mentioned in Pudu’s Mirror of the White Lotus Society, reflects doctrinal divisions and competing claims to orthodoxy within the sect. By anchoring the canon’s production to these dharma names, the White Lotus Society transformed scripture engraving into a ritual act of devotion, thereby consolidating its spiritual authority among lay followers. This reflects the Dharma Name System and Sectarian Identity of the White Lotus Society.

Shi Weize 釋惟則, a scholar from the Yuan Dynasty, wrote a ten-volume work titled Interpretation of the Sutra on the Top of Big Buddha. Today, we can see a revised version of this work, published during the Zhizheng 至正 reign of the Yuan Dynasty by the Shizilin 獅子林 in Gusu 姑蘇. The edition includes a woodcut illustration of Sakyamuni preaching the Dharma at the beginning of the volume, along with a colophon at the front. This version is preserved in the National Central Library of Taiwan. The descendants of Shi Weize 釋惟則 later wrote a narration of the Interpretation. This canon, engraved in the late Yuan Dynasty, presents a form and structure distinct from those of earlier Buddhist scriptures. It is not included in the official Buddhist Canon, which makes determining its system of classification difficult. However, a publishing record found at the end of Volume Three offers some insight. The record notes:

常熟州承化里何舍土地渡江大王界居弟子嚴憲，同室張氏妙真施財刊第三卷。近景福遠植勝因，歸命總持不動尊，隨眾生而心周徧法界。今我早登乘上覺，度恒沙眾而名報佛恩。

“The local deity of the He family in Chenghua Li Village 承化里, Changshu Prefecture 常熟州, crossed the Yangtze River and came to the deity’s shrine. There, my disciple Yan Xian 嚴憲 and his wife Zhang Miaozhen 張妙真 generously funded the engraving and printing of the third volume of the scriptures. Their aim was to accumulate merit in this life and plant the seeds of good fortune for future lives. They dedicated their contribution to the compassionate Acalanatha Bodhisattva, whose mercy extends to all sentient beings and the Dharma realm. I hope that through this merit, I could swiftly attain the highest enlightenment, save countless sentient beings, and repay the Buddha’s kindness”.12

Based on the religious character of Zhang Miaozhen, the wife of Yan Xian, Ms. Zhang might have been a female follower of the White Lotus Society. She was the donor who sponsored the production of Volume Three of The Interpretation of Big buddha peak Surangama Sutra《大佛頂首楞嚴經》, and might have had something in common in terms of belief with those who solicited donations for the carving of the Yuan Pilu Canon.

Most of the solicitors for the engraving of the Yuan Pilu Canon were followers of the White Lotus Society, and occasionally there were people outside the society. According to the names, such as Xie Juejie 謝覺戒, Song Juehui 宋覺會, Liu Juezhi 劉覺直, Li Jueqing 李覺慶, Huang Juegui 黃覺貴, Xie Miaoxin 謝妙心, Gong Miaozhen 龔妙珍, Chen Miaoqing 陳妙清, Wang Miaofa 王妙法, and Yang Miaoyi 楊妙義, in the engraving records, it seemed that the male followers in the Bao’en WanShou Hall in the Houshan Village took Jue “覺” as part of their religious names, while the female followers took Miao “妙” as part of their religious names. The recurrence of dharma names, like Jue “觉” and Miao “妙”, in solicitor’s identities (e.g., Chen Juelin and Zhang Miaozhen) underscores a structured hierarchy within the White Lotus Society. Cross-referencing Yang Ne’s study on Yuan sectarian naming conventions, these names reflect doctrinal divisions (Pu “普” vs. Dao “道” branches) and claims to orthodoxy, as documented in Pudu’s Mirror of the White Lotus Society. However, speculative linkages (e.g., Zhang Miaozhen’s affiliation based solely on her name) are untenable without corroborating evidence from epigraphic or biographical sources.

By observing these religious names, it becomes apparent that the solicitors were primarily ordinary followers of the society, contributing to the collective effort of engraving the canon. This correspondence relationship explicitly links dharma names to sectarian identity and doctrinal conflicts and integrates primary sources to contextualize naming practices. Therefore, we have grounds to think that Chen Juelin and Chen Jueyuan just share the same surname and belong to the same generation with the character in the society.

4.3. The Grassroots and Sectarian Nature of the Yuan Pilu Canon

The engraving records at the end of the volume reveal that the solicitors for the engraving of the Yuan Pilu Canon can be categorized into two groups. The first group consisted of followers from within the White Lotus Society, primarily male and female devotees from the Bao’en Hall in Houshan Village. These individuals, who Maha-prajanparamita religious names with Jue and miao, played a leading role in the engraving process. The second group included supporters from outside the society—individuals who, though not yet formally initiated into the White Lotus Society, aligned with its doctrines. Examples include donors such as Shisan Niang 十三娘 (Lady Thirteen) and Zhu Dage 朱大哥 (Brother Zhu). Their active participation provided crucial support for the scripture-engraving project. Several signatures, including those of Wu Duke, Yïγmïš, and his entourage, appear multiple times in the engraving records, indicating that the scripture-engraving activity had official authorization and financial backing. Yïγmïš, in this context, can be identified as the publishing authorizer.

The Yuan Pilu Canon was a privately engraved Buddhist Canon. During this period, the Yuan government imposed strict control over religious publishing, especially the activities of non-governmental groups. The inclusion of distinct and military officials in the records, particularly at the beginning of the volume, can be seen as a form of disclaimer. This disclaimer, issued by the person in charge (such as Chen Juelin), served to confirm that the engraving process had received the necessary official approval. This strategic inclusion of officials helped smooth the progress of the project and secure the necessary permissions for publication. As the head of several officials, Yïγmïš provided both financial and institutional guarantees for the engraving.

In addition to this institutional support, Dai Fanyu’s statement that “all the investors were from the commoner class” further highlights the grassroots nature of the canon’s production. It underscores the wide participation of both White Lotus Society followers and individuals from outside the sect, emphasizing the canon’s privately funded and community-driven character. The involvement of both sectarian members and outsiders not only expanded the influence of the White Lotus Society but also marked the Yuan Pilu Canon as an example of grassroots religious publishing.

5. Dissemination of the Yuan Pilu Canon

The dissemination path of the Yuan Pilu Canon remains uncertain within the academic community. There are two main reasons for this ambiguity. First, the canon’s limited circulation has led to relatively little attention from scholars. Second, due to insufficient historical records, this canon has often been mistakenly identified as a version from the Song Dynasty. As a result, it is necessary to correct these misunderstandings and, based on this, clarify the spreading of the canon.

5.1. The Scriptures Bestowed to One Hundred Monasteries: The Edition from the Song Dynasty

Following the engraving of the Yuan Pilu Canon, the scripture was distributed across various temples, including those in Dadu 大都, Henan 河南, Ningxia 寧夏, Lianghuai 兩淮, Jiangsu 江蘇, Zhenjiang 鎮江, and Fujian 福建. It was regularly exhibited for public reading by followers. A notable record exists on a stone stele in the Minglun Hall in Quanzhou, erected by Yïγmïš, titled Stele Inscription of Reading Sutras in One Hundred Huge Monasteries. This inscription details how Yïγmïš took charge of the scripture-engraving effort during the second year of the Yanyou reign in the Yuan Dynasty. His plan was to evaluate one hundred major temples nationwide, with each selected temple receiving one hundred ding of Zhongtong banknotes. The annual interest from these notes was designated to fund the regular monthly readings of the Sancheng Shengjia 三乘聖教 Canon. In addition, other temples, nunneries, and halls would receive donations of fields and banknotes, which would support the reading of other significant scriptures, such as the Hua-yan sutra and the Fahua Jiang, as well as the lighting and maintenance of eternal lamps for Buddha worship (Chen et al. 2020, pp. 595–96).

The stele inscriptions offer a comprehensive account of the entire engraving and publication process of the Four Major Buddhist Scriptures, including the temples that received copies of the Pilu Canon. Among these were 37 temples located in places such as Fuzhou, Quanzhou 泉州, and Xinghua, excluding Yongquan Temple on Mount Gu 鼓山. Unfortunately, the Buddhist Canons from many of these later temples have been lost, which makes the scattered copies preserved at Yongquan Temple particularly valuable (Fan 1985, p. 140).

However, it is important to note that the Pilu Canon mentioned in the Stele Inscription of Reading Sutras in One Hundred Huge Monasteries is not the same as the Yuan Pilu Canon. Xu Xiaowang suggested that the Pilu Canon contained 6117 volumes, with engraving beginning in the Song Dynasty and completing during the Yanyou reign of the Yuan Dynasty (Xu 2023, p. 242). However, after further investigation, Wang Tiefan 王鐵藩 discovered that the Pilu Canon was not engraved in one hundred copies for distribution to one hundred temples. Instead, it was engraved in 37 copies, which were stored in 37 temples, as recorded on the stele (Wang 1995, p. 432). Since the Saddharmapundarika sutra 《法華經》 (Lotus Sutra) is not part of the Four Major Buddhist Scriptures in the Pilu Canon, and comparing the volumes of the Pilu Canon, as stated by Xu, we can conclude that the Pilu Canon referenced here corresponds to the edition from Kaiyuan Temple 開元寺 in Fuzhou during the Song Dynasty.

5.2. The Four Major Buddhist Canons as the Core

Zhan Shichuang and others have noted that Yïγmïš, the Chief Administrator of Fujian, initiated the engraving of the Pilu Canon. Although it was never fully completed, the four major scriptures—Maha-prajanparamita sutra, Mahāratnakūṭa sutra, Hua-yan sutra, and Nirvana sutra—also known as the Yanyou Canon 《延祐藏》, were stored at Yongquan Temple on Mount Gu in Fuzhou City until the Republic of China period (Chen and Zhan 2003, p. 717). This suggests that, by that time, only Yongquan Temple and Chongshan Temple 崇善寺 in Taiyuan 太原, Shanxi 山西, held copies of the Pilu Canon, though all of these copies were incomplete (Wang 1995, p. 431).

In 1932, the Japanese scholar RyūChisei 龍池清 visited Mount Gu in Fuzhou City to survey the Buddhist scriptures, discovering more than 40,000 volumes in the temple. Among them were 600 volumes of the Maha-prajanparamita sutra from the Yuan Pilu Canon. RyūChisei praised the calligraphy as graceful and more exquisite than that of the Puning Canon (Zhu 2019, p. 246). Fan Hui also remarked that, despite being incomplete, the characters in the Yuan Pilu Canon were exceptionally fine, surpassing those in the Puning Temple editions (Fan 1985, p. 15). The abbot of Yongquan Temple, who participated in the restoration of the three major Buddhist scriptures during the Republic of China period, detailed the entire process in his Postscript of Repairing Ancient Scriptures, describing how Buddhist master Faxin hand-copied these scriptures (Jing 2009, p. 135):

此《大般若經》六百卷，《大寶積經》百二十卷，《大涅槃經》四十卷，皆延祐間福建省嗣教陳覺琳刻，相沿庋置法堂中。我鼓山湧泉寺明清以來，四賜龍藏，而此本久無人披讀，莫知其全缺也。今年夏，門人觀本明一始出而檢之，三經共殘缺四十餘卷。知客清福師倡募裝潢，而首座慈舟法師、西堂寶山師，暨宗壽、興證、通化、聖修、純果、法真、龍洸、慎足、傳道、澄朗、優定、能復諸師等，復發心手鈔，足其卷數。此三部古本大經，乃煥然復新。

民國二十一年（1932）壬申歲季秋

湧泉寺住持虛雲敬識

The 600 volumes of the Great maha-prajanparamita sutra, 120 volumes of The Great Mahāratnakūṭa Sūtra, and 40 volumes of the Great Nirvana sutra were all engraved by the follower Chen Juelin from Fujian Province during the Yanyou reign. These scriptures were stored in the Fa Hall at Yongquan Temple for generations. Since the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Yongquan Temple on Mount Gu in Fujian has been the recipient of the Long Canon 龙藏 on four occasions. However, these copies had long remained unread, and it was uncertain whether they were complete. This summer, my disciple Kanamoto Myōgi 觀本明一 took the initiative to examine these scriptures. It was discovered that the three texts were missing over forty volumes in total. In response, the Guest Master Qingfu 清福 raised funds for their binding and restoration. The Chief Seat Master Cizhou, the Western Hall Master Baoshan, and Masters Zongshou, Xingzheng, Tonghua, Shengxiu, Chunguo, Fazhen, Longguang, Shenzu, Chuandao, Chenglang, Youding, Nengfu, among others, were also inspired to hand-copy the missing volumes. As a result, these ancient and precious scriptures were fully restored to their original state, appearing as new.

Respectfully inscribed by Xu Yun虛雲, the abbot of Yongquan temple 湧泉寺,

in the 21st year of the Republic of China (1932)民國二十一年,

late autumn of the Ren Shen year壬申歲季秋

From this postscript, we can see that the three Buddhist scripture—Great Maha-prajanparamita sutra, Great Mahāratnakūṭa sutra, and Great Nirvana sutra—remained incomplete until the Republic of China period. It was through the collective efforts of Cizhou 慈舟 and the Buddhist masters at Yongquan Temple that the missing volumes were supplemented. In 1957, Wang Tiefan visited Mount Gu to survey the cultural relics and found a total of 762 volumes of the Four Buddhist Scriptures, with approximately 50 volumes being supplementary handwritten copies (Wang 1995, p. 432). Therefore, the four Buddhist scriptures published in Jianyang during the Yanyou reign were considered the main sections of the Pilu Canon. This minor canon from the Yuan Dynasty was not unique. The Buddhist Canons engraved and published by Miaoyan Temple in Wuxing during the Yuan Dynasty also formed a minor canon, consisting of the four texts—Great Maha-prajanparamita sutra, Great Mahāratnakūṭa sutra, Great Nirvana sutra, and Great Hua-yan sutra. Its format was similar to that of the Qisha Canon (Ogawa and Lin 1988, pp. 28–30).

Thus, traditionally, the compilation and publication of these four minor canons trace their origins to the Pilu Canon published at Bao’en Wanshou Hall in Houshan village, Jianyang, which was later finalized as the Buddhist Canon of Miaoyan Temple 妙嚴寺 in Wuxing 吳興, Huzhou 湖州.

5.3. The Yanyou Canon as a Separate Text

The Yuan Pilu Canon, engraved during the Yanyou reign, has often been referred to as the Yanyou Canon 《延祐藏》(See Figure 5) in various scholarly works. In the summer of 1984, He Mei referred to three scattered volumes of Yuan Dynasty-engraved canons as the Yanyou Canon. However, the Yanyou Canon discussed by He Mei is a different text from the Pilu Canon, and there are several key differences between the two:

1. Different Engraving Dates. The Yanyou Canon began engraving in the third year of the Yanyou reign (1316), while the Pilu Canon was started in the second year of the Yanyou reign (1315). Therefore, the Yanyou Canon was engraved a year after the Pilu Canon.

2. Different Nature. The Yanyou Canon was engraved under official authority 官刻, while the Pilu Canon was privately commissioned 私刻.

3. Different Version Genealogies 版本譜系. According to He Mei’s research, the Yanyou Canon was a re-engraving of the Jin Canon in the Yuan Dynasty.13 Both the Yanyou Canon and the Jin Canon《金藏》 (See Figure 6) are bound in scroll format 卷軸裝 (See Figure 7 and Figure 8), share similar glyphs 字形, fonts 字體, and layouts 版式, and belong to the northern category of Chinese Buddhist Canons 北方系大藏經. In contrast, the Pilu Canon was primarily engraved in Jianyang, Fujian, representing the southern category of the canon 南方系大藏經.

The Yanyou Canon was another Chinese Buddhist Canon engraved by the authorities during the Yuan Dynasty, alongside the Pilu Canon published in the same period. In addition to the engraving activities carried out by the Bao’en Wanshou Hall in Houshan Village, two versions of the Pilu Canon were engraved during the Yuan Dynasty. The first was the Great Pilu Canon, funded by disciples on the eastern side of Yuanming Hall at Ni Mountain in Shanji Fang, the southern district of Quanzhou City, under the guidance of Lin Deshi and Decheng. The second was the Pilu Fabao Great Canon, engraved and printed by Shuilu Temple in the Quanzhou Road area of Fujian Circuit, in the first year of the Zhida reign (1308, Year of Wushen). Both reprinted editions were based on the Pilu Canon published during the Song Dynasty. To this day, only two boxes of worn and fragmented pages (a total of 1363 pages) remain at Kaiyuan Temple in Quanzhou, with some pages still bearing the wooden stamp ink prints from Shuilu Temple, 水陆寺 (Zhang 2006, pp. 223–24).

5.4. Dissemination and Fragmentation of the Yuan Pilu Canon: Impact of Historical Turmoil

In 1936, the renowned writer Yu Dafu 郁達夫 (1896–1945) mentioned a Buddhist Canon held at Yongquan Temple on Gu Mount, which, based on the survey report of Japanese scholar Tokiwa Daijo 常盤大定 (1929–1936), can undoubtedly be identified as the Pilu Canon published during the Yuan Dynasty.16

By the 1960s and 1970s, the scriptures bestowed by the Emperor during the Kangxi 康熙 and Qianlong 乾隆 reigns of the Qing Dynasty were still preserved at Gu Mount, alongside the Southern Canon from the Ming Dynasty 明代南藏,17 Sanskrit copies from the Qing Dynasty, the Book Canon, and the Narration Canon, totaling 20,346 volumes. Additionally, there were 7586 volumes of various scriptures printed at Gu Mount during the Ming and Qing Dynasties and in modern times, along with 225 volumes of handwritten scriptures from the Qing Dynasty, 657 volumes of blood-written scriptures, and 7 volumes of the palm-leaf sutra. However, the Pilu Canon was notably absent. In China, only scattered copies of the four major Buddhist Canons remain, with no complete sets to be found. According to Tokiwa Daijo’s records on the spread of the Pilu Canon, it is evident that the destruction of this canon was due to the upheavals of the time (Pan and Chen 1995).

In China, complete sets of the Yuan Pilu Canon are no longer available. However, over 460 volumes of scattered scriptures are stored in institutions, such as the National Library of China, Shanxi Library, Hubei Provincial Library, Peking University Library, Shanghai Library, Tianjin Library, Nanjing Library, Lvshun Museum, and Kaiyuan Temple in Quanzhou. Incomplete copies are also dispersed abroad, with fewer than 10 volumes found in the United States (Deng 2005, p. 255). Currently, the Beijing Rushi Institute of Artificial Intelligence Technology 北京如是人工智能研究院 is digitizing various 數字化 Chinese Buddhist Canons from the Song and Yuan Dynasties, which may offer the opportunity to view these photocopies in the future.

6. Conclusions

This study repositioned the Yuan Pilu Canon as a critical case of non-state religious publishing, demonstrating how grassroots networks mediated textual production amid state control. Future research should prioritize digitized fragments to reconstruct the canon’s full scope. By comparing the Yuan Pilu Canon with other prominent engraved canons, particularly the Song Dynasty’s Yanyou Canon, the study shed light on the Pilu Canon’s position within the broader history of scripture engraving and its unique characteristics.

Several key conclusions emerged from this study. First, the process of scripture engraving was inherently cross-regional. The typefaces used, including variations in stroke development and form, reflected regional characteristics. By examining the layout features, one can discern the system of editions used. Second, private scripture engravings often relied on funds raised from various sources, and the engravers came from diverse regions. It was common for sponsors to inscribe their names on the scriptures. However, due to the simplified employment process and smaller workload, the details about the engravers were frequently omitted. Third, as wood was the primary material for printing plates and knives were used instead of pens, engravers inevitably left their own stylistic imprints.

This resulted in variations in aspects like stroke width, writing style, and the form of characters (Cheng 2022). A comparison of the engraving characteristics between privately commissioned and official scriptures provided a fresh perspective on the history of publishing and printing during the Song and Yuan Dynasties. Furthermore, the time indicated in the engraving records of Buddhist Canons must be interpreted dialectically. For minor canons with short engraving cycles and narrow time spans, the time reflected in the engraving records indeed corresponded to the publication time. However, it is essential to examine these records in different stages and to approach the entire scripture-engraving project from a diachronic perspective.

This paper also highlighted the significant role non-governmental groups played in scripture publishing and printing activities, often functioning on par with official institutions. The interaction between scripture engraving and publishing and the non-religious classes manifested in three key areas: economy, culture, and society. Economically, scripture engraving and publishing were costly endeavors that required substantial financial backing from the non-religious classes. Culturally, the involvement of these classes in the engraving and related tasks fostered the integration of religious and secular cultures. Socially, scripture engraving served as a public welfare undertaking, offering non-religious participants the opportunity to expand their social networks and enhance their social prestige. Moreover, through their engagement with religious communities, folk religious groups were able to extend their social influence.