Identifying Central Aspects of Well-Being Among Individuals in Situations of Forced Migration in Finland

Abstract

This study identifies the aspects of well-being among individuals in situations of forced migration in Finland. Theoretically informed by Amartya Sen’s Capability Approach, this study explores the functionings valuable for well-being achievement among forced migrants within Finnish society. Qualitative data were collected from 43 forced migrants participating in eight group discussions. Findings highlight legal security, work, and social relatedness as central aspects of well-being in the Finnish context. Acknowledging the contextual nuances and temporal dynamics inherent in forced migration experiences, these findings offer insights to inform policies and services tailored to the diverse needs of this population.

1. Introduction

Every step forced migrants take away from home carries both the weight of loss and the seed of hope for well-being. As host nations uphold their commitment to international laws and conventions by providing different forced migrants with protection, the notion of well-being emerges as one of the guiding values in shaping relevant policies and services. However, for policies and services to effectively ensure the well-being of individuals in situations of forced migration, a deep understanding of the multifaceted aspects that constitute their well-being within host societies is indispensable.

Finland, among host countries, has experienced multiple waves of forced migration since its independence in 1917. This issue has attracted significant attention from various national stakeholders, especially during the so-called “refugee crisis” of 2015. In response, policies and services have been developed to ensure the overall well-being of forced migrants within the Finnish context. However, there remains much to be understood about the aspects of well-being that forced migrants themselves value, and the reasons they have for valuing these aspects within the Finnish context. To fill this gap in the existing literature, this study explores the following research questions: What are the central aspects of well-being among forced migrants living in Finland? And what reasons do they have for valuing such aspects; how do these aspects matter?

This study addresses these research questions by grounding its theoretical framework in Amartya Sen’s Capability Approach, particularly his functioning-based account of well-being. According to Sen (1993), “well-being achievement” concerns the realization of various “functionings”, understood as the beings and doings that people have reason to value for their well-being (Alkire 2016). Informed by Sen’s account, this study explores the “functionings” to identify the central aspects of well-being among individuals in situations of forced migration in Finland. A procedural methodological approach was adopted, drawing on the experiences of 43 forced migrants who took part in eight group discussions held across two regions of Finland.

The significance of this study lies in providing valuable insights into the perspectives and lived experiences of forced migrants, while also establishing a framework for further studies aimed at assessing their well-being achievement, and examining their well-being capabilities within Finnish society. Furthermore, its significance extends to contributing to the enhancement of the overall well-being of forced migrants in Finland, as the identified aspects have the potential to inform policies (e.g., asylum, integration) and services (e.g., public, third sector) tailored to the diverse needs of this population.

2. Research Context: Forced Migration in Finland

Finland has experienced forced migration since gaining independence in 1917. The first significant influx occurred in 1918, following World War I and the revolution in neighboring Russia, forcing thousands of individuals to immigrate to Finland (Korkiasaari and Söderling 2003). On 10 October 1968, Finland acceded to various international treaties (UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) 2016), leading to its reception of initial refugees in the 1970s, including a few hundred people from Chile and Vietnam. Since then, Finland has been a resettlement country, launching an annual resettlement program from 1985 onwards (Sacramento et al. 2019). In the 1990s, Finland’s quota refugee program primarily resettled forced migrants from the former Yugoslavia, Iran, and Iraq (Tanner 2011). Since 2001, Finland’s annual refugee quota has generally been around 750, with occasional increases to over 1000 in response to global crises (Sacramento et al. 2019). However, the current government has recently reduced the quota to 500 (MIGRI (Finnish Immigration Service) 2024b). Over the past two decades, most resettled refugees have come from countries such as Sudan, Syria, Iraq, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Afghanistan, Somalia, and Myanmar, among others (MIGRI (Finnish Immigration Service) 2024c).

In addition to its refugee resettlement program, Finland has been a destination country for asylum seekers. The 1990s saw an arrival of asylum seekers from Somalia, the former Yugoslavia, and Russia (Tanner 2011). From 2000 onwards, Finland consistently received an annual range of 1500 to 6000 asylum seekers, granting residence to hundreds each year from countries including Iraq, Somalia, Afghanistan, Iran, Türkiye, and the former Yugoslavia (MIGRI (Finnish Immigration Service) 2025). However, due to the so-called “refugee crisis” in Europe in 2015, the number of submitted asylum applications reached new records, almost ten times higher than the previous year, largely from forced migrants coming from Iraq (Ministry of the Interior 2023). Although small by European comparison, the figure was unprecedented in Finland and became a key political issue (see Wahlbeck 2018).

Since then, Finland has continued to receive asylum applications, with most asylum seekers originating from Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, Syria, and Russia (MIGRI (Finnish Immigration Service) 2023). However, Jauhiainen and Tedeschi (2021) estimated that approximately 4000 to 4500 undocumented migrants were residing in Finland by early 2019, including 3000 to 3500 rejected asylum seekers, primarily forced migrants from Iraq. Following the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine war, Finland has also received over 65,000 temporary protection applications from forced migrants coming from Ukraine as of March 2024 (MIGRI (Finnish Immigration Service) 2024d).

In Finland, the Aliens Act1 presents the main legislative instrument that contains most of the domestic legal provisions on the grounds and procedures of granting protection for forced migrants. Decisions on granting protection in Finland are made by MIGRI at first instance, which operates under the guidance of the Ministry of the Interior (UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) 2016). On the other hand, the Act on the Promotion of Immigrant Integration2 (hereinafter, the Integration Act) presents the main legislative instrument that contains most domestic legal provisions aimed at promoting the integration of immigrants who hold a permanent place of residence. Since 2012, the main responsibility for the integration of immigrants has been at the Centre of Expertise in Integration of Immigrants, which operates under the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment (Bontenbal and Lillie 2021a).

Promotion of immigrant integration is achieved through a wide range of measures and services primarily organized by the public sector (see also Bontenbal and Lillie 2021b, on the role of the third sector). The official measures and services range from providing information, guidance, and advisory services; conducting a preliminary assessment of the immigrant’s preparedness concerning employment, study, and other aspects of integration; creating a personalized integration plan; to offering integration training, etc. (Integration.fi 2024a). These measures and services are organized especially as part of basic municipal services, employment, and economic development administration services of the Employment and Economic Development Office (TE Office), and healthcare and social welfare services in the well-being services county (Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment 2024). It is noteworthy that changes to the Integration Act3, which will come into force in 2025, are intended to strengthen the inclusion of immigrants in society and promote equality and well-being.

3. Theoretical Framework

The Capability Approach to Well-Being

Originally drawn from the works of the Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen (1980), the Capability Approach is a theoretical framework for understanding, among other things, human well-being and quality of life (Alkire 2008; Nassar 2025c; Robeyns 2017). Its main argument in welfare economics is to shift welfare economic paradigms away from an overly emphasized focus on material prosperity towards a greater consideration of ultimate issues, including human capabilities and functionings (Sen 1985).

According to Sen (1993, p. 75), “well-being achievement”, as a “value-purpose”, concerns the realization of various “functionings” as “value-objects”, which reflect the beings and doings that people have reason to value for their well-being (Alkire 2016). The “reason to value” notion highlights the importance of considering what people themselves value “being” and “doing” when exploring their well-being aspects, and assessing their well-being achievement (Robeyns and Byskov 2020). Accordingly, Sen’s functioning-based account of well-being emerges as a normative framework for assessing people’s well-being achievement, based neither on opulence or resource holdings, nor on basic needs or primary goods, but on realized functionings (Sen 1985, 1993). Furthermore, in investigating well-being, both Sen (1993) and Nussbaum (2011) argue that what matters is not only examining people’s “well-being achievement” but also their “well-being freedoms”, understood, among other interpretations, as the genuine opportunities to realize functionings valuable for well-being achievement.

In recent years, Sen’s functioning-based account of well-being has been increasingly drawn upon in well-being studies (see Nassar 2025c). For instance, several scholars have explored the functionings considered valuable for well-being achievement across various socio-cultural contexts. For example, Greco et al. (2015) identified functionings central to women of reproductive age in rural Malawi, highlighting “physical strength”, “inner well-being”, “household well-being”, “community relations”, “economic security”, and “happiness” as key aspects. Pearson et al. (2025) explored how girls and young women in Myanmar conceptualize well-being, identifying four interrelated functionings, including “education for self-worth and social acceptance”, “agency”, “seeking sources of happiness”, and “hope as a positive coping mechanism.”

Several scholars have also drawn upon Sen’s functioning-based account of well-being to identify the functionings considered valuable for well-being achievement among individuals in situations of forced migration. For example, Van der Boor et al. (2020) found that “legal security”, “social cohesion”, and “personal agency” were central functionings for achieving well-being among female refugees post-resettlement in the United Kingdom. More recently, aiming to identify central aspects of well-being among individuals in situations of forced migration, Nassar (2025a) scoped the Capability Approach-based literature published in the research area of forced migration. The study found that “legality”, “education”, and “sociality” were central functionings for well-being achievement among forced migrants. Although the included studies were conducted in seven countries, no relevant study was found to have been conducted with forced migrants in the Finnish context. Therefore, this research seeks to fill this gap by drawing on the perspectives and lived experiences of forced migrants who are living in Finland.

4. Methodology

4.1. Research Design and Data Collection

An exploratory qualitative research design was deliberately selected for its suitability in addressing the research questions. The criteria for selecting research participants included individuals who are 18 years of age or older and able to communicate in English, Arabic, or Finnish. Moreover, it included individuals who characterize their migratory experience as “forcibly induced movement of people”, a definition provided by Stankovic et al. (2021, p. 1) for the phenomenon of forced migration. These broad criteria, guided by Stankovic et al.’s conceptual framework, sought to encompass a wider range of individuals who experienced forced migration, not limited to those with specific legal statuses.

The process of identifying valuable functionings for well-being achievement has been drawn upon diverse, yet contested, methodological approaches, including ad hoc, procedural, foundational, or mixed (Alkire 2008; Byskov 2018). This study followed a procedural approach, analyzing qualitative data collected from forced migrants in Finland.

In-person Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were employed as the data collection method, following Hennink’s (2014) guidance. Participants were selected through informal networks and were approached via four community organizations operating across two regions of Finland. These organizations facilitated my participation in their activities, enabling direct connection with potential participants. During these engagements, the potential participants were briefed on the research, and those who showed interest were invited to participate in the study.

A total of 43 participants took part in eight group discussions. The eighth focus group discussion marked the point of data redundancy, indicating the end of the data collection phase. Most groups, (FG1), (FG6), and (FG8), comprised six participants, whereas (FG2) and (FG7) each had seven participants. Both (FG3) and (FG4) consisted of four participants, while (FG5) had only three participants. Among the research participants, 17 individuals were from Iraq, 14 from Syria, 9 from Palestine, and 3 from Afghanistan.

Data collection took place from January 2023 to January 2024, with each group discussion lasting between 40 and 60 min. Most discussions were conducted in Arabic, the participants’ primary or secondary language. However, one session was held in Finnish, facilitated by a Finnish–English interpreter. All sessions were digitally recorded. The discussions focused on a single open-ended question: “What is necessary for you to live a good life in Finland, and why?”

4.2. Data Analysis

For data preparation, all recordings were first transcribed verbatim and reviewed twice for accuracy. Personal data was then anonymized using various techniques outlined by the (FSD (Finnish Social Science Data Archive) 2024). Subsequently, the written records of the discussions originally conducted in Arabic underwent translation into English. Finally, the translated datasets were uploaded to ATLAS.ti 23, a qualitative data analysis software.

One of Morgan’s (2010) approaches for analyzing data derived from FGDs was adopted. Particularly, the chosen approach for data analysis leaned towards being “content-oriented”, placing emphasis on interpreting the substantive content of interactions. Accordingly, a thematic data analysis method was adopted to identify key passages related to the central aspects of well-being within the collective narratives.

The method of data analysis employed in this research follows Braun and Clarke’s (2021) “reflexive” methodological approach for conducting thematic analysis. This method follows a six-phase analytic process, commencing with dataset familiarization. During this phase, the transcripts were read twice to allow for a deep immersion in the dataset and critical engagement with the data (phase one). With an empathic orientation to data (see Willig 2017), codes that capture semantic meanings were developed, refined, and finalized throughout a systematic three-round coding process (phase two). Subsequently, grounded in Amartya Sen’s functioning-based account of well-being and patterns of shared meaning, subthemes and themes were developed by combining codes and subthemes respectively (phases three and four).

The development of themes was carried out separately for each group discussion (intragroup). Following this, themes with shared central organizing concepts were clustered at a broader conceptual level to form intergroup overarching themes that were then refined, defined, and named (phase five). For example, a cluster around the importance of social relatedness (connections, relationships, friendship, companionships, etc.) was evident in all group discussions. Finally, the reporting of findings (phase six) followed one of Morgan’s (2010) three reporting approaches; using the body of the text to provide information about the content of the group discussion, with specific quotations used to exemplify certain issues.

4.3. Ethical Considerations

This study follows the key ethical principles of the “code of ethics” for research with people in situations of forced migration (see IASFM (International Association for the Study of Forced Migration) 2018; Clark-Kazak 2017). For instance, with respect to the ethical principle of “voluntary, informed consent”, each participant was provided with a research notification and a privacy notice for scientific research, which included information about the research objectives, legal grounds for processing personal data, and the data management plan. Additionally, this information was verbally explained to the participants, emphasizing the voluntary nature of their participation. Participants’ consent to participate in the study was then documented through written consent, except for two who provided oral consent.

5. Findings

Three overarching themes, functionings, were identified to contribute to the overall well-being of people in a situation of forced migration in Finland: (1) legal security, (2) work, and (3) social relatedness. While all group discussions evoked these aspects of well-being, they raised various reasons for valuing them.

5.1. Legal Security

Across all group discussions, there was a consensus on the critical value of legal security for the well-being of individuals in situations of forced migration in Finland. The participants argued that the acquisition of legal recognition, through being granted a residence permit, and later a more secure legal foundation, Finnish citizenship, is a transformative process. This process ensures legal security, which (1) grants entitlements to a variety of public services, (2) facilitates access to diverse opportunities, and (3) puts an end to chronic uncertainties.

5.1.1. Granting Entitlements to a Variety of Public Services

The participants in (FG5), (FG6), and (FG7) argued that obtaining legal recognition ensures certain levels of legal security, which grants entitlements to a variety of public services. For instance, the members of (FG6) placed significant value on legal security realized through legal recognition while discussing the difficulties they encountered in accessing various services during their time as undocumented individuals or asylum seekers. They shared some negative experiences in accessing various healthcare services, questioning whether they were not entitled to them or were subjected to discriminatory practices from the service providers. Ultimately, there was a consensus on a statement made by a participant:

I lived in Finland for [many] years, including [many] years without documents and [many] years with documents, and I see the difference between the two experiences. One of the essential elements that migrants need is, first of all, residency papers, because it is the key. Without these four numbers [referring to social security number], you can’t do anything, nothing! So, a migrant without papers is not like someone with papers.

(FG6)

5.1.2. Facilitating Access to Diverse Opportunities

The participants in (FG1), (FG2), and (FG8) discussed that obtaining legal recognition through residence permit acquisition ensures certain levels of legal security, which facilitates access to diverse opportunities. For example, the members of (FG8) shared various bureaucratic challenges, attributed mainly to their precarious legal status, which they have been experiencing in accessing different educational opportunities while navigating the asylum-seeking process. During the discussion, a member shared the following:

I have applied for asylum and been waiting for a decision for [several] months. You can’t do anything without a residence permit… I tried to apply for university… They say: ‘Give us a residence permit’. I don’t have a residence permit. They say, ‘We need a language certificate’, so I should enroll in a language school. You can’t enroll in a language school because you don’t have residency…, so I can’t do anything now. Everything is blocked!

(FG8)

5.1.3. Putting an End to Chronic Uncertainties

In the discussions of (FG3), and (FG4), the participants went beyond discussing the lack of genuine access to various opportunities towards the uncertainties inherent in the asylum-seeking process. For instance, the members of (FG4) shared that they live in legal liminality, which often results in uncertainties accompanied by stress, anxiety, and fear. Ultimately, they voiced a strong aspiration to legal security, aiming to overcome uncertainties through an accelerated legal recognition process. The discussion continued with a participant stating “Constantly under stress and pressure. Um, it’s like you’re bottled up and confined, you know? There’s this uncertainty that I’m afraid of, and it’s even affecting my children.” (FG4)

In a similar vein, the participants in (FG4), who have already been granted the right of residence, argued that the legal ground of their residence is still liminal and fragile, resulting in chronic uncertainties. The participants shared that being granted the right of residence does not end uncertainties, nor ensure full legal security. They argued, however, that the acquisition of Finnish citizenship ensures full legal security, putting an end to persistent fears and chronic uncertainties associated with the potential withdrawal or non-renewal of their residence and deportation, especially amid the expected more restrictive asylum policies proposed by the current government. One participant in (FG4) raised this point, stating “There’s still this concern that they might not grant me citizenship, […], or after a while, the policies might change, and they could withdraw residencies…” (FG4)

5.2. Work

Across all group discussions, there was a consensus on the critical value of work for the well-being of individuals in situations of forced migration in Finland. Participants in all groups shared that their main motivation for being engaged in meaningful and productive activities goes beyond mere individualistic financial considerations to (1) make valuable contributions to the common good and (2) gain personal autonomy and self-esteem.

5.2.1. Making Valuable Contributions to the Common Good

The participants in all focus groups discussed the critical value of work by which they can make valuable contributions to the common good of Finnish society. Their discussion centered around the benefits of economic participation, contending that it not only cultivates their personal development and realizes their potential but also enables them to contribute, both socially and economically, to Finnish society through their skills, expertise, and talents. The participants in (FG5) agreed with a statement made by one member:

Work is important, it makes a person feel like they are contributing something. For example, I have skills and knowledge that benefit others here in Finland… When you work, you contribute positively. To be of benefit not just to yourself but to the wider society…

(FG5)

In a similar vein, the participants in (FG2) argued that despite their entitlement to social welfare benefits (such as basic unemployment allowance, labor market subsidy, etc.) from the Social Insurance Institution of Finland (Kela), they have strong aspirations to break the cycle of dependency on these benefits. They argued that they aspire to enter the labor market to make valuable contributions to the welfare system through paying taxes. Ultimately, they aim to gain social esteem and the respect of the local Finnish population through being seen as contributors to welfare rather than as its beneficiaries. Over the course of the discussion, one participant shared the following:

The idea of work for me is not because the TE Office wants me to work; rather, I want to find a job, go to work and start paying rent out of my salary. I no longer want to be dependent on Kela. I want to be done with Kela. When a person does not work, people here look at him in a not-so-nice way.

(FG2)

Members of (FG2) attributed their collective aspiration for engagement in meaningful and productive activities to the value of reciprocity. They argued that, through work, they contribute to societal welfare as a token of gratitude for the protection provided by the state of Finland. A member of the group initiated the discussion by stating “We say we want to reciprocate what Finland has given us. Just as this country has given us, we should give in return. Just as we have received protection, we acknowledge it, but we also love and want to give something in return.” (FG2)

5.2.2. Gaining Personal Autonomy and Self-Esteem

Discussions were held within both (FG1) and (FG3) on the importance of engagement in meaningful and productive activities for gaining personal autonomy and self-esteem, particularly from a gender perspective. Female participants in (FG3) discussed the personal autonomy they gained through employment in Finland. They emphasized the critical value of work to challenge the patriarchal structures and gender roles embedded within their socio-cultural context, thereby building their agency and taking control of their lives. Ultimately, there was a consensus on a statement made by a participant:

As females, it’s better for us to work and have our own economic source, so that no one can come and control our lives, or decide on how we want it to go… If she works, there’s no one responsible on her; she acts on her own. She can do whatever she wants with her money. She is free.

(FG3)

From the same gender perspective, some male participants in (FG1) placed great importance on work as a means of gaining self-esteem. They believed that being unemployed goes against their societal gender norms, causing feelings of frustration and reduced self-esteem, as they perceived themselves as failing to fulfill their expected gender roles, as financial providers, within their family dynamic. Throughout the discussion, one participant shared the following:

I used to work, […], but now, I feel frustrated at home because I am not working… Without work, as a Middle Eastern man, I find myself unable to attain stability for my family and improve their quality of life. Consequently, I am unable to fulfill my responsibilities to my family.

(FG1)

5.3. Social Relatedness

Participants in all focus groups discussed the critical value of social relatedness for their well-being in Finland. They emphasized the importance of maintaining transnational relations with their family members and friends, as well as developing close interpersonal relations within different communities in Finland. In the discussions, it was argued that social relatedness (1) promotes immigrants’ psychological well-being and (2) enhances their human and social capital.

5.3.1. Promoting Psychological Well-Being

The participants in (FG3), (FG4), (FG5), (FG6), and (FG8) argued that social relatedness greatly influences their psychological well-being in Finland, serving as an emotional support system while navigating the diasporic experience. They shared experiences of both social alienation and loneliness, which resulted in significant negative psychological consequences. While seeking to realize social relatedness by forming close interpersonal relationships with local Finnish people, the participants faced challenges in cultivating such relations, primarily due to language barriers, socio-cultural differences, and prejudices. One participant in (FG6) embarked on the discussion of the importance of social relatedness by stating “Social relatedness is also important, but when migrants arrive here, they feel isolated.” (FG6)

Expanding on this, participants in (FG6) collectively expressed a longing for the emotional support system they had enjoyed in their countries of origin. This stemmed from the robust social relations and community ties they had there. “Um, we miss the sense of community that we don’t really have here, but we did in the communities and areas we lived in.” (FG6) The use of the pronoun we by one participant underscored the shared experience of a limited sense of belonging to the Finnish community, which in turn impacts their psychological well-being.

Due to the challenges in establishing social connections within the local Finnish community, the participants in (FG3) discussed the importance of maintaining transnational relations with loved ones back home, as well as making social relations with individuals from their own socio-cultural and ethnic communities in Finland. With this adaptation strategy, they argued, they could address the lack of social connections with the Finnish population, thus still promote their psychological well-being. Throughout the discussion, one participant emphasized the following:

Social relatedness is essential, and this group filled the gap in this regard. Having Arabs together is important! Having somebody with whom you can share your thoughts and feelings, especially when you are feeling down here, is crucial.

(FG3)

5.3.2. Developing Human and Social Capital

Discussions were held within (FG1) and (FG2) on the importance of social relatedness, especially to the Finnish community, in developing immigrants’ human capital. Participants discussed how the absence of social interaction with the local Finnish population and limited involvement in local socio-cultural activities and community events affected their Finnish language proficiency. Some participants in (FG1) attributed this to the perceived lack of sociability among the local Finnish population towards individuals with forced migration backgrounds:

The Finns don’t become friends with us; we would have learned Finnish more than our own language if they had become friends with us. They don’t socialize, so one doesn’t get the chance to practice and gain the confidence to speak Finnish. For example, I finished school, […], and my language skills faded away because there was no one to talk to!

(FG1)

In a similar vein, participants in (FG7) engaged in a discussion on the critical value of social relatedness to the Finnish community in developing their social capital, particularly in relation to employability. They argued that having strong relationships with the local Finnish population facilitates job referrals, recommendations, and access to information about career opportunities, all crucial elements in securing their integration into the labor market:

For every job I moved to, there was someone behind me supporting me to reach my goal… You should try to build a trustful relationship with a Finnish person who can recommend you. Um, this really determines employability.

(FG7)

6. Discussion

The findings of this research highlight the critical value that forced migrants attribute to legal security, work, and social relatedness in relation to their overall well-being in Finland. Legal security, partially actualized through the process of legal recognition, is a central aspect of forced migrants’ well-being; first and foremost, it ensures their entitlements to a wide range of public services. This finding becomes evident when examined within the context of the Finnish legal system. For instance, while both adult undocumented migrants and individuals seeking international protection retain the right to essential non-urgent as well as urgent social and healthcare services (Ministry of Social Affairs and Health 2024a; THL (Finnish Institute for Health and Welfare) 2023a), their entitlements to the full range of these services remain limited, usually contingent upon being granted a legal right of residence and being assigned a municipality of residence (Ministry of Social Affairs and Health 2024b). Likewise, the official integration services remain inaccessible to them until they obtain the legal right of residence and municipality assignment (Integration.fi 2024b). This restricted access emphasizes the centrality of legal security in granting entitlements to a wide range of public services in Finland.

The study also shows that legal security holds significant value in the lives of forced migrants in Finland, as it facilitates their access to various opportunities. This is because, even when legal restrictions are lifted, there are often multiple challenges linked to the legal status of migrants that hinder their genuine access to opportunities (see, e.g., Kivijärvi and Myllylä 2022). For example, while the Aliens Act4 does not restrict the right of adult international protection seekers to pursue education, these individuals often encounter various bureaucratic challenges, attributed to their precarious legal status, when attempting to enroll in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs). This underscores that the absence of restrictions on education does not guarantee the ability to genuinely access education, owing to various factors, including institutional ones. While international protection seekers in Finland can participate in basic education, a residence permit is often requisite during the application phase for higher levels of education (Studyinfo 2024), thereby emphasizing the importance of legal security in facilitating access to various opportunities. Nonetheless, initiatives like SIMHE5, supported by the Ministry of Education and Culture, play a crucial role in addressing these challenges and facilitating immigrants’ access to HEIs.

Some may argue that it is politically justifiable to impose restrictions on the entitlements to certain public services and limit access to particular opportunities for forced migrants while their asylum applications are being processed. However, it becomes ethically problematic when the processing of these applications is prolonged. In the Finnish context, due to the exceptionally large number of asylum applications submitted during the so-called “refugee crisis”, there was a slowdown in the asylum process, resulting in hundreds of individuals awaiting decisions on applications for several months, and even years (Yle (Yleisradio Oy) 2018). While, in general, the maximum processing time of asylum applications is currently six months (MIGRI (Finnish Immigration Service) 2024a), the findings reveal that asylum seekers still feel they live in a state of legal liminality and temporal confinement. This state is often accompanied by uncertainties, resulting in stress, anxiety, and fear (see also Petäjäniemi et al. 2020), placing critical value on legal security attained through legal recognition to overcome the uncertainties inherent in the asylum process.

The findings, furthermore, show a strong aspiration among people in situations of forced migration in Finland to acquire a more secure legal foundation than residency—Finnish citizenship. This point resonates with Wolff and De-Shalit’s (2007, p. 84) argument of “secure functionings”, emphasizing that individuals value not only enjoying a certain level of functioning (e.g., being legally recognized) but also the ability to sustain it over time, thereby being free from worry. Forced migrants granted protection in Finland still feel they live in legal liminality, experiencing chronic uncertainties due to the fragility of their legal status (see also Grace et al. 2018). Deeming home countries as safe to return to can impact asylum policies, thereby underscoring the centrality of legal security, fully realized through citizenship acquisition, in putting an end to chronic uncertainties. However, the amendment to the Citizenship Act6 regarding the residence time requirement, introduced by the current government, poses a significant challenge in this regard (see also Ministry of the Interior 2024).

The findings of this study also show the instrumental value of work in enhancing the well-being of individuals in situations of forced migration in Finland. Beyond personal advantages, forced migrants have a strong aspiration towards employment for a collective reason: to make valuable contributions, both socially and economically, to Finnish society (see Yijälä and Luoma 2019). By making such contributions through economic participation, people with a forced migration background aim to gain social esteem. This aligns with Ikäheimo and Laitinen’s (2010) contributional account of social esteem, wherein it is gained by making valuable contributions to the common good or the good of others. Furthermore, by actively participating in the workforce, forced migrants aim to challenge some growing local political narratives that portray immigrants as a burden on public finances and the Finnish welfare system (see, e.g., Finns Party 2023).

Beyond merely valuing economic participation to gain social esteem, forced migrants in Finland often see employment as an avenue to reciprocate the protection granted by the state of Finland. Having fled conflicts, forced migrants deeply appreciate the protection Finland has provided them, and thus have a high sense of gratitude toward Finnish society. This gratitude fuels a strong aspiration to give back and contribute to the Finnish welfare system, primarily through engagement in meaningful and productive activities, as a form of reciprocity. Such an argument echoes Turtiainen’s (2013) findings where the experiences of refugees in their countries of origin with persecution, conflicts, and lack of security were the driving forces for their willingness to contribute to the common good of Finnish society, reciprocating the protection offered by the state of Finland by utilizing the skills they possess, for instance, in the labor market.

Furthermore, the study highlights the instrumental value of work, from a gender perspective, in fostering the personal autonomy and self-esteem of forced migrants living in Finland. When immigrant females achieve financial independence through employment, they gain greater control over their lives and develop personal autonomy. Work represents a pathway for immigrant females to liberate themselves from the constraints imposed by patriarchal structures, social norms, and traditional gender roles, often embedded in their socio-cultural environment. These findings echo those in the (UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) 2011) report, where refugee women in Finland provided instances of how male dominance within families can impose several hindrances to attaining economic self-reliance. From the same gender perspective, joining the labor force holds significant importance for males with forced migration backgrounds due to the sense of frustration that often accompanies unemployment. For many male immigrants in Finland, their traditional gender role as providers is deeply ingrained within their personal identity; thus, when they are unable to secure employment and contribute financially to their families, it can lead to feelings of inadequacy, frustration, and low self-esteem. Similar findings were found by Kivijärvi and Mathias (2015), where unemployment was a source of frustration for some men with a forced migration background living in Finland, thereby reducing their sense of autonomy and lowering their masculine status within their families.

Last but not least, this study shows the critical importance of social relatedness in the lives of individuals in situations of forced migration in Finland. Forced migrants often arrive in Finland alone, leaving behind loved ones and familiar social circles. This can lead to intense feelings of social loneliness, which is detrimental to mental health (THL (Finnish Institute for Health and Welfare) 2023b). This study shows that social relatedness is essential to forced migrants’ well-being in Finland, as it promotes their psychological well-being by tackling social loneliness. Furthermore, the findings show that social relatedness is indispensable for individuals undergoing forced migration in Finland, providing emotional support (see also Tiilikainen et al. 2023). In social relatedness, forced migrants share stories and tears with others and ask for assistance, all necessary to navigate the emotional challenges of displacement. These findings resonate with those shown by Haswell et al. (2023) regarding the critical role of social relations in providing emotional support, practical assistance, and fostering a sense of community for forced migrants in Finland.

Despite the multiple challenges faced by forced migrants in cultivating close interpersonal relationships with local Finnish people, the study underscores the significance of social relatedness to the local Finnish population in developing the human capital of individuals undergoing forced migration in Finland. The development of deep social bridges with the Finnish population enables forced migrants to refine their linguistic skills through everyday interaction situations, cultural exchanges, and shared experiences. Similar findings emphasizing the importance of social relationships between migrants and local Finnish people in the learning process of Finnish language skills have been highlighted by Kärkkäinen (2017). Furthermore, establishing deep social relatedness to the local Finnish population serves as the foundation for developing bridging social capital (Ager and Strang 2008), which, as research indicates, is crucial for entering the Finnish labor market. These findings align with those of Sun (2022) regarding the significance of bridging social capital, which is nurtured through relationships with the local Finnish population, in enhancing the integration of migrants into the Finnish labor market.

7. Conclusions

The enhancement of the well-being of individuals in situations of forced migration in Finland, through different policies and services, firstly necessitates identifying their well-being aspects, theoretically understood as valuable beings and doings, within Finnish society. This study argues that legal security, work, and social relatedness are central aspects of well-being in the lives of forced migrants in Finland. However, these aspects, although significant, may not fully encompass all aspects contributing to the well-being of forced migrants in Finland, and further investigation is recommended. Moreover, despite many similarities in this population’s living conditions and experiences within Finnish society, considerable diversity remains. Therefore, it is important to recognize that the relevance of these aspects may differ across various contexts and stages of forced migration and integration.

The aspects of well-being identified in this study could extend beyond their specific context, as individuals in varied living circumstances might also hold them in similar regard. However, what elevates their significance for forced migrants in the Finnish context are the practical reasons that drive this population to value them, shedding light on their lived experiences within Finnish society. Therefore, the aspects identified in this study establish a framework for further studies aimed at assessing forced migrants’ well-being achievement and examining their well-being capabilities within Finnish society. Furthermore, the findings of this study could contribute to the enhancement of the overall well-being of forced migrants in Finland, as the identified aspects have the potential to inform policies (e.g., asylum, integration) and services (e.g., public, third sector) tailored to the diverse needs of this population.

Policy recommendations include several key actions to enhance the well-being of forced migrants in Finland. For instance, it is recommended that MIGRI prioritize expediting the international protection application process to reduce legal liminality, thereby improving legal security, reducing stress, and facilitating quicker access to public services and opportunities. Concurrently, it is recommended that the Ministry of the Interior reassess proposed amendments to residency requirements for permanent residence and Finnish citizenship to address and mitigate long-term uncertainties faced by migrants. It is also recommended that the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment implement targeted programs to ease the transition of forced migrants into the labor market (see Nassar 2025b), thereby boosting personal autonomy and self-esteem. Furthermore, priority should be given by local municipalities to expand community-based initiatives and collaborate with civil society organizations to strengthen social connections between forced migrants and local population. Establishing social hubs, support networks, and cultural exchange activities, along with promoting language learning and community integration, will help reduce loneliness and enhance the overall well-being of forced migrants within Finnish society.