Empowering Rural Women in the Cocoa Production Chain in Sardinata, Norte de Santander, Colombia

Abstract

Rural women in the agricultural sector face greater challenges than men in accessing productive resources and equitably participating in agrifood value chains. This article highlights the empowerment experiences of rural women involved in the cocoa production chain in Sardinata, Norte de Santander, Colombia. A qualitative methodology was used, employing an inductive, interpretative approach and a case-study design. Interviews were conducted with 10 female cocoa producers from Sardinata. The coding process, grounded in theoretical material, generated five subcategories with corresponding theoretical codes, leading to the emergence of a new subcategory. The narratives revealed that women continue to face inequality in participation, decision-making and autonomy, which are reinforced by gender roles and stereotypes. Despite their involvement in agricultural production, they are often overburdened with unpaid caregiving duties. Land ownership, control and access to productive resources remain largely male-dominated. In addition, gender-based violence and patriarchal expectations continue to be significant barriers. The study underscores the fact that women’s empowerment and improved access to resources enhance their participation in decision-making, boost productivity and contribute to the economic and social development of their communities.

1. Introduction

Women play a key role in society structures, historically making significant contributions to subsistence, culture and human development. However, their involvement has been limited by established economic, political and cultural norms, traditions, and power dynamics, which prevent them from fully enjoying their rights (Jain et al. 2023). Therefore, it is essential to understand how these restrictions are structured within elements influencing empowerment and challenges involved in promoting gender equality, especially within rural, agricultural and productive contexts.

In the agricultural sector, rural women have faced greater obstacles than men in accessing productive resources and participating fairly in agrifood value chains (Gonzaga et al. 2022), even though they constitute 43% of the agricultural labour force (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations—FAO 2013). Yet, in recent years, there has been a growing trend toward greater inclusion and women’s participation across all stages of the agricultural production chain. This shift recognises the key roles they play in agriculture, from planting and cultivation to marketing and decision-making. Evidence suggests that when women have access to productive resources like land, credit and agricultural technology, they can boost productivity and enhance food security within their communities (Bonis-Profumo et al. 2021; Zheng et al. 2023). Additionally, women tend to reinvest a larger portion of their income back into their families and communities, thereby fostering long-term economic and social development (Sheldon and Kaminaga 2023; Timsina et al. 2023).

This trend aligns with rising global gender initiatives, including social responsibility programmes that champion women and girls, as outlined in the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (United Nations 2021). Recognising gender equality as a critical priority in the Millennium Development Goals underscores the importance of empowering women across all sectors, including agriculture (United Nations—UN 2019). Promoting women’s equal participation in agriculture and ensuring their access to resources and opportunities fosters gender justice and equality, while advancing sustainable development and creating a more prosperous future for all (Tagat 2020).

In Latin America, rural women systematically face obstacles that limit their access to resources, opportunities and basic rights. Despite being a significant part of the agricultural labour force, they are frequently marginalised and under-represented in decision-making processes and resource distribution (Cruz et al. 2024). These obstacles include limited access to land and productive resources, time spent on unpaid domestic and caregiving work, gender-based violence rooted in a patriarchal system and lack of essential services like education and healthcare. As a result, they face a double vulnerability: being women and living in rural areas. This situation not only hinders the personal and economic development of rural women, but also perpetuates gender inequality and poverty in rural communities (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women—CEDAW 2019; Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean—ECLAC 2023; Raynolds 2021).

In Colombia, the National Development Plan 2022–2026, ‘Colombia, a World Power for Life’ includes ‘Change is with women’ in the section on Differential Actors for Change, which emphasises implementing Law 731 of 2002 or the Rural Women’s Law, aimed at engaging rural women at the national level (Government of Colombia 2023). The role of rural women in driving change involves protecting their lives and communal assets against corporate interests that negatively impact their territories. A comprehensive rural reform is necessary, respecting the human rights of rural and peasant women regarding land tenure, access to financing, participation in territorial planning processes and access to food security and education (CEDAW 2019; Government of Colombia 2023).

Official statistics in Colombia have highlighted the realities of poverty and inequality among rural women. In 2020, the multidimensional poverty rate was 12.5% in municipal capitals, compared with 37.1% in rural areas. Within these rural areas, inequality exists between men and women (Portafolio 2021). According to the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE) and the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development of Colombia, the forecasted population for 2022 was 51.61 million, with 12.22 million rural residents, of whom 5.89 million (48.2%) were women. Further statistics have indicated that 11.2% of rural women aged 6 to 21 did not attend school, due to household responsibilities, and that 4.4% did not attend, due to pregnancy. By 2021, 33.7% of households led by women in rural areas lived in multidimensional poverty, 3.8 percentage points higher than those led by men in rural areas and 19.3 percentage points higher than women-led households in urban areas. The unemployment rate for rural women in 2021 was 15.0%, compared with 6.0% for rural men. During 2020–2021, 93.0% of rural women versus 56.5% of rural men engaged in unpaid work activities. This implies that the participation of rural women in unpaid work is 36.5 percentage points higher than that of rural men and 3.4 percentage points higher than that of urban women (National Administrative Department of Statistics—DANE 2022).

Consequently, the confluence of social, economic and cultural factors—gender, rurality, feminisation of poverty, control over their lives, territory-related insecurity, displacement and gender-based violence—creates intersections that increase their vulnerability and oppression (Karimli et al. 2021; Zulver and Idler 2020).

Considering the above data, the following research question arises: what are the experiences of empowerment for rural women in the cocoa production chain in Sardinata, Norte de Santander, Colombia? The goal is to uncover the empowerment experiences of rural women within this production chain in Sardinata, Norte de Santander, Colombia. Data were collected in the Catatumbo region of the Norte de Santander department, along the border with Venezuela.

Empowering rural women has gained global interest. Thus, the results of this study address the elements influencing empowerment: 1. Agricultural production decisions. 2. Access to and decision-making power over productive resources. 3. Control over income use. 4. Community leadership. 5. Time management (Kabeer 1999, 2001). These elements help understand the studied reality and propose interaction strategies among the government, civil society, the private sector, academia and the environment. These strategies aim to empower and develop rural women by focusing on generating equal pay and resources from paid work, eliminating violence against women and girls and recognising, redistributing and reducing care and domestic work, as well as enhancing financial inclusion and promoting entrepreneurship (National Planning Department and the United States Agency for International Development—USAID 2022).

Research on rural women’s empowerment has expanded in the literature (Alkire et al. 2013; Ang and Lai 2023; Asadullah and Kambhampati 2021; Bonis-Profumo et al. 2021; Essilfie et al. 2021; Ghasemi et al. 2021; Haley and Marsh 2021; Ishfaq et al. 2023; Kabeer 1999; Karimli et al. 2021; Malapit and Quisumbing 2015; Malapit et al. 2014, 2017; Mazhazha-Nyandoro and Sambureni 2022; Moore 2016; Timsina et al. 2023; Wei et al. 2021; Zumbyte 2021). However, no similar studies addressing rural women’s empowerment (crop decision-making, resource access, economic autonomy, leadership and time management) have been found in Norte de Santander, Colombia, making this research novel.

1.1. Women’s Empowerment

Defined as a multidimensional process, women’s empowerment enables women to freely choose their life paths and fully participate in society (Kabeer 1999). Within the feminist framework, this concept is an evolving field aimed at overcoming gender inequalities and different forms of historical oppression faced by women (Accerenzi and Duke 2023). Such a pursuit involves eliminating both the internal and external barriers that inhibit women’s potential and autonomy across all life domains (Ang and Lai 2023).

The process involves understanding women’s living conditions and their individual and collective beliefs and behaviours, which are deeply embedded within specific cultural contexts (Huis et al. 2017). Thus, Power can be defined as the capacity to choose, comprising three essential and inseverable dimensions of women’s empowerment: access to resources (including future claims to material, human and social resources), agency (the ability and process of strategic decision-making in formerly restrictive contexts, including expressions such as bargaining and the ability to make choices under conditions where choice exists and is exercised through decision-making) and achievements (well-being outcomes) (Ishfaq et al. 2023; Kabeer 1999; Moore 2016).

Decision-making abilities require resources and constitute a prerequisite for exercising agency and achieving desired outcomes. The combination of resources and agency relates to Sen’s (1985) definition of capabilities. When social norms restrict agency through limited access to economic resources, the result is a loss of power and hindered well-being outcomes (Karimli et al. 2021).

Furthermore, Nussbaum and Sen’s (1998) capabilities approach argued that empowerment is closely linked to an individual’s ability to lead a valuable and meaningful life. It emphasises that women should have the capacity to make choices and act according to their values and aspirations. This includes providing them with access to quality education, healthcare and equitable employment opportunities (Sen 2000). From this perspective, society must generate spaces for capacity building, recognising the freedom to choose whether to exercise that choice. While women cannot be forced to make certain decisions, society must ensure that they have the choice and knowledge to choose as they wish, i.e., free choice, access to choose and the ability to reason their choice. (Nussbaum 2012).

In this way, capabilities must be understood not only as individual abilities, but as essential rights that guarantee people the opportunity to have a dignified life, and from this approach, social norms and power dynamics are highlighted as structural factors that limit women’s emancipation. For example, patriarchal structures, often imposing gender roles that restrict women’s possibilities to access productive resources and participate fully in political, economic and social life, perpetuate inequalities that restrict the development of core human capabilities: life; physical health; physical integrity; meaning, imagination and thought; emotions; practical reason; affiliation; relationship with other species; play; and control over one’s environment (political, material, and labour). This last capacity implies accessing and exercising the right to participate in political decisions, and the protection of freedom of expression and association, as well as owning property on equal terms with others and having access to decent jobs (Nussbaum 2011, 2012, 2007). Thus, equal access to resources for empowerment is not enough, but also implies a cultural change that eliminates discriminatory practices that deny women control and autonomy over their lives.

In this sense, strategies to promote women’s empowerment must integrate power relations within the household and community, engaging men in gender and education initiatives to transform family dynamics and promote a more equitable redistribution of domestic and care work; therefore, this integrated approach, combining cultural reforms with gender equity policies, is essential to overcome the systemic barriers that perpetuate women’s subordination and ensure that they can live a life they find valuable and meaningful (Nussbaum 2007, 2012; Raynolds 2021).

Finally, with developing individual capacities—such as expressing concerns, making informed decisions and pursuing strategic goals—women’s empowerment is a prerequisite for nurturing women’s collective capacities and rights.

1.2. Dimensions Influencing Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture

To address this issue, this study examines five dimensions influencing rural women’s empowerment: (1) agricultural production decisions, (2) access to and control over productive resources, (3) income control, (4) community leadership and (5) time use (Alkire et al. 2013; Bonis-Profumo et al. 2021; Malapit and Quisumbing 2015; Malapit et al. 2014, 2017). These dimensions have been widely studied in the literature, using qualitative and/or quantitative methods; however, this study adopts a qualitative approach.

1.

Agricultural production decisions

This dimension pertains to agricultural production decisions in which women can contribute and feel empowered to make choices, such as which crops to plant, how to manage pests and diseases and which agricultural techniques to use. These decisions influence the productive and economic results for their families and communities, improve the efficiency and sustainability of agricultural practices, promote gender equality and strengthen the self-esteem of rural women. However, social and cultural factors lead men to doubt women’s agricultural knowledge and believe that women should not participate in decision-making. This situation can be addressed through training development programs for women farmers (Timsina et al. 2023). Despite prevailing gender stereotypes, women’s participation in crop decision-making reflects a transformation in cultural, socioeconomic and political structures (Mazhazha-Nyandoro and Sambureni 2022).

2.

Access and decision-making power over productive resources

Productive resources include assets such as land, water, seeds and technology that women own exclusively or jointly (García-Reyes and Wiig 2020). Decision-making power over these resources involves decisions on, and access to, credit, an aspect in which women may participate or feel they can make decisions. Women business owners spend less time on unpaid work (Islam and Sharma 2021). When rural women have access to these resources and can decide how to use them, they can increase productivity, improve food security, decrease poverty, have financial stability and reduce vulnerability to economic crises (Asadullah and Kambhampati 2021; Bonis-Profumo et al. 2021; Essilfie et al. 2021; Wei et al. 2021).

3.

Control over the use of income

Income control relates to women’s input in financial decisions from agricultural or non-agricultural activities, allowing them to address basic needs, invest in education and health and improve production (Ang and Lai 2023). In low- and middle-income countries, when women achieve a certain wealth and income management, it allows them greater social mobility (Zumbyte 2021). This financial control improves their financial and social position in the community and provides them the opportunity to contribute to both local and national development (Ghasemi et al. 2021; Haley and Marsh 2021).

4.

Community leadership

This construct refers to community groups in which women are active members. Due to cultural, practical and historical factors, women still lack spaces to exercise leadership, both in community groups and in associations or cooperatives. Women face difficulty in marketing and earning income from their agricultural work (Accerenzi and Duke 2023). However, women’s participation in organisations is associated with greater likelihood of overall empowerment. This is because it broadens their thinking beyond immediate needs and aspirations (Mazhazha-Nyandoro and Sambureni 2022; Timsina et al. 2023). This involvement enhances self-confidence in public speaking, earns them the respect of their spouses or partners, as well as other family and community members, and reduces experiences of domestic violence through intergroup solidarity and the acquisition of financial literacy (Abdu et al. 2022).

This dimension refers to leadership within the community, measured by membership of economic or social groups and confidence in public speaking. Leadership captures key aspects of inclusion and participation, accountability and local organisational capacity, which Narayan (2002) considered essential for empowerment. This dimension highlights the recognition of social capital and sense of belonging as valuable resources. This is particularly relevant, as social and cultural norms may discourage individuals from participating in collective activities outside the home, leading some to choose not to join such groups (Malapit and Quisumbing 2015; Malapit et al. 2014). Although this dimension does not encompass the entire spectrum of public participation, it frames empowerment in terms of having a voice and engaging in collective action.

5.

Use of time

It refers to the hours that women allocate to different activities such as paid employment, unpaid work, productive tasks, domestic chores, caregiving duties and leisure. Access to paid work and the use of time are key factors that enable them to generate their own income and influence their autonomy (Medina Hernández and Fernández Gómez 2021).

Alkire et al. (2013) argued that, like income, this factor reflects women’s ability to benefit from agricultural production. Time constraints from unpaid domestic and care work burden women and affect the care and well-being of their families (Asadullah and Kambhampati 2021). Thus, agricultural innovations that increase workloads may have negative effects, despite higher income. The rise of labour-saving technologies can aid women by reducing the time spent on household chores, providing them with more freedom and empowering choices, even without boosting production or income. In contrast, the current boom of technology can benefit their use of time. While these technologies may not necessarily boost productivity or earnings, they offer women greater autonomy in deciding how to spend their time—choices that can be empowering if such options were not previously accessible (Alkire et al. 2013).

1.3. Study Environment: The Context of the Municipality of Sardinata

Catatumbo is a subregion in the northeast of the Norte de Santander department in Colombia. It borders Venezuela and comprises the municipalities of Ocaña, El Carmen, Convención, Teorama, San Calixto, Hacarí, La Playa, El Tarra, Tibú, Sardinata and Abrego. The area encompasses the Motilón-Barí and Catalaura reservations, home to the Barí indigenous community (National Council of Economic and Social Policy, CONPES 3739 2013). (The Catatumbo region is indicated in green in Figure 1).

Among these municipalities, eight are included in the Development Program with Territorial Approach (PDET) related to the Final Peace Agreement (AFP), and eleven are designated as Zones Most Affected by the Armed Conflict (ZMAAC)—Zonas más Afectadas por el Conflicto Armado (ZOMAC) (President of the Republic of Colombia 2017). The violent history of Catatumbo spans several periods and involves multiple armed groups from 1989 to the present, affecting the entire population (García Pinzón and Mantilla 2021). Adding to this situation is a range of actors and conditions linked to extensive illicit crop areas, paramilitary incursions, false positives, human rights abuses, breaches of the International Humanitarian Law and the ramifications of the AFP signing. Despite recent efforts, the rearmament of groups persists, indicating that the armed, social, political and economic conflict remains unresolved. This ongoing cycle of violence in the Catatumbo region is evidenced by many warnings issued by the Ombudsman’s Office since 2018 (Ombudsman’s Office 2023).

In 2018, the National Planning Department (NPD) reported that 69% of farmers and indigenous people in Catatumbo’s rural areas do not have their essential needs covered, despite the region’s rich mineral resources and biodiversity. Women endure significant rights deprivations, such as limited access to education, healthcare, representation, participation, clean water and decent employment, in addition to being subject to many forms of violence (National Planning Department—NPD 2018; Zulver and Idler 2020).

1.4. Post-Agreement Overview

Though efforts towards peace continue, the region still struggles, as social marginalisation hinders citizen participation and exacerbates insecurity, mainly in border areas. Social marginalisation is understood as a socially naturalised process under which people cannot transform their capabilities into a meaningful contribution to society’s decision-making processes (McGill et al. 2024). This has worsened the conditions for the implementation of the PDET.

From a gender perspective, peace negotiations have highlighted women’s empowerment, an issue frequently addressed by international and national organisations involved in peacebuilding. However, it is yet to be fully realised (Gillooly 2023). Violence against rural women, mainly perpetrated by partners and ex-partners, remains a persistent problem, with difficult access to justice. The armed conflict has exacerbated violence, leading to material loss, health issues, family breakdown, forced labour exploitation and involvement in armed groups, sex work, or exile for many women. However, after signing the AFP, cooperatives have emerged as a beacon of hope, helping women transform from passive victims to empowered survivors and agents of change (Idler 2019; Ciruela-Lorenzo et al. 2020).

Women’s leadership is essential for rebuilding the community in this Region. Their resilience helps them, their families and society recover from violence, pushing towards peace and equity (Commission for the Clarification of the Truth—CEV 2022).

2. Materials and Methods

The research used a qualitative, inductive and interpretative approach for exploring empowerment of rural women in the cocoa production chain of Sardinata, Norte de Santander. This approach is based on the recognition of multiple holistic and constructed realities to understand the phenomenon (Guba and Lincoln 2002). Therefore, the aim of this article is to unveil their experiences.

The primary data source comprised 10 interviews conducted with rural women from the municipality of Sardinata. The selection criteria for these interviewees included the following: being of legal age, residing in the municipality, being a Colombian national, living in different households within a rural neighbourhood, growing cocoa, together with having unpaid duties such as housework and caregiving, being at the initial stage of the production chain and potentially being victims of armed conflict or gender violence, displaced by said conflict, and/or returnees from Venezuela.

Table 1. Characteristics of key informants.

Code	Municipality of Residence	Age	Education Level	Marital Status	# of Dependents
MRS01	Sardinata	35	Completed primary school	Domestic Partnership	3 minors and 1 adult
MRS02	Sardinata	37	Completed secondary school	Domestic Partnership	4 minors
MRS03	Sardinata	30	Completed primary school	Domestic Partnership	2 minors
MRS04	Sardinata	42	Partially completed secondary school	Separated	3 minors and 3 senior citizens
MRS05	Sardinata	60	Partially completed primary school	Married	3 elderly people
MRS06	Sardinata	39	Completed secondary school	Domestic Partnership	2 minors and one senior citizen
MRS07	Sardinata	38	Completed primary school	Married	3 minors
MRS08	Sardinata	34	Professional	Married	2 minors
MRS09	Sardinata	43	Completed secondary school	Domestic Partnership	2 minors
MRS010	Sardinata	36	Partially completed primary school	Domestic Partnership	5 minors and 1 senior citizen

Source: Prepared by the authors. MRS01: Rural woman, Sardinata 01.

presents the sociodemographic characteristics of the key informants.

The interviewed group was contacted via the Asociación de Hogares Juveniles Campesinos in Norte de Santander, Colombia. This ally facilitated safe access to conflict-affected areas. This foundation’s leaders helped select women, based on specified profiles and criteria. Interviews were conducted in March 2024, and each participant signed an informed consent form. Anonymity was maintained through the use of codes (see Table 1). The family and work contexts of this population have been persistent in their structural characteristics and economic, political and social circumstances, which have not changed over time. Thus, the experiences described reflect their current reality and contribute valuable insights for understanding the phenomenon.

Thus, Figure 2 illustrates the main focus of the study: women’s empowerment in agriculture, along with related subcategories and theoretical codes.

The qualitative approach to studying women’s reality used a case-study design, which prioritises the knowledge gained from the case’s experiences while considering the influence of its social, political and other contexts (Stake 2013). This method was used to understand the actions and meanings of events, and the ongoing relationships between researcher and participants (Erickson 1989). The case study was developed, taking into account Creswell and Poth (2016); Stake (2013) and Yin (2009):

• Definition of the case and its relevance. In this study, the case is the empowerment of rural women in the cocoa production chain in Sardinata, Norte de Santander, Colombia, with relevance to their experiences of the challenges they face in accessing productive resources, making decisions and overcoming barriers due to gender roles and stereotypes, as well as the dynamics of their role within the agricultural sector and the community environment.
• Type of case study. This is a single study; the unit of analysis is rural women cocoa producers in the context indicated above.
• Primary data collection. It was carried out through ten interviews with rural women who represent the total number of beneficiaries of the research project funded by the Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation (MINCIENCIAS) of Colombia grant number [Cod. 102882 CT 235-2023]. The interviews were recorded, transcribed verbatim, coded and analysed.
• Data analysis. Grounded-theory analysis was applied, consisting of the following: (1) open coding, to identify concepts within narrative sentences and compare response patterns until information saturation occurs (Marshall et al. 2013); (2) axial coding, to create subcategories from grouped open codes; and (3) selective coding, to form central categories from the grouped axial codes, which are then compared with the existing literature (Glaser and Strauss 1967; Strauss 1987; Strauss and Corbin 1990; Strauss and Corbin 2002). Nvivo software version 14 was used during this process. Lastly, the interview transcripts and the coding file in Nvivo are openly accessible in a dataset hosted on the Mendeley Data repository (Albornoz-Arias and Rojas-Sanguino 2024).

3. Results

The primary focus of this study is Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture. The methodology for coding and creating subcategories relied on the material related to the theory, specifically the five theoretical subcategories illustrated in Figure 1. For each subcategory, corresponding theoretical codes were established, which served as units of meaning to identify patterns and categorise them into the appropriate theoretical groups.

Throughout the interview coding process, emerging codes surfaced within the theoretical subcategories.

Table 2. Theoretical subcategories and associated codes.

	Theoretical Code Used *	Theoretical Code Not Used **	Emerging Code	References ***
1. Subcategory production
Plantations	X			11
Pest treatment		X		0
Agricultural techniques	X			1
Production results	X			4
Sustainability of agricultural practices	X			2
Men’s disbelief		X		0
Lack of training	X			15
Lack of knowledge of productive results			X	4
First link in the production chain			X	8
No production decision			X	5
Risks in production			X	1
2. Subcategory productive resources
No land ownership	X			3
Individual land ownership	X			4
Collective land ownership	X			2
Ownership of other productive assets		X		0
Access to credit	X			5
Improvement in living conditions		X		0
Informal buying and selling of land			X	1
No holding of other productive assets			X	1
No access to credit			X	3
3. Subcategory revenues
Satisfaction of basic needs	X			7
Improving production		X		0
Reinvestment in crops	X			7
No revenue decision			X	2
4. Subcategory leadership
Participate in community groups	X			2
Not participating in community groups		X		0
No participation in community groups, due to lack of space	X			2
Financial literacy training		X		0
Having self-confidence	X			2
Achieving family and community respect		X		0
Decrease in episodes of violence		X		0
Aspiration of associativity			X	10
Existence of social norms			X	5
Knowledge transfer			X	5
Uncertainty of future associativity			X	1
5. Subcategory use of time
Paid agricultural and non-agricultural working time		X		0
Unpaid agricultural working time	X			3
Unpaid non-agricultural working time	X			8
Leisure time		X		0
Paid non-agricultural work time			X	5
Paid agricultural labour time			X	1

Source: prepared by the authors. * Theoretical code used in the interview coding process. ** Theoretical code NOT used in the interview coding process. *** Total number of times the code was referenced.

lists the theoretical subcategories and their respective codes.

An emerging subcategory (Gender perspectives) and three associated codes were also created, as shown in

Table 3. Emerging subcategory and its codes.

Emerging Subcategory	Emerging Codes	Reference *
Gender perspectives	Man owns the land	1
	Gender roles and stereotypes	11
	Gender-based violence	1

Source: prepared by the authors. * Total number of times the code was referenced.

.

3.1. Subcategory: Production

In Sardinata, Norte de Santander, Colombia, the women participating in this study play a fundamental role in the first link of the cocoa production chain and sell the production as raw material to intermediaries who transform it into various products and profit from higher profits. These women, culturally, are dedicated to unpaid domestic and care work, their participation in agricultural activities is limited by the lack of autonomy in making productive decisions, restricted access to financial and technical resources, and some of them are deprived of the enjoyment of the income obtained. In addition, the absence of adequate infrastructure and external threats, such as insecurity in the region, hinder their daily work.

Despite these barriers, the role of these women in cocoa cultivation is relevant, because its highlight their dedication to tasks such as cleaning the land, harvesting and fermenting the beans. The stories reveal basic knowledge of costs and cultivation practices. There is a general knowledge of the planting procedure and relevant costs, as expressed in the narratives of rural women: MRS02, MRS07 and MRS09. (See

Table 4. Participation in the first link of the production chain.

MRS02	‘… it takes three years to produce, and you have to fertilise it, and sometimes the worker is paid one at 35 [it refers to 35,000 Colombian pesos per day of work, which is equivalent to 8. USD] and it takes two weeks. This week, I have to clean, I get in with the scythe, when I get the worker he gets in with a machete and I get in with the scythe and we pick the seed’.
MRS07	‘Well, the plant costs around 2000 pesos [about 0.5 USD]. It is profitable. Initially, you have to invest, and after three years, you’ll see results. Fertilizers and labour are the most expensive’. ‘I do everything alone’.
MRS09	‘Before I used to buy the matica (plant) for 1500, now it’s 3000 Colombian pesos [equivalent to 0.75 USD approximately], if it is grafted onto the fertilizers and after 3 or 4 years it can start to produce every two months. This week when I have to clean up, I’ll get in with the scythe, when I get a worker, he’ll get in with a machete and I’ll get in with the scythe and we’ll pick up the seed’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

).

Furthermore, they emphasise the key role of labour, which constitutes a substantial cost. They are involved in clearing land, using cutting tools typically associated with use by men (such as scythes and machetes), although they may also be joined by workers, unlike MRS07, who performs all tasks independently. It is also worth mentioning that other participants in this study reported having no familiarity with the process of planting crops.

Conversely, women producers are at the initial stage of the production chain, selling cocoa as raw material to intermediaries. The income they earn is mainly used to cover household expenses.

MRS 05. ‘I take the harvest to Sardinata to sell’.

This indicates that intermediaries turn this raw material into different value-added products suitable for consumption, market them and generate substantial profits, without the participation of the women producers.

Traditional farming techniques are highlighted, which minimise environmental disturbance:

MRS02. ‘I don’t like spraying because they say that it kills some animals that make the compost not organic’.

MRS04. ‘I hardly ever use chemicals’.

As the rural women interviewed mentioned a clear need for enhanced training in business management and access to technical information (See

Table 5. Rural women’s empowerment aspirations.

MRS01	‘that women learn things about entrepreneurship’.
MRS02	‘We lack a facility to ferment the cocoa, which is essential to achieve quality. You need to place it in a box to ferment it properly. I have some basic knowledge, but I don’t have practical experience with fermentation’.
MRS04	‘I don’t do accounting’.
MRS05	‘Training us, giving us more knowledge and tools that make work easier for women’.
MRS06	‘Teach us a little more about the cocoa processes’.
MRS07	‘The technique of cocoa, pruning times, and how to make products’
MRS08	‘It would be beneficial to understand how to further process cocoa to boost our profits and increase our visibility among other buyers. Additionally, using technology, such as conducting interviews or creating videos about our work in the field and sharing our stories, can quickly gain widespread recognition, particularly through platforms like Facebook’.
MRS09	‘While I am not very knowledgeable about farming, I understand that there’s a specific harvest season, and it’s important to identify which seeds are ripe to avoid issues with the drying process’.
MRS10	‘but my husband is the one who knows about it’. ‘I don’t know much about the cocoa process beyond making paste. It would be helpful to get training and improve our crops’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

), this could result in them abandoning traditional and ancestral practices for newer agricultural techniques. The interviewed women also expressed a desire to move beyond the initial stage of the production chain (cocoa cultivation) to transforming raw cocoa into processed products like chocolate in different forms (See Table 5). This shift requires training and the acquisition of assets such as machinery. Now, the paradox is, how will rural women transition from sustainable cocoa cultivation to the production of chocolate while maintaining sustainability principles?

In this Production subcategory, however, four new emerging codes appear: lack of knowledge of productive outcomes, first link in the production chain, no production decision and risks in production. These findings reveal that these rural women are unaware of production outcomes:

MRS03. ‘Well, I wouldn’t know because we haven’t had much’.

MRS07. ‘About two or three loads, but I really can’t say’.

MRS08. ‘I wouldn’t know, my husband is the one who knows’.

This knowledge gap in productive results stems from poor resource management or the lack of financial autonomy, as money is often controlled by partners.

They also show that their involvement is limited to cultivating, caring for, harvesting, and basic extraction of cocoa for its future sale. This means cocoa remains a raw material and is not processed into consumable products. (See

Table 6. Processes carried out in the first link of the production chain.

MRS01	‘When the cocoa matures, I pile it up, place a board and stick, find a plan, and leave it there for 15–16 days. After that, I open it and put it in a perforated bag to collect the slime. Then, I remove the seeds, leave them for another 4–5 days, and finally place them in a marquee. Currently, I use a makeshift setup with some poles’.
MRS04	‘I harvest the crops, prune them, dry them, clean them, and sell them’.
MRS06	‘After it is collected, it is deseeded and dried to obtain the slime, put into a sack to drain well and then it is fermented before being taken out into the sun’.
MRS07	‘All I do is clean it, pick it up, dry it and sell it’.
MRS09	‘Ensure the plants are clean and free of worms, harvest them, let them dry, then sell them to the Sardinata federation’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

).

This study reveals that cocoa cultivation is often a family activity (see

Table 7. Involvement of family members in the production process.

MRS06	‘Mainly my son and my husband, I sometimes help out’.
MRS08	‘I might help with drying since the workers and my husband handle other tasks on the farm. I also assist with selling, but only when accompanying him’. ‘My husband and the workers more’. ‘That they listen to us when making decisions about crops’.
MRS10	‘My husband does it more’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

), with women participating but not leading or making decisions about cultivation and income.

Finally, a rural woman mentioned external risks near her workplace. Though these security issues are uncontrollable, she feels they don’t impact safe travel within the rural area. However, transporting goods for sale to another location might be affected.

MRS04. ‘Yes, but there is a problem on the national highway and they burn a car, or steal motorcycles, at least at the entrance’.

3.2. Subcategory: Productive Resources

The study reveals inequalities in land ownership and access to credit. While some women were sole owners, others shared ownership with their husbands or participated in collective ownership schemes. The findings highlight the relevance of land tenure and use as a form of social capital for rural women and its relationship to decision-making power. However, challenges such as informal land negotiations, limited access to credit and lack of knowledge about women’s land rights were also discovered in this subcategory.

These barriers, together with traditional patriarchal norms, hinder women’s economic empowerment and perpetuate inequalities in rural Colombia. The study highlights the need for targeted interventions to improve women’s access to productive resources, including formal land titles, and credit and agricultural inputs, while also addressing broader issues related to gender equality and rural development.

For instance, three women mentioned that they do not own the land where they perform their agricultural work:

MRS01; MRS03; MRS07. ‘My husband’ (is the owner of the land).

Accordingly, four women interviewed claimed sole ownership of their land.

MRS02. ‘Me’; MRS04. ‘It’s mine’; MRS05. ‘Me’; MRS10. ‘The property is under my name’.

Similarly, the study identified collective property (See

Table 8. Collective land ownership.

MRS08	‘The property is under my husband’s name, as deeds are traditionally registered under the husband’s name’.
MRS09	‘Since it’s an association, it’s comprised of 8 plot owners. Each has a share, and after 10 or 11 years, they provide us with the deeds. We’re currently processing the deeds in our own names’.
MRS10	‘ours’ (referring to her and her husband)

Source: prepared by the authors.

).

Half of rural women report having obtained loans (see

Table 9. Access to credit.

MRS02	‘Yes, to plant cocoa. At the bank, they provide you with a figure of 2 million and tell you a specific amount per year. However, when it comes time to pay, it’s 3,500,000, and the following year, you’ll owe even more. I have three years left to repay’. (Equivalent to approximately 875 USD).
MRS07	‘However, I participate in an organisation called ASOPATRIC, which deals with sugarcane. This situation has been very challenging because I am still in debt. Everyone else in the association withdrew, leaving me solely responsible for the payment. As the legal representative, I have to cover all the expenses myself’.
MRS08	‘Yes, it hasn’t been very challenging because as long as you meet the quotas, there are no issues. It’s beneficial because there are projects for the field, along with discounts and very low interest rates’.
MRS08	‘Yes, I am still paying’.
MRS10	‘At the moment, yes, it has been delayed, there is a lot of paperwork’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

), which they are currently repaying. However, these loans do not offer low interest rates that would boost investment and repayment based on the productivity of their units.

In the Productive resources subcategory, three new codes were identified: informal land transactions, lack of other productive assets, and no access to credit. This narration relate to the use of informal or private legal mechanisms, which support land ownership:

MRS06. ‘We bought it from our brother-in-law, but we haven’t done any paperwork and it’s still under his name, but it’s ours’.

In Colombia, while individuals can own land through private agreements based on promises of sale, this comes with risks and limitations. The transfer of ownership is not fully completed and recognised by the State until it is legally secured. Consequently, the private agreement needs to be formalised with a public deed before a notary and registered at the Office of the Registry of Public Instruments.

Without a title deed, legal issues can occur, and it may be hard to obtain bank credit, sell property, or join national land programs. In Colombia, these private documents also hinder agrarian reforms.

Traditional agriculture is highlighted, linked to the cocoa farming practised by the rural women interviewed. In this context, MRS01 describes the post-harvest procedure, which is carried out without using minimal equipment for drying the cocoa beans:

MRS01. ‘… and there he puts it (referring to the cocoa) into what they call a marquee. At the time I don’t have a marquee. I have a kind of awning with some sticks, I mount it on something and leave it there’.

Some rural women interviewed cannot get loans themselves; instead, their husbands do. This makes sense, as loans are usually given to the landowners, and in general these women do not own the land.

MRS01. ‘Not me, but my husband does’.

MRS03. ‘My husband, we’re broke, but he is the one who knows about it’.

MRS05. ‘Now, when they see someone who is older and sick, they hardly make loans’.

3.3. Subcategory: Revenues

The study reveals that while many women manage household income, spending it on basic needs and reinvesting in production, their autonomy in decision-making on the use of these resources remains limited. While some women reinvest in crops and other production-related expenses, others report that their husbands are primarily responsible for managing income.

Women who manage household income use it to pay for food, children’s education, and home repair expenses, as stated below:

MRS02. ‘Market, to pay for the children’s school supplies here at home’.

It is noted that earnings from cocoa farming are often reinvested into the crop and non-agricultural activities (

Table 10. Reinvestment in crops.

MRS02	‘…buy Purina food, for chickens and pigs’
MRS03	‘…buy fertilizers’
MRS04	‘… I manage the money and buy the fertilizers, I pay the workers’.
MRS07	‘… it’s for the cocoa production’.
MRS08	‘… With that money we invest in more production’.
MRS09	‘… I buy fertilizer, poison’. ‘…paying workers, the cocoa comes first, rather than sending them out to be cleaned every 2 or 3 weeks’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

, MRS02), as well as other fieldwork expenses (Table 10, MRS04 and MRS09).

In this subcategory, the ‘no revenue decision’ emerging code was identified, highlighting rural women’s lack of control over how income from cocoa farming is used and distributed.

MRS05. ‘The one who manages the money is my husband’.

MRS10. ‘My husband manages it for the house and the crops. He makes the sales’.

3.4. Subcategory: Leadership

In this subcategory, it was found that by participating in community groups, women take on roles in accounting, sales and management of business ideas, which allows them to access resources to improve their assets and crops. However, there is a lack of spaces for empowerment and training for women’s leadership, limiting the participation of many. Despite these challenges, some women have developed self-confidence and encourage others to participate, highlighting the importance of collaboration and teamwork. The aspiration for associativity is an emerging code that highlights the willingness to join together to strengthen their crops and their participation in the cocoa sector. However, social, political and cultural barriers persist that hinder their leadership. Gender equity strategies and training programmes are beginning to show positive results in their self-confidence and sense of belonging, promoting gender justice and equity in the field.

It is found that by belonging to these groups, women are able to exercise roles of inclusion in accountability, as stated below:

MRS08. ‘in accounting, sales and business ideas’.

And, in turn, they obtain resources to invest in their assets, land and crops, as expressed below:

MRS09. ‘Currently, we are engaged in a project where we receive funds to make home improvements. They provide nurseries and financial assistance to purchase tomatoes and onions for creating seedbeds. Afterwards, they verify if the allocated money was spent appropriately’.

There are limited opportunities to strengthen and train female leadership among rural women, with only a few being able to participate.

MRS01. ‘Not until now for the first time. In 10 years, I have never heard that’.

MRS07. ‘Work was recently taken away from me at the community level’.

Besides the external influences like social, political, cultural and historical factors impacting women’s leadership potential, internal aspects such as self-confidence are equally vital. It is recognised by the participants as essential for effective participation.

MRS08. ‘Motivating them to take part in these meetings and seeing that they can be more than what they have been told they can do’.

MRS09. ‘If they can do it alone, with a lot of effort they can manage to get their crops out’.

Four emerging codes were identified during the coding process: aspiration of associativity; existence of social norms; knowledge transfer; and uncertainty of future associativity. Initially, aspirations for association were observed among rural women regarding membership and formation of community groups, which reflected a desire for collaboration and teamwork. Key factors like cocoa cultivation, neighbourhood ties, and their identity as rural women were highlighted as central reasons to unite and form an association aimed at enhancing both their crops and their role in the cocoa sector, as shown in

Table 11. Aspiration of associativity.

MRS01	‘meeting to discuss the project or task at hand, organize our efforts effectively, and exchange ideas’. ‘… for an association, we all have to unite, come to the meetings and pay attention when the process is explained to us in order to achieve a good objective’.
MRS03	‘see further what can be achieved with the transformation of cocoa’.
MRS05	‘We collaborate responsibly, support one another, and we have cocoa. We’re here to learn what else we can do differently with your guidance’.
MRS06	‘Be honest, have good principles and together we can create a good project’.
MRS07	‘More spaces like these where we can participate and learn to improve farming practices’.
MRS08	‘Yes, absolutely. Responsibility isn’t about being involved occasionally; it’s about consistency, commitment, and always communicating effectively while resolving conflicts as they occur. I know all of them well and understand that these are women who have faced many challenges and dedicate their lives to the farm. Some women only act on their husbands’ advice, but this is why we have a chance to be more independent and collaborate with one another’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

.

Intrinsic and collective values such as honesty, respect, collaboration and communication, drawn from past associations and new expectations, are also emphasised (See

Table 12. Existence of social norms.

MRS02	‘We need to stay united. When I was in a land restitution association, I discussed how funds were used and similar topics. We must be transparent with our information’.
MRS04	‘Compliance, respect, trying to do the best for everyone’.
MRS09	‘Strive to benefit everyone; when disagreements arise, focus on what brings us together. Communicate with honesty, respect for our peers, and a strong sense of duty and responsibility. We have the resources and the expertise’.
MRS010	‘Speak the truth and collaborate with each other’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

). These norms also include agreements and rules that encourage cohesion and teamwork among women.

Likewise, it was revealed that women are keen to share their knowledge from agricultural experiences and personal insights, to support collective efforts.

MRS03. ‘Teaching them what I learned so that they see that this works and is a good project’.

MRS06. ‘Teaching them what I learned from farming, helping us with the knowledge that we can continue to acquire, learning’.

MRS010. ‘Explaining to them if there is something that I know and they need to know, showing them these opportunities for them to participate’.

Additionally, acknowledging the expectation that there is uncertainty regarding forming an association, with failure being a possibility due to insufficient commitment and responsibility in collaborative efforts.

MRS08. ‘That things don’t happen, that they leave you alone to work’.

3.5. Subcategory: Use of Time

The use of time by rural women in Sardinata, Norte de Santander, Colombia, reflects an unequal distribution between domestic activities, productive work and leisure. Women dedicate a large part of their time to unpaid agricultural work, such as planting maize, cassava and bananas for family consumption. They also carry out domestic and care work in the home, alternating between domestic and farm work, which is evidence of social mandates on gender roles. Despite these burdens, some women manage to earn income through non-agricultural work, such as raising chickens and pigs, and community services, which promotes their economic autonomy. However, the unequal organisation of care work and the low social valuation of their work in the countryside perpetuate the sexual division of labour, limiting their leisure time and decision-making capacity.

It can be observed that women spend part of their time on different agricultural jobs that are not paid, but they benefit from these productions for family consumption (see

Table 13. Unpaid agricultural working time.

MRS03	‘When we plant corn, cassava, bananas, we don’t get anything because it’s for our homes’.
MRS08	‘I do coffee, avocado and pigs’.
MRS010	‘Sometimes I participate in planting, shoveling, harvesting’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

, MRS03).

The code “unpaid non-agricultural working time”, which is revealed, helps us understand unpaid activities typically conducted in the private domain, such as self-consumption of goods, domestic tasks and home care. These activities often alternate between household chores and agricultural work, reflecting society’s expectations related to gender roles, specially concerning how women are viewed (see

Table 14. Unpaid non-agricultural working time.

MRS01	‘all of the housework’.
MRS02	‘As a woman, I start my day by getting up, feeding the animals and children, preparing everything at home, and then heading out to clean’.
MRS05	‘I wash, sweep, cook and take care of my husband, my mother and the child’.
MRS06	‘I mainly help with the cleaning because I am in charge of lunch’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

, MRS02).

In this subcategory, it was found that participants invest their time in paid jobs that enhance their financial independence. Examples include ‘Paid non-agricultural work time,’ where women engage in livestock activities and community service to generate an income, as shown in

Table 15. Paid non-agricultural work time.

MRS04	‘At home I work with chickens’.
MRS05	‘I’m taking out pigs’.
MRS07	‘I sell pigs and chickens. I previously worked as a food handler at a school, but now I am a manicurist, and I also knit blouses, shorts and key chains as part of my business’.
MRS010	‘Right now I work as a handler’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

.

The ‘Paid agricultural labour time’ emerging code also shows that one of the participants earns income from the sale of agricultural work:

MRS01. ‘I also have some coffee plants that I also take care of, I have chocheco, yuca, corn’.

3.6. Emerging Subcategory: Gender Perspectives

During data coding, a subcategory emerged which highlights those gender differences. The current study explores the beliefs, attitudes, roles and gender stereotypes impacting the experiences and attributions of participating women. This understanding is crucial to comprehend how social relations are structured in rural areas and the barriers these factors create to economic empowerment.

Initially it was categorised as the ‘Man owns the land’ emerging code, where the ownership of property, ownership and control of land is associated exclusively with men, as expressed below

MRS08. ‘because the deeds are always like that, under the husband’s name’.

This finding is further supported by the ‘Productive Resources’ subcategory, which highlights the ongoing inequalities that women face in rural areas concerning land use and ownership, often perceived as male-dominated areas.

Regarding the ‘Gender roles and stereotypes’ emerging code, rural women traditionally view their social participation through the lens of the sexual division of labour. Consequently, when they engage in work outside the home, they often perceive it as masculine or ‘for men’ (

Table 16. Gender roles and stereotypes.

MRS02	‘I do it as if I were a normal man, I also carry the weight, but I can’t lift more than 50 kg. If I have to use the chainsaw, I do it, if it is with the scythe, I do it, I do everything’. ‘As a woman, I start my day by getting up, feeding the animals and children, preparing everything at home and then heading out to clean’.
MRS03	‘At home, my brothers occasionally say I can’t do it because I’m a woman’.
MRS08	‘Well, we can both do it the same way, but the wife stays home more preparing the food and the husband goes out to work and brings workers. Women may prefer drying, men with cleaning, fumigation’. ‘Unlike men in the fields, if they haven’t cleaned they can do it tomorrow, but that is not the case with cooking, and it’s us women who do it. Washing clothes, cleaning, ‘They have to stop thinking that we can only be at home’.
MRS09	‘Although sometimes they have made comments, like, why do I work in the fields, it’s not for women, cocoa is more for men, why don’t you stay at home cooking’.
MRS010	‘Normally one person stays at home and he is the one who goes out to do the shopping’.

Source: prepared by the authors.

, MRS02). This perception is further reinforced by family and societal expectations rooted in a patriarchal system (Table 16, MRS03, MRS09). Additionally, these women face a work overload, due to their dual responsibilities in both the field and caregiving (Table 16, MRS08).

Conversely, gender-based violence emerged as one of the social, cultural and structural barriers that women consistently face. This was highlighted in the narratives of the present study, giving rise to the ‘Gender-based violence’ emerging code:

MRS07. ‘In my community, I have been discriminated against by my husband’s family, and I am suffering violence from my school teacher’.

4. Discussion

4.1. Subcategory: Production

According to Gutiérrez Ramos et al. (2023), the historical context of rural women in Colombia shows their relegation to domestic roles such as childcare, food preparation for their families and male labourers in the countryside. However, this reality has begun to transform, and women are assuming more active roles in the economy of the household and their territory, as Mezzadri et al. (2024) point out. This change is related to the regeneration of ‘classes of work’ in rural areas, accentuated by gender deagrarianisation and the diversification of productive and reproductive roles, which requires women to manage their time in multiple spaces.

Women’s role in agriculture and decision-making, and the way they relate to crops using traditional practices, as presented in the findings of this study, differs according to specific geographical and socio-cultural contexts. For example, in Nigeria, Ugwukah and Audu (2021) document how rural women adopt indigenous farming practices based on ancestral knowledge, playing key roles in the first link of the production chain. Similarly, in Panama, the process of cocoa production by indigenous women and families not only reduces rural poverty, but also fosters environmental sustainability through practices that reduce soil and water degradation (Peñalba Achurra et al. 2019).

Similarly, in Uganda and Ecuador, Kuhn et al. (2023) note that women’s participation in cocoa cultivation and decision-making depends on the type of farm management. While in Uganda women have decision-making power on farms managed by women, in Ecuador their participation is moderate, and reflects persistent gender inequalities. On the other hand, the findings of the present study are contrary to the approach of the study conducted in Colombia by Baquero-Melo (2023), who identifies similar dynamics in rural farm production, where women are often limited to traditional roles and piecework in a system of local labour control. However, free market and consumer trends are encouraging women to develop their own crops, generating income and progressing towards economic autonomy.

The lack of knowledge of economic outcomes is consistent with the findings of Sinclair et al. (2022), who highlight the limitations of autonomy and decision-making of rural indigenous women in Colombia, including the lack of fair remuneration, recognition, education and adequate valuation of their work. In turn, these limitations relate to the findings of Vohra and Bahukhandi (2021), who highlight the economic invisibility of rural women in Dehradun, India, and the perception that their work is not relevant in productive or wage-earning terms. Overcoming these challenges requires a holistic approach that promotes capacity-building programmes, articulation between state, academic, private and civil society actors, and the implementation of sustainable strategies. In line with the recommendations of Keating et al. (2014), it is crucial to prioritise actions such as biosecurity, sustainable resource management and pest resistance, to guarantee future productive potential.

4.2. Subcategory: Productive Resources

Land tenure rights are a key element in eradicating poverty and strengthening rural women’s rights. They are increasingly at the top of international and national agendas, given their impact on gender equality in the Global South and women’s participation in agricultural property and access to legal protection. However, their implementation depends on political will and effective action by local governments and institutions (Oktaviandra and Arza 2024).

In Colombia, the productive activity of rural women is linked to the rural environment; however, this contribution is not recognised in the state’s information and measurement systems, nor are they adequately remunerated for their work (Instituto Colombiano Agropecuario n.d.). Although Law 731 of 2002 was enacted to improve the living conditions of rural women through benefits such as access to credit at preferential rates, training and participation in the Agrarian Reform (Congress of Colombia 2002), the findings of this study show that significant inequalities persist in terms of land tenure and access to credit.

Based on the fact that 40% of the women interviewed reported individual ownership of land, this is consistent with studies such as Baird et al. (2024), who associate land tenure with income generation and household decision-making as a form of human, social and physical capital for rural women. While the results of women who reported collective ownership face similar challenges to those found by Asegie and Ayele (2023) in Ethiopia, where women accessed collective tenure rights through legal mechanisms, many are unaware of their rights, and require more information.

Additionally, while land ownership is fundamental, it is also important how it is used, controlled and conserved, because in agrarian societies, a large part of these responsibilities fall on women, who assume care, economic, cultural and technological factors linked to social reproduction (Yeni 2024). Regarding access to credit, the results of this study reveal that, despite the provisions of Law 731 of 2002, the rural women in this study are unaware of the mechanisms for accessing these benefits, which perpetuates the difficulties in financing their productive activities. Finally, the results obtained in this subcategory highlight the influence of insecurity and local governance on the informality of land tenure, as well as patriarchal practices that limit rural women’s social and economic rights. This is especially relevant in the context of land restitution laws, where cultural dynamics and institutional barriers hinder their effective implementation (Meertens 2017). This is a sign of the need for more programmes, plans and actions by the Colombian government, with greater territorial reach and especially focused on rural women whose productive activity is in Zones Most Affected by the Armed Conflict (ZMAAC) in Colombia.

4.3. Subcategory: Revenues

Rural women’s autonomy in household decision-making varies according to factors such as geographical context, culture, literacy level and the prevalence of early marriage, all of which are influenced by patriarchal patterns. Although household decisions impact on the well-being of women, their children and the community, in developing countries such autonomy has limited control, as demonstrated by Bitew et al. (2024) in their quantitative study, where they analysed the determinants of autonomy, highlighting how patriarchal structures restrict rural women’s decision-making power. Similarly, Owoputi et al. (2024) recognised that joint decisions about spending money among rural couples in Tanzania are determined by unequal power relations. This, according to the authors, contributes to the failure of programmes designed to empower women to overcome these dynamics of structural inequality.

In this sense, the findings of this study coincide with previous observations, showing that, in Colombia, rural women’s ability to make decisions related to their income and spending within the household is conditioned by social and cultural factors that reveal unequal power relations. Despite this, it can be highlighted that, by participating in productive activities, the women interviewed in this study achieve economic autonomy, which also underlines the fact that it is not enough to implement programmes that promote income generation, but those which also promote social and cultural change towards more equitable power relations within the household and the community.

4.4. Subcategory: Leadership

Regarding this subcategory, the findings show that the consolidation of female leadership and cohesion among rural women face multiple obstacles that make it difficult for them to belong to community groups and which perpetuate their under-representation and visibility. Malika (2024) highlights the fact that living in a rural region is a significant constraint to women’s full participation and skills development, compounded by stereotypes and prejudices that impede leadership advancement. This situation persists even in contexts where policies such as Colombia’s Law 731 of 2002, designed to promote gender equity in the rural sector, have been implemented (Government of Colombia 2023).

However, in the findings, participants noted that the implementation of actions that foster their organisational and leadership capacities have strengthened their self-confidence, sense of belonging and membership; results that coincide with research such as Valerio et al. (2024) and Sutton et al. (2024), who highlighted the positive effects of leadership training programmes, such as improved self-awareness, communication skills, time management (particularly relevant, given unpaid domestic and care work) and support networks. In addition, these initiatives promote the transmission of knowledge to other women, which promotes gender equity in rural areas and contributes to broader cultural transmission.

4.5. Subcategory: Use of Time

One of the main barriers to rural women’s economic autonomy and decision-making that stands out in the findings of this subcategory is the unequal distribution of care and domestic work, as well as the low social value and indivisibility of these tasks. This is reinforced by gender roles and stereotypes that legitimise the sexual division of labour, as pointed out by ECLAC (2023), which showed a considerable difference between the hours dedicated to unpaid work by men and women in Latin America. This, in addition to having an economic impact, also deepens the gender gap within households, due to the disproportionate burden of domestic tasks assigned to women.

In turn, the findings of this study show that, although some women participants earn income through agricultural or non-agricultural activities, they are faced with overburdening themselves by spending more time not only on these activities, but also on domestic work. Studies such as those by Boďa et al. (2024) confirm that women take on most of the household tasks, while men concentrate their time on paid work. Moreover, specific contexts accentuate this inequality; for example, the work of Manuel et al. (2024) in Pemba, Mozambique, reveals that women are limited to the private sphere, with responsibilities such as water management or disease prevention.

In conclusion, inequality in the use of time remains a barrier to rural women’s economic empowerment, reflecting not only a monetary disparity, but also a lack of time for leisure, crucial to their well-being. As Medina Hernández and Fernández Gómez (2021) point out, this limits women’s opportunities to improve their reality and that of their families. Furthermore, Ou-Salah et al. (2024) highlight he fact that, although rural women generate income in both formal and informal sectors, this is often low and poorly remunerated, which reduces their ability to contribute to food security and the development of their communities.

4.6. Emerging Subcategory: Gender Perspectives

According to Lagarde (1994), this perspective is understood as an interpretative framework that highlights how structural, ideological, economic, social and cultural areas have constructed and designated social relations based on the sexes. In this framework, Lamas (1996) stresses the distinction between biological sex and the social constructions derived from this difference. Gender, therefore, is a social construction that changes according to historical context and specific circumstances.

The findings obtained through this emerging subcategory are consistent with previous research showing gender inequalities in agriculture and land ownership, thus limiting rural women’s economic autonomy. Horst and Marion (2019) found that in the United States, 87% of tenant farmers were men and that women generated less farm income. At the global level, Azadi and Vanhaute (2019) noted that the unequal distribution of land in Asia, Africa and Latin America accentuates the feminisation of poverty, reducing women’s ability to make decisions and access economic benefits, resulting in low levels of women’s decision-making capacities, as well as the use and distribution of their income in relation to the present study. Ramos et al. (2019), in their study on agroforestry cocoa in Ecuador and Peru, showed how gender roles affect women’s marginalisation in production decisions, limiting their access to resources and technical assistance.

Likewise, De Pablo Valenciano et al. (2021) showed a greater trend of feminisation of agriculture, which could lead to the empowerment of women workers in Spain (Global North), associated with their training and participation in crop decision-making. However, in Africa (Global South) Mokati et al. (2024) noted that, although the majority of farmers were women, they had no access to land ownership or agricultural tools, facing gender discrimination and poverty. In Latin American countries such as Colombia, the findings demonstrate the evolution of rural women’s access to rights, but significant gaps persist that limit their participation in productive and economic decision-making.

Finally, the role played by rural women in agriculture, especially in the cocoa production chain, is crucial to advance towards their economic autonomy and a more sustainable use of resources, as expressed by Ramos et al. (2019). However, gender roles and stereotypes continue to restrict their voice and participation in both the private and public spheres. This reality reflects a structural problem present in diverse contexts, as illustrated in the study by Medina-Vidal and Palma-Patricio (2024) on Binnizá women in Juchitán, Oaxaca, where structural violence and intersectional inequalities experienced not only by indigenous women, but also by rural women, as evidenced by the results of this study, are a barrier to women’s empowerment in all sectors and socio-economic spheres, intertwining gender, territory, and sexuality, as well as processes of rationalisation and manifestations of power and oppression.

5. Conclusions

The experiences of rural women in Sardinata, Norte de Santander, Colombia reveal a complex picture of structural exclusion that requires a holistic and transformative approach. Local economic development processes must go beyond general interventions and integrate a gender perspective that considers the manifestations of patriarchy, gender constructions and the cultural particularities of the context. It is imperative to know first-hand the differences and specific needs of rural women in their diversity, in order to design policies and actions that truly improve their living conditions, respecting their worldview and promoting their participation in agriculture at all stages of the production chain.

A critical issue identified is legal security of land tenure. While difficulties of access have been documented, the deeper problem lies in the absence of mechanisms to ensure institutional recognition of women’s rights to the land they occupy and work. This vacuum perpetuates their economic exclusion and limits their access to resources such as credit, technical assistance and social support networks.

Another central aspect is the imbalance in the burden of unpaid work that falls on rural women, aggravating gender gaps in access to productive resources and the labour market. These dynamics accentuate traditional roles that reinforce inequalities and hinder women’s empowerment. Transforming these realities requires not only inclusive policies, but also a cultural deconstruction to abolish the imaginary that relegates women to subordinate positions.

In the context of the current Pacto Social por la Transformación Territorial del Catatumbo (Social Pact for the Territorial Transformation of Catatumbo), led by the Departamento Nacional de Planeación (DNP) (National Planning Department NPD) and the Agencia de Renovación del Territorio (ART) (Agency for Territorial Renewal—ATR), which seeks to articulate projects for regional transformation, the findings underline a limited understanding of gender mainstreaming. In this pact, although women are mentioned in the institutional instruments, there is still no evidence of mechanisms that guarantee their participation in decision-making. This demonstrates the need to move towards the implementation of actions that ensure women’s transformative influence in territorial development processes (National Planning Department—NPD 2024).

This study provides valuable evidence to strengthen public policies within the framework of the Peace Agreement. Beyond raising awareness of the importance of the gender approach, it is crucial to guarantee real and specific spaces for women to actively participate in decision-making, both in terms of access to land and their inclusion in political and economic processes. Only through concerted action that encompasses legal security, political participation and sustainable economic development, will it be possible to build an equitable future for rural women in Sardinata, Norte de Santander, Colombia.