1. Introduction
There is a growing focus on understanding and supporting neurodiversity in the workplace (e.g.,
Doyle, 2020;
Krzeminska et al., 2019;
Ortiz, 2020;
Smith & Kirby, 2021). Developmental dyslexia, one such neurodivergent condition, is estimated to affect 8% of working age adults (
Rice & Brooks, 2004), with the
Work and Pensions Committee (
2016) estimating that 6.2 million adults of working age are dyslexic in the UK based on 2014 statistics. Moreover, a disproportionate percentage of adults with dyslexia estimated to be unemployed has been reported (
Work and Pensions Committee, 2016;
Jensen et al., 2000). Despite these concerning statistics and an internationally recognised need to inform job selection procedures, workplace interventions, and line management practices and organisational procedures (e.g.,
Costantini et al., 2020;
Venter & Rossouw, 2025;
Wissell et al., 2022a), very little research has been conducted into the impact of dyslexia on workplace cognition (although see
Smith-Spark et al., 2023, for evidence of specific dyslexia-related deficits in a virtual reality office-based environment). This gap in the literature stands in contrast to the corpus of research into the psychosocial impact of dyslexia on work (see
de Beer et al., 2014,
2022, for systematic reviews) and indications that the cognitive demands placed on dyslexic workers can lead to employee burnout (
Wissell et al., 2022b). The current study was aimed at addressing the dearth of literature on dyslexia and cognition in employment settings, focusing specifically on the relationship between dyslexia traits and workplace cognitive failures in a sample of UK workers recruited via the Prolific participant recruitment and data collection platform.
Dyslexia is typically characterized as affecting the processing of phonological information and the development of reading and spelling processes (see recent considerations by
Snowling & Hulme, 2024;
Vaughn et al., 2024). In addition to these core phonological processing deficits (see
Vellutino et al., 2004;
Castles & Friedmann, 2014, for reviews), there is also a growing corpus of evidence demonstrating that dyslexia also has a broader negative impact on cognitive functioning (for meta-analytic reviews, see
Booth et al., 2010;
Lonergan et al., 2019). Such effects continue to be found in adulthood, with dyslexia-related difficulties having been found under laboratory conditions in, for example, memory (e.g.,
Provazza et al., 2019;
Smith-Spark et al., 2004,
2017b) and executive function (e.g.,
Brosnan et al., 2002;
Smith-Spark et al., 2017a,
2023). Laboratory-based research of this nature provides important insights into the effects of dyslexia on cognition and, further to this, self-report questionnaires and interviews give a general indication of its effects in day-to-day life (e.g.,
Smith-Spark et al., 2017a,
2017b;
Smith-Spark & Lewis, 2023). However, less is known about the relationship between dyslexia (or dyslexia traits) and cognition in the specific everyday contexts in which adults need to function successfully. One such specific context is the workplace, the focus of the current study, which utilizes a community sample approach as an initial means of understanding the ways in which dyslexia traits can influence cognition in employment settings.
Cognitive failures reflect all conceivable types of failure of memory, language, and attention in everyday life (e.g.,
Unsworth et al., 2012; for a systematic review, see
Carrigan & Barkus, 2016). A common way to assess the frequency with which such cognitive failures are experienced has been through the self-report Cognitive Failures Questionnaire (CFQ;
Broadbent et al., 1982; although see recent critiques by
Goodhew & Edwards, 2024,
2025;
Goodman et al., 2022). The CFQ has been used in dyslexia research.
Smith-Spark et al. (
2004) found significant group differences on the CFQ, with officially diagnosed dyslexic university students reporting themselves to experience more frequent cognitive failures than non-dyslexic students. These group differences were corroborated by proxy ratings gained from close associates of the CFQ respondents, with the dyslexic respondents being rated as significantly more prone to cognitive failures by housemates, partners or family members, with a moderate positive correlation being found between self- and proxy-ratings. In a sample of adult dyslexics (88% of whom were employed and an additional 6% were self-employed),
Leather et al. (
2011) found a weak to moderate negative relationship between self-reported levels of work-based self-efficacy and cognitive failures as measured by the CFQ.
However,
Wallace and Chen (
2005) have highlighted the limitation of the CFQ (
Broadbent et al., 1982) in treating cognitive failures as an individual differences trait which is expressed across a range of different everyday contexts and not specifically within the work context. In consequence, they developed the Workplace Cognitive Failure Scale (WCFS;
Wallace & Chen, 2005) as a work-specific measure focused on predicting workplace behaviour. The WCFS was validated based on responses from full-time US navy personnel and USA-based employees in, for example, production, construction, and plant operations. Using factor analysis, Wallace and Chen identified three factors underlying responses to the WCFS. These factors were Memory, Attention, and Action. The Memory factor relates to failures to retrieve relevant and familiar work-related information. The Attention factor reflects failures to retain attentional focus on task-relevant work information. Finally, the Action factor reflects the failure to carry out appropriate actions or behaviours as intended while working. Research using the WCFS has included, for example, studies on nurses (
Arnetz et al., 2021;
Elfering et al., 2011;
Heponiemi et al., 2021;
Hwang et al., 2021), teachers (
Kottwitz et al., 2022), work-family conflict (
Lapierre et al., 2012) and risk-taking in after-work sports activities (
Elfering et al., 2014).
Given that little empirical evidence exists concerning the relationship between dyslexia and cognition in the workplace, the current study was conducted to investigate whether there was an association between dyslexia symptomatology and the incidence of cognitive failures at work, given that this is an important facet of effective workplace performance (e.g.,
Wallace & Chen, 2005) and one where technological support can potentially play a role in reducing errors (e.g.,
Clinch & Mascolo, 2018;
Coiera, 2015). In the current study, a similar online survey approach to that used by
Protopapa and Smith-Spark (
2022) was employed, involving a UK sample of Prolific users in full- or part-time work across a range of professions. The 15-item self-report Adult Reading Questionnaire (ARQ;
Snowling et al., 2012) was used to determine the severity and frequency of reading difficulties consistent with dyslexia through measurements of literacy, word-finding, language, and organization. Part A of the Adult ADHD Self-Report Scale (ASRS;
Kessler et al., 2005) evaluated symptoms consistent with a diagnosis of ADHD. The Workplace Cognitive Failure Scale (WCFS;
Wallace & Chen, 2005) was presented to determine the frequency of cognitive failures within the workplace through measures of action, memory, and attention. While the focus of th study was on the relationship between dyslexia traits and workplace cognition, other contributors to workplace cognitive failures have been identified in the self-report literature and, thus, needed to be controlled to rule them out as alternative explanations for any predictive associations between self-reported dyslexia traits and workplace cognitive failures. These additional contributors will now be considered in turn.
To control statistically for individual differences in busyness (density of obligations) and routine in daily life (predictability of events), the Martin and Park Environmental Demands Questionnaire was administered (MPED;
Martin & Park, 2003). Busyness was hypothesized to be a positive predictor of workplace cognitive failures, with
Tassoni et al. (
2023) reporting positive relationships between Busyness and both retrospective and prospective memory failure in general everyday contexts, while Routine was likely to show less of a relationship, with this prediction again being based on prospective memory in general daily life (e.g.,
Mehta et al., 2024;
Tassoni et al., 2023).
The 10-item Big Five Inventory (BFI-10;
Rammstedt & John, 2007) was also presented as a further statistical control, since personality traits (particularly neuroticism and conscientiousness) have been associated with cognitive failures and work performance (
Wallace & Chen, 2005). Based on Wallace and Chen’s findings, neuroticism was expected to be a positive predictor of workplace cognitive failures, while conscientiousness was predicted to have a negative relationship with workplace cognitive failures.
Based on previous self-report research on cognitive failures in adults with official diagnoses of dyslexia (
Smith-Spark et al., 2004), it was predicted that higher self-reported incidences of cognitive failure in the workplace would be reported by workers with higher self-reported symptoms of dyslexia and that this predictive relationship would be found after controlling for ADHD symptomatology, busyness at work, mental wellbeing, and personality type. While the current study focused on self-reported dyslexia traits in a community sample rather than testing officially diagnosed individuals, it seemed plausible to generate hypotheses for each of the three WCFS factors (cognitive failures relating to Memory, Attention, and Action) based on the research literature on dyslexia. A predictive relationship between dyslexia traits and the WCFS Memory component was also expected, based on research investigating various memory systems in adults with formal diagnoses of dyslexia. Such evidence comes from self-reports into different types of everyday memory (e.g.,
Protopapa & Smith-Spark, 2022;
Smith-Spark et al., 2004;
Smith-Spark & Lewis, 2023;
Smith-Spark et al., 2016), objective laboratory tests of memory (e.g.,
Obidziński & Nieznański, 2022;
Provazza et al., 2019), for some memory systems, a combination of the two approaches (e.g.,
Smith-Spark et al., 2017b). For the WCFS Attention component, heightened dyslexia traits were also expected to predict greater self-reported attentional difficulties in the workplace. In a community sample,
Protopapa and Smith-Spark (
2022) found that increased levels of self-reported dyslexia traits were predictive of greater and more frequent self-reported attentional difficulties across different everyday contexts. A similar relationship was expected for perceived attentional problems in the workplace. It was less certain whether a predictive relationship between dyslexia traits and the WCFS Actions component would be found. For officially diagnosed university students,
Smith-Spark et al. (
2004), using
Broadbent et al.’s (
1982) CFQ, found group differences on some, but not all, items which asked about the frequency of executing actions that were unintended (using
Pollina et al.’s, 1992, factor structure of the CFQ). Further to this finding, experimental evidence of non-significant differences in action-based prospective memory in diagnosed dyslexic adults (
Smith-Spark et al., 2023) also suggested that the relationship between dyslexia traits and Actions might be of a smaller magnitude than that obtained for either the WCFS Memory or the WCFS Attention component.
Positive predictive relationships between self-reported ADHD symptoms and workplace cognitive failures were expected. This prediction was based, firstly, on
Fuermaier et al.’s (
2021) analysis of how the cognitive profile of ADHD is likely to play out in the workplace and, secondly, on adults with diagnosed ADHD self-reporting more frequent general cognitive failures on
Broadbent et al.’s (
1982) CFQ, (e.g.,
Gu et al., 2018;
Kim et al., 2014;
Liu et al., 2016;
Woltering et al., 2012).
The current online self-report survey, therefore, sought to determine whether adult dyslexia traits would predict the frequency with which workplace cognitive failures were experienced by workers who always worked in a central place of employment, after controlling for age, busyness and routine in everyday life, Big Five personality characteristics, mental wellbeing, and co-occurring ADHD symptoms.
4. Discussion
The current online self-report study explored the relationship between dyslexia traits and workplace cognitive failures in a UK-based sample of 400 Prolific users who identified themselves as being in full- or part-time employment, working in a central work location, and having English as their first language. Overall, dyslexia traits (as measured by the ARQ;
Snowling et al., 2012) were significant positive predictors of the self-reported frequency of workplace cognitive failures (as measured by the WCFS;
Wallace & Chen, 2005). This predictive relationship was found after controlling for participant age, busyness and routine, Big Five personality characteristics, mental wellbeing, and ADHD symptomatology. In the case of the three WCFS factors (Memory, Attention, and Action), dyslexia traits accounted for an additional (and highly statistically significant) 2.2 to 3.7% of the variance in self-reported workplace cognitive failures within the hierarchical regression models. Dyslexia traits explained more unique variance for the Memory factor, with the Action and Attention factors explaining approximately equal amounts of the variance. Across all three WCFS factors, the strength of the relationships (as indicated by the standardized-β values reported in
Section 3.3,
Section 3.4,
Section 3.5 and
Section 3.6) between self-reported dyslexia traits and workplace cognitive failures was lower than it was for self-reported ADHD symptoms but was, nonetheless, highly significant for each WCFS factor. This pattern of results would indicate that, although higher ADHD symptoms are associated with greater levels of cognitive challenge in the workplace (and are themselves consistent with a more general documented increased susceptibility to everyday cognitive failures in adults with a confirmed diagnosis of ADHD; e.g.,
Gu et al., 2018;
Kim et al., 2014;
Liu et al., 2016;
Woltering et al., 2012), elevated levels of dyslexia traits are also (and independently) linked to a greater propensity to cognitive failure at work.
In finding a positive predictive relationship between dyslexia traits and workplace cognitive failures, the findings of the current study are consistent with previous work highlighting an increased general vulnerability to cognitive failure in adults with an official diagnosis of dyslexia (
Leather et al., 2011;
Smith-Spark et al., 2004). The present results thus add to the corpus of research on dyslexia-related cognitive failure and also extend this literature by indicating how this relationship is likely to manifest itself in a specific and very important facet of adult life, namely employment. As noted in
Section 1, dyslexia-related impairments in memory have been documented across different memory systems under both laboratory conditions in officially diagnosed dyslexics (
Obidziński & Nieznański, 2022;
Provazza et al., 2019;
Smith-Spark et al., 2017b) and through self-reports of everyday difficulties in both diagnosed dyslexics and a community sample (e.g.,
Protopapa & Smith-Spark, 2022;
Smith-Spark & Lewis, 2023;
Smith-Spark et al., 2016,
2017b). The greater association found in the current study between dyslexia traits and workplace cognitive failures involving memory may reflect a compounding effect of phonological processing difficulties and flexible access to information in long-term memory at the time that it is required (see
Smith-Spark et al., 2017a, for a consideration of these dual demands on phonological processing and executive function).
On a broader theoretical level (and assuming similar patterns are found in workers with an official diagnosis of dyslexia), the findings also highlight the need for dyslexia theories to accommodate broader cognitive difficulties that extend beyond reading and spelling in their explanatory accounts. The results of the current study indicate that dyslexia traits are related to an important cognitive aspect of workplace performance and need to be explained by theory in order for increased difficulties in this area to be understood and addressed through support. The dyslexia theory best able to explain the current findings is the Dyslexia Automatisation Deficit hypothesis (
Nicolson & Fawcett, 1990; see also
Nicolson et al., 1995). This hypothesis argues, as a result of failing to fully automatise performance of cognitive and motor skills, dyslexics need to consciously compensate for this lack of automaticity by allocating extra attentional resources to their perform the skill. This conscious effort can result in slower and more error-prone performance, particularly when having to perform more than one task at the same time.
Smith-Spark and Gordon (
2022) have also addressed dyslexia-related everyday difficulties in terms of executive (consciously controlled) and automatic processes.
The reasons why self-reported ADHD symptoms are more greatly associated with workplace cognitive failures than self-reported dyslexia traits could be explored in future work using objective measures of work performance (using simulated or virtual reality tasks) and accompanying neuropsychological measures of cognitive load (see
Le Cunff et al., 2024) to gain greater insights into how work-related cognition is differently affected by the two neurodevelopmental conditions.
Cognitive abilities aside, conscientiousness is considered to be the most powerful predictor of workplace performance (
Wilmot & Ones, 2019). This argument is certainly borne out by the results of the current study, with Conscientiousness having significant negative predictive relationships with workplace cognitive failures, in terms of WCFS total score and all three WCFS factors. The only other Big Five (as measured by the BFI-10;
Rammstedt & John, 2007) personality characteristic to show a significant (but in this case positive) relationship with workplace cognitive failures was neuroticism. In all these cases, personality characteristics had only weak relationships with workplace cognitive failure and the general pattern is consistent with the findings of
Wallace and Chen (
2005), who also reported conscientiousness and neuroticism as being the personality characteristics most strongly related to self-reported workplace cognitive failures. Low conscientiousness has also been found to be related to more workplace accidents (
Cellar et al., 2001;
Wallace & Vodanovich, 2003). Furthermore, systematic reviews and meta-analyses that have examined the associations between personality characteristics and everyday cognitive failures more generally have also highlighted similar relationships with conscientiousness and neuroticism (
Aschwanden et al., 2020;
Sutin et al., 2020). To explain the negative relationship between conscientiousness and cognitive failure,
Sutin et al. (
2020) argue that people reporting high levels of conscientiousness also tend to express this personality trait in their behaviour, being more organised in their approach to their possessions and to their schedules (see
Aschwanden et al., 2020, for a similar argument). As a result, such individuals are better able to pay attention (
Sutin et al., 2020) or have a more structured mindset (Aschwanden et al.) and thus avoid cognitive failures arising from blunders and distraction. In the case of the positive relationship between neuroticism and workplace cognitive failures, Aschwanden et al. present a “mental processes model” which argues that people high in particular personality traits have characteristic mental processes that make them either more susceptible to or more resilient against cognitive failures. They argue that neuroticism is associated with rumination which may lead to distraction but also that behavioral factors that are linked to neuroticism, such as poor sleep, may lead to daytime sleepiness and, thus, a higher incidence of cognitive failures. Future research could include a measure of sleep quality to establish whether the link is directly between neuroticism and workplace cognitive failures or is more indirect through behavioral factors.
With respect to the environmental demands placed on everyday cognition, scores on the MPED (
Martin & Park, 2003) also had some predictive relationships with workplace cognitive failures. Busyness was found to be a weak positive predictor of WCFS total score and all three factors, while Routine showed very weak positive predictive relationships with WCFS total score and the WCFS Attention factor. There was, thus, some contribution of self-reported environmental demands to workplace cognitive failures (mainly in terms of perceived busyness). As noted in
Section 1, Martin and Park define busyness in terms of density of obligations and routine as relating to the predictability of events that occur. Busyness will reflect the (often competing) environmental demands placed on a worker’s attentional resources both inside and outside the work setting, presenting more distractions to work task performance (see
Carrigan & Barkus, 2016;
Kottwitz et al., 2022).
Elfering et al. (
2013) have highlighted the contributory roles of time pressure, interruptions, and multitasking in cognitive failures at work. The Job Demands—Resources Model (JD-R;
Bakker & Demerouti, 2007) would argue that job demands (for example, the respondent’s self-perceived busyness) that exceed the worker’s cognitive resources would lead to cognitive failures in the workplace. The positive relationship found in the current study between busyness and workplace cognitive failures would be consistent with such an interpretation and explain its more diffuse influence relative to Routine. In relation to the weak positive relationships between Routine and the Attention factor, it would seem to highlight attention potentially wandering when environmental demands are following a familiar pattern, resulting in cognitive failures at work.
The current study focused on exploring the relationships between self-reported dyslexia traits and workplace cognitive failures in a community sample rather than in participants with formally diagnosed dyslexia. While this approach obviously limits the conclusions that can be drawn about the effects of officially diagnosed dyslexia on cognition in employment settings, it provides important insights into the relationship between dyslexia traits and workplace cognitive performance. With all online survey research, there are, of course, concerns around self-selection bias and not being able to fully describe the population from which the sample has been drawn (e.g.,
Andrade, 2020;
Evans & Mathur, 2018). However, recruitment took place via Prolific, so that the population can be identified as those Prolific users meeting the current study’s screening criteria. Moreover, in studies comparing the data yielded by online data collection platforms, those obtained from Prolific users have been found to be ranked highly for the quality of the data that they yield (
Douglas et al., 2023;
Peer et al., 2022).
Since the current study has indicated significant predictive relationships between dyslexia traits and workplace cognitive failures, it would be fruitful for future research to investigate workplace cognition in workers with diagnosed dyslexia, verified through the checking of educational psychologist’s reports. Doing so would allow for an even closer mapping between dyslexia-related cognitive difficulties and workplace cognitive performance to provide more direct evidence of the broader range of ways in which dyslexic workers need to be supported. While to dyslexia researchers the community sample approach is a clear limitation, it should be noted that it is less easy to gain access to workers with officially diagnosed dyslexia (in terms of both being able to recruit sample participants from this population and the opportunities for such participants to participate around their work and other personal commitments) than to students with the condition. Furthermore, it is important to understand the cognitive profile associated with dyslexia traits beyond the young adult range and in the specific everyday contexts (such as in employment settings) in which cognition is used. The current findings could help to highlight to employees and employers alike where formal diagnostic testing might be required to allow for official recognition of their condition and the subsequent provision of workplace support. Understanding the ways in which dyslexia traits can influence workplace cognition beyond reading and spelling difficulties is important in detecting underlying and undiagnosed neurodevelopmental problems in workers in jobs where literacy skills are not to the fore, but which nevertheless draw upon other aspects of cognition that are affected.
Self-report research can be criticized for the weakness of the correlations between self-reported everyday cognitive experiences and objective measures of cognition. However, this lack of correlation is hardly surprising given that objective measures are usually one-off tests of optimal performance that lack ecological validity and are measured in the range of minutes, while self-report measures tap experiences of typical levels of cognition over different tasks and over weeks or months (see
Stanovich, 2009;
Toplak et al., 2013, for more on this distinction between different levels of cognition). Furthermore, a recent meta-analysis by
Goodhew and Edwards (
2025), has indicated that there are relationships between scores on
Broadbent et al.’s (
1982) CFQ and at least some objective measures of executive function. It should also be noted that a range of other influencing variables (ADHD symptoms, age, mental wellbeing, busyness and routine) were taken into account in the current study, thereby strengthening the conclusions to be drawn about the predictive relationship between dyslexia traits and workplace cognitive failures. Moreover, the current study provides insights into how self-perceived dyslexia severity influences workplace cognition and highlights the potential importance to theory of considering individual differences in perceived (or objectively measured) severity of difficulties when investigating cognition in formally diagnosed dyslexics, rather than focusing solely on group differences.
With the exception of the ARQ (
Snowling et al., 2012) and the BFI-10 (
Rammstedt & John, 2007), all predictor variables had Acceptable to Good reliability coefficients in the current study. The Cronbach’s alpha value for the ARQ, however, fell in the Questionable range of
George and Mallery’s (
2003) classification indicating some concerns over the reliability of the measure.
Stark et al. (
2025) have recently validated an alternative non-diagnostic dyslexia screening tool for adults, the Adult Dyslexia Checklist (
Smythe & Everatt, 2001), reporting higher validity and reliability than that reported for the ARQ. The authors also highlight, inter alia, issues over the validity and reliability of the ARQ. Future research might thus benefit from employing the Adult Dyslexia Checklist as a measure of dyslexia symptoms instead of the ARQ. The reliability coefficients obtained from the BFI-10 (
Rammstedt & John, 2007) are in line (or better than those reported in the literature (e.g.,
Rammstedt et al., 2024).
The current study has focused on employees working in a central location in order to reduce possible variation in the chances of cognitive failures occurring when working in a regular workspace rather than in an environment in which both domestic and work activities occur and also fitted better with the broad type of in situ working environment for which the WCFS (
Wallace & Chen, 2005) was designed. Future research could, therefore, explore the experiences of dyslexic workers when working remotely (for a systematic review, see
Brooks et al., 2024) rather than in a central place of work.
Finally, the current study captured the workplace cognitive experiences of a predominantly White sample of UK workers. While the 87% of respondents who self-identified as being of white ethnicity is quite close to the England and Wales 2021 Census data indicating 81.7% of the total population as being white (
Office for National Statistics, 2022), future research on dyslexia (or dyslexia traits) in the workplace could aim to oversample respondents from minority groups in the UK (or elsewhere) to develop a more nuanced and intersectional understanding of their cognitive experiences at work.
The implications of a greater dyslexia-related self-perceived susceptibility to memory, attention, and action errors at work are twofold: firstly, such difficulties might be indicative of the need for formal assessment of dyslexia to identify the support needs for a worker who seems more frequently prone to cognitive failures but who has not yet been officially diagnosed and, secondly (by extension from adult dyslexia traits to confirmed dyslexia status), to be considered in support plans, workplace interventions (see
Costantini et al., 2020, for a systematic review of workplace interventions for dyslexic workers), and the design and provision of assistive technology for workers with formal diagnoses of dyslexia.