Individuality Rooted in Difference: Hair and Identity from the Margins

Abstract

Inspired by the bans on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts in the U.S., this article considers how DEI influences individualism. This study uses literature on Black racial identity development and the conceptual lens of individualism to examine how Black women define themselves. The data used for this study came from 22 college-educated Black women who discussed their paths towards wearing their natural hair, which included personalized descriptions of the ways that race, gender, White beauty norms, workplace expectations, and the perspectives of others influenced this process. The narratives provided by these Black women reveal that DEI helps to promote their individual identity development by helping them to sort through the various messages and opinions to arrive at both a hairstyle and an identity that corresponds to their character.

1. Introduction

Since 2022, 22 states have proposed diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) bans, with 16 officially enacting related laws (Bryant and Appleby 2025). Much of this legislation mirrors the template created by the Manhattan Institute, which seeks to abolish DEI because it views it as a threat to individual rights (Manhattan Institute for Policy Research, Inc. 2025; Miller et al. 2025; Rufo et al. 2023). To be more specific, Rufo (2024) suggests, “The answer to left-wing racialism is not right-wing racialism—it is the equal treatment of individuals under the law, according to their talents and virtues, rather than their ancestry and anatomy” (para. 6). As part of his effort to promote individual rights, Rufo (2024) and Rufo et al. (2023) concludes that DEI programs and initiatives inhibit this process. However, do they?1

This article considers the relationship between individualism and DEI. The literature review provides an overview of Black2 racial identity development with a special focus on Black women’s racial identity development and the influence that the college environment has on this process. Using individualism as the conceptual lens, this article examines data obtained from Black women regarding their hair, which serves as a site where race, gender, social norms, and identity coalesce.

2. Literature Review

This study connects to research and scholarship on racial identity development.3 While scholars have examined identity for individuals who identify as Latinx (Sladek et al. 2023; Witherspoon et al. 2021), LGBTQ+ (Bates et al. 2020; Vaccaro et al. 2015), White (Banks et al. 2014; Foste and Irwin 2020; Helms 1990; Moffitt et al. 2021), and Multi or Biracial (Clayton 2020; Guillaume and Christman 2020; Wong-Campbell 2025), this study builds on works that theorize and examine Black racial identity development with special consideration of Black women and the role that college life and the college environment have on these experiences.

2.1. Black Racial Identity Development

Initially presented in 1971, Cross’ Nigrescence Model serves as the foundation for Black racial identity theory. Cross’ Nigrescence Model outlines how race-related incidents lead Black people to (re)consider how they view the concept of race and their individual identities as members of a race (Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986; Cross 1991; Fuller-Rowell et al. 2011; McClain et al. 2016; Owens 2010).

Building upon the foundation established by Cross (1991), more recent scholarship considers how experiences with race and racism stimulate Black racial identity development. Sullivan and Platenburg (2017) found that having access to information on Black history and information in the media promotes positive racial identity development, but also increases awareness and recognition of the negative impressions and opinions that people from other races hold regarding Black people. Focusing on African American college students enrolled at a PWI, Ho and Brown (2024) found that their participants learned about race through various experiences stemming from childhood and continuing through their college years. Many of these students learned at an early age that being Black includes many disadvantages based on the communities in which they live, the schools that they attend, and the people with whom they interact (Ho and Brown 2024). Examining the influence of Barack Obama’s election as President of the United States (POTUS) in 2008, Fuller-Rowell et al. (2011) found that African American college students felt good about having a Black racial identity following this positive racial event. Likewise, Yip et al. (2006) determined that while African American college students who feel more comfortable with their racial/ethnic identities tend to have positive perspectives of themselves, those who are less comfortable with their racial/ethnic identities reported higher levels of depression related symptoms. Having access to information about race and feeling good about their racial identity promotes a positive individual identity and a stronger sense of well-being for those who identify as Black (Fuller-Rowell et al. 2011; McClain et al. 2016; Sullivan and Platenburg 2017).

2.2. Black Women’s Racial Identity Development

First published in 1982, the anthology, But some of us are brave: Black women’s studies (Hull et al. 2015), is a collection of works created for, by, and about Black women. Indeed, the full title of the anthology begins with All the women are White, all the blacks are men (Hull et al. 2015), thus naming the ways that both race and gender affect the identity development of Black women (Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986; Collins 2009; The Combahee River Collective 1977; Harris-Perry 2011; Hull et al. 2015; Woods-Giscombé 2010). Essentially, Black women face double oppression because they are subordinate members within two categories of marginalization.

Addressing this double oppression, Brown-Collins and Sussewell (1986) outlined their model for Black women’s identity, which acknowledges ways that race and gender influence their lived experiences. In defining the Afro-American (Black) Woman’s Self, Brown-Collins and Sussewell (1986) present three types of self: the psychophysiological referent, the African American referent, and the myself referent. The psychophysiological referent defines a Black woman based on her connections to others. Each individual woman also functions as a daughter, mother, sister, and occupies additional roles that she occupies in the lives of others. The African American referent has two components grounded in the larger context as influenced by her cultural, economic, social, political, and other structures that affect life as a Black woman. This referent contains two parts: the Afro, which is the Black self that includes community/group elements in defining self, and the Euro, which is a self-definition influenced by the messages of discrimination, oppression, and minimization communicated by the dominant structures in the U.S. As described by Brown-Collins and Sussewell (1986), both the Afro and the Euro referents stem from the history of racial interactions where examinations and valuations of Black women’s bodies routinely contrasted them to White women (Byrd and Tharps 2014; Camp 2015; Donahoo and Smith 2022). The myself referent is the most individualized of the three main referents and arises from a Black woman’s personal history and experiences. The myself referent also contains two components: the “Black woman” as each woman defines the concept in ways that both consider and seek to overcome her double consciousness as a member of a subordinate race and a subordinate gender; and personal history where individual physical features, background, health, family history, and other unique attributes that distinguish her from every other Black woman (Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986). As described by Brown-Collins and Sussewell (1986), the identity of the Black woman is the culmination of what others see, prefer, and expect, filtered through what each individual knows, allows, and embraces for herself.

2.3. College Life and Black Women’s Identity Development

Participating in higher education as students and professionals creates challenges and opportunities for Black women’s racial identity development. In various ways, Black women remain invisible and disregarded on campus as classrooms do not always recognize or support their perspectives (Banks et al. 2014; Clayton 2020; Harris and Linder 2018; Hypolite 2020; Stewart 2024), workplace structures dismiss their concerns and contributions (Donahoo 2023; Howard-Hamilton 2003; King 2020; Watt 2006), and the physical and ideological landscapes routinely ignore and minimize race (Briscoe and Jones 2022; Cheadle et al. 2020; Guillaume and Christman 2020; Hannon et al. 2016; McClain et al. 2016; Williams et al. 2022).

As students, classes and other academic activities can provide Black women with opportunities to discuss and critically examine race and gender, and how these issues affect their identities and experiences (Banks et al. 2014; Clayton 2020; De Leersnyder et al. 2022). Yet, this is not always beneficial since faculty and students often reinforce their minoritized status at PWIs by invalidating or disregarding their academic efforts (Hannon et al. 2016; Harris and Linder 2018; Howard-Hamilton 2003; Watt 2006; Williams et al. 2022). As college students, Black women encounter racism and discrimination both in (Harris and Linder 2018; Hypolite 2020) and outside (Albright and Hurd 2020; Guillaume and Christman 2020; Hannon et al. 2016) of the classroom, which make them feel unwelcome; negatively affects their physical and mental health (Cheadle et al. 2020; McClain et al. 2016; Watt 2006; Yip et al. 2006); and leads many to routinely consider ways of resisting, exiting, or self-silencing while pursuing their education (Albright and Hurd 2020; Clayton 2020; Watt 2006; Williams et al. 2022). Conversely, positive racial events such as Obama becoming POTUS in 2008 make students feel good about their Black racial identity, having positive attitudes towards identity leads students to positive mental health, and students who have a stronger sense of identity tend to have higher GPAs (Fuller-Rowell et al. 2011; Lounsbury et al. 2005; McClain et al. 2016; Sullivan and Platenburg 2017).

As higher education professionals, issues related to race and gender also influence who Black women get to be and how others view them at work. Even as employees, Black women continue to contend with oppression and challenges based on how others perceive their identities (Breeden 2021; Briscoe and Jones 2022; Candia-Bailey 2016; Chance 2021; Dillard 2016; Harley 2008; Howard-Hamilton 2003; King 2020; Lewis 2016; Lincoln and Stanley 2021; Patitu and Hinton 2003; Smith et al. 2019; Terhune 2006; Tevis et al. 2020; West 2020; West and Greer 2019). Although universities benefit from and readily utilize the labor and contributions of Black women, these women receive little recognition (Briscoe and Jones 2022; Candia-Bailey 2016; Harley 2008; Lewis 2016; Patterson et al. 2016; Smith et al. 2019), must work harder than many of their colleagues to prove their worth (Breeden 2021; King 2020; Patitu and Hinton 2003; Tevis et al. 2020), and find their careers limited by the double oppression of racism and sexism (Chance 2021; Dillard 2016; Howard-Hamilton 2003; Lincoln and Stanley 2021; Terhune 2006; West 2020; West and Greer 2019). While weathering the oppression and marginalization they experience in higher education helps Black women develop and enhance their resiliency, this also comes at a high cost to these women who earn less than many of their similarly positioned colleagues (McChesney 2018; Smith et al. 2019; Tevis et al. 2020), face personal challenges due to the professional obligation to enforce policies that oppress others who look like them (Candia-Bailey 2016; Chance 2021; Dillard 2016; Lewis 2016; Patitu and Hinton 2003), and may experience detrimental outcomes as these experiences affect their physical and mental health (Harley 2008; King 2020; West 2020; West and Greer 2019).

Furthermore, the environment of higher education also stimulates identity development. Providing opportunities for interested parties to examine issues such as race and gender enables recognition of systemic oppression and inequities (Albright and Hurd 2020); has the potential to reduce cultural conflict (De Leersnyder et al. 2022); may decrease feelings of marginalization and exclusion (Banks et al. 2014; Clayton 2020); and allows individuals to reconsider who they are and who they want to be (Hypolite 2020; Yip et al. 2006). However, banning DEI initiatives, curricula, and programs decreases these opportunities and instead emphasizes race-neutral and colorblind approaches that isolate and minoritize anyone not accepted by the status quo (Albright and Hurd 2020; Briscoe and Jones 2022; Clayton 2020; Howard-Hamilton 2003; Hypolite 2020; Williams et al. 2022). Indeed, preventing acknowledgements of racial incidents and injustice affirms higher education as White space both structurally and ideologically, where Black women and other minorities remain unwelcome visitors (Albright and Hurd 2020; Anderson 2022; Briscoe and Jones 2022; Hypolite 2020; Williams et al. 2022).

3. Conceptual Framework

Focusing on Black women’s racial identity development, this article uses individualism as the conceptual framework. I selected individualism because Rufo (2024) and Rufo et al. (2023) and others have suggested that DEI is the enemy of individual goals and identities. However, this perspective assumes that individuals cannot benefit from or find value in DEI programs and initiatives. Similarly to Huynh and Grossmann (2021), I contend that DEI can help to cultivate aspects and expressions of individualism.

By definition, individualism has multiple meanings that vary based on context, user, and application. Examining connections between individualism and ethnic diversity, Huynh and Grossmann (2021) describe individualism as “behaviors and values that reflect the importance of the self being a separate and unique individual, a belief in individual autonomy and independence, and the importance of self-fulfillment and self-achievement” (p. 1316). Similarly to Huynh and Grossmann (2021), this article recognizes individualism as a concept that prioritizes the self as both a dependent and an independent concept. Individualism is dependent since connections and interactions with others influence each person’s definition of self (Huynh and Grossmann 2021; Kim 2009; Levin 2020; Wong et al. 2025). However, individualism is also independent, as each person retains the capacity for self-(re)definition provided through continuous opportunities to filter through social, cultural, and personal messages where each can choose to keep or discard perspectives based on the preferred definition of self (Huynh and Grossmann 2021; Kim 2009; Micalizzi 2014).

4. Methods

This article draws on data collected via semi-structured interviews (Patton 2015) from 22 college-educated Black women. The protocol used to collect this data included questions that asked participants to describe their perspectives on their hair, how their hair influenced their academic and professional experiences, and the ways that family members, friends, classmates, employers, and others that they encounter in their professional and academic environments respond to their hair. Although individualism was not an original focus of this study, the data provided by these 22 Black women illustrate ways that diversity and individualism influence how they approach, style, and define their hair.

In order to conduct this study, I sought approval to collect data utilizing human subjects from the Institutional Research Board. Once approved, I worked with a graduate student who conducted most of the interviews and drafted the initial transcripts. Both the graduate student and I reviewed these initial transcripts for accuracy by comparing them to the audio-recorded interviews.4 Each participant also had the opportunity to member check (review) her interview transcript for accuracy and clarity (Jones et al. 2013; Patton 2015). Following the member checks, I completed an additional transcript review to address any issues identified by the participants and clean up any remaining errors in the printed documents.

5. Participants and Data Analysis

Recruited primarily through a Facebook page for Black professionals working in student affairs (higher education), these 22 participants’ ages ranged between 22 and 45 years, with a median age of 33.43 years. All of these Black women completed at least a bachelor’s degrees with 16 of them actively enrolled in graduate programs at the time of their participation.

Table 1. Participant pseudonyms and characteristics.

Name	Age	Highest Degree Earned	Current Degree Sought	Region of Residence/Employment	Hairstyle
Afiya	28	Master’s	Doctoral	Great Lakes	Natural/Sew-in Weave
Dhakiya	35	Master’s	Doctoral	Southwest	Natural—Twist out
Etana	45	Master’s	Doctoral	Great Lakes	Curly
Faraja	25	Bachelor’s	Master’s	Southeast	Natural—Wigs
Ghanima	41	Master’s	N/A	Great Lakes	Yarn Braids
Hisani	22	Bachelor’s	Master’s	Great Lakes	Small Afro
Intisar	28	Master’s	Doctoral	Great Lakes	Curly Fro/Weave
Jina	30	Master’s	Doctoral	Great Lakes	Locs
Kiburi	22	Bachelor’s	Master’s	Great Lakes	Afro
Lesha	38	Master’s	N/A	Great Lakes	Tapered teeny weeny Afro (TWA)
Marini	33	Master’s	Doctoral	Great Lakes	Natural—Locks
Murua	38	Master’s	N/A	New England	Wash and Go
Nafasi	35	Master’s	Doctoral	Plains	Transitioning to Natural
Noni	28	Bachelor’s	Master’s	Great Lakes	Natural
Penda	30	Master’s	Doctoral	Plains	Natural—Wash and Go
Razina	26	Master’s	N/A	Great Lakes	Natural—Twist out
Subria	26	Master’s	Doctoral	Great Lakes	Natural/Sew-in Weave
Tendai	43	Master’s	Doctoral	New England	Natural—Twist out or Afro
Uniqua	33	Master’s	Doctoral	Plains	Natural—Locks
Waseme	30	Master’s	Undeclared	Plains	Natural—Twist out, Wash and Go, Afro
Yeva	31	Master’s	Master’s	Plains	Natural—Twist out
Zuri	35	Master’s	Doctoral	Plains	Natural—Afro or Braided

N/A means not available and reflects the exact responses that these participants provided when asked about pursuing additional degrees.

displays characteristics of each participant including her pseudonym assigned for this study to promote anonymity and confidentiality, their ages at the time of the interview, highest degree completed, educational status during the interview, U.S. region of residence (as categorized by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, 2012), and the individualized terms that each woman used to describe her hairstyle.

In assigning pseudonyms to these participants, I chose to use Afrocentric names since many of the women identified Afrocentric hairstyles and cultural, ethnic, and racial influences in their hair journeys.5

I employed a three-step coding process to analyze this data for connections between individualism and diversity. The initial phase was open coding where I reviewed the comments provided by the participants for corresponding information. During open coding, I searched for relevant terms, which included “authentic/authenticity,” “diverse,” “diversity,” “ethnic/ethnicity,” “identity,” “individual,” “self,” and “whole/wholeness/holistic.” The second phase was axial coding where I reviewed the information identified during the open coding phase and categorized the data shared across participants. Viewing individualism as both a dependent and independent concept, I categorized the identified data based on the perspectives that these women considered when making decisions about how they define themselves. In this phase, I used the referents and descriptions provided by Brown-Collins and Sussewell (1986) to code the data categorized during the axial coding process. This resulted in the emergence of the following categories: external perceptions, comparing self to others, reconsidering self, seeking self-expression, discarding unwanted opinions, defining and prioritizing self, embracing authenticity, and promoting self-definition in others. In the third phase, I used selective coding (Jones et al. 2013; Patton 2015; Saldaña 2015) to identify themes and sub-themes that stemmed from these categories as viewed through the lens of individualism as both a dependent and independent concept.

6. Limitations and Delimitations

While the women in this study provide insights related to individualism and diversity, that was not the original purpose for collecting this data. Collected before the recent rise in challenges to DEI, this data may not fully represent how these participants feel about these current issues as they relate to hair, individuality, diversity, higher education, employment, etc. Additionally, the primary recruitment method of a Facebook group established for Black professionals working in student affairs roles at colleges and universities may prevented interested parties who are not members of that group from learning about the study or choosing to participate. The stated emphasis of the initial study on natural hair may have also prevented the study from appealing to Black women who do not see themselves in that manner. While the sample size prevents generalizations from this study, the data provided by these Black women does offer some insights as to how they define and pursue individuality. Many of these women also made connections between identity and diversity independently since none of the questions used to collect this data employed these terms.

7. Findings and Discussion

Viewing the data with an emphasis on individuality, three themes emerged. Seeing What They See: Individuality Through the Lens of Others examines self as influenced by external perceptions of and comparisons to others. Attempts at Autonomy: Competing Definitions of Individuality considers self as a composition of both external and internal perceptions selected by the individual. The final theme, Who I Want to Be I Am: Embracing a Life of (Unfiltered) Individuality, focuses on self as a construct that challenges or even abandons contrasting perspectives from any source. Each of these themes also has sub-themes as subsequently discussed.

7.1. Seeing What They See: Individuality Through the Lens of Others

Based on their descriptions, many of these women traverse a complicated path in making decisions about their hair. The expectations and opinions of others make it difficult for some Black women to determine how they feel about or want to wear their hair. In this way, individual hair decisions put these women at risk of professional and personal rejection, which may alter how they view themselves and their hair.

7.1.1. Contextual Considerations or Space and Place

External messages from various sources influence how these women see themselves and their hair. As college educated women asked to discuss their job search process, many participants discussed how environments such as school and work shaped their identities. Summarizing her perspective on how space regulates the ways that people show up, Dhakiya states, “I don’t feel accepted period as a Black woman. I feel its challenging to step out of anything outside of what is socially constructed to be acceptable in that environment.” Reflecting on her work with college students, Waseme contends that, “I feel like the classroom is that space that for a lot of our students is not as accepting.” While Waseme’s job promotes DEI in higher education, she acknowledges that her work does not always help students feel seen or welcome in the classroom (Clayton 2020; Guillaume and Christman 2020; Harris and Linder 2018; Hypolite 2020; Williams et al. 2022).

Other participants viewed their hair and identity within the context of the workplace. Similar to Waseme’s observations about college classrooms, Intisar suggests that employers also taper individuality. “From my point of view, some companies don’t want you to express yourself in a manner that skews a person’s perception of that organization or that department.” Similarly, Tendai also revealed concerns about identity perceptions within the workplace surrounding hair. Discussing identity, image, and work, Tendai stressed that, when you’re in a predominantly white space, cause you don’t want to give anyone any kind of room, you know it’s like respectability politics right. You want to look a certain way, speak a certain way so that nobody can even critique, you know, who you are and whether or not you’re qualified for the job that you’re doing cause people go there. “Well look at her, well you know dang, she’s so unkept, she can’t be a good director.” “She couldn’t possibly be a good dean.”

Communicating a similar concern, Lesha implies that as more Black women wear their natural hair to work, “[people] will feel, oh well, just because she is rocking an Afro doesn’t mean that she’s gonna be a bad colleague.” Clearly, these women desire opportunities to show up for work wearing their natural hair, but are uncertain that academic and employment settings will welcome or accept them if they do. In this way, university space limits the ability of individual Black women to express their racial identity by not fully embracing diversity and therefore, promote the expectations that Black women should acclimate to White beauty norms (Albright and Hurd 2020; Briscoe and Jones 2022; Candia-Bailey 2016; Clayton 2020; Donahoo 2018, 2021; Guillaume and Christman 2020; Harris and Linder 2018; Howard-Hamilton 2003; Hypolite 2020; Williams et al. 2022).

7.1.2. Making Others Comfortable

Mirroring the comments provided by Dhakiya, Intisar, Lesha, Tendai, and Waseme, Kiburi and Razina also worry about how others will respond to their natural hair. Considering how her hair decisions may affect others, Kiburi explains,

I honestly think it’s tough because for them, it’s a distraction. It’s something they don’t really see on a daily basis because a lot of times like that’s not really allowed in the corporate world and that’s where I’m trying to go into. With people being over 50 or being over a certain age, also being a certain ethnicity, it’s kind of like, we’re taught to make them feel more comfortable.

Focusing on the younger college students that she works with, Razina declares that “when you’re working more directly with the students on a day-to-day [basis], sometimes you’re more aware of, even more celebratory … attitudes towards differences.” Both Kiburi and Razina recognize that how others perceive their hair influences their ability to work and succeed professionally. Although the situations described by Kiburi and Razina are not wholly negative, the fact that they approach their hair with attention to the perceptions of others limits their individuality (Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986; Collins 2009; Harris-Perry 2011; Terhune 2006). For them, their Black racial identity remains contingent since they continue to emphasize the psychophysiological and Euro referents as they look to others before committing to a definition of self (Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986; Howard-Hamilton 2003; Williams et al. 2022).

7.1.3. Obtaining Acceptance

Regardless of the messages that these women received about their hair, many proclaimed a desire for acceptance. Describing why she spends time thinking about how others will respond to her hair, Murua simply stated “because you want to be accepted.” Recalling the reactions that she received when she chose to lock her hair, Marini said “I wasn’t embraced by the whole natural hair community … a lot of people don’t even look at locks as natural hair.” Identifying the high stakes connected to hair decisions, Intisar hypothesizes “a lot of people don’t wear their hair a certain way because they feel like they might get fired or they feel like someone might say something and possibly lose their job over it.” While Intisar’s agitation may seem extreme, the fact that some Black women have lost their jobs due to their natural hair (see Bennett-Alexander and Harrison 2016; Donahoo and Smith 2022; Greene 2011, 2017) proves that these fears are not unreasonable.

Whereas the need for acceptance may prevent some individuals from choosing to wear their natural hair, Kiburi and Razina believe that conversations can drive acceptance and make it safe for Black women to assert their hair’s individuality in all environments. Disappointed by some of the comments others make about Black natural hair, Kiburi supports more education on differences and personal appearance choices to help people “understand that no one looks the same. Everyone doesn’t have to look like you.” Also favoring increased conversations, Razina declares,

Just like it’s important for us to talk about diversity issues, and for us to talk about LGBTQ and every other social justice issue under the sun, people can see that it’s also important for us to talk about the differences in our hair, what that means, and the perceptions around our hair, then I think there will be more dialogue, more knowledge to make it more acceptable and open out there.

Both Kiburi and Razina imply that people and environments that are willing to discuss diversity may also provide opportunities for accepting natural hair and other individual choices. This reiterates other research, which found that discussing issues related to race, gender, and other diversity topics promotes positive attitudes towards them and thus, improves racial identity development and cultural understanding for those who seek to learn more (Albright and Hurd 2020; Banks et al. 2014; Clayton 2020; De Leersnyder et al. 2022; Howard-Hamilton 2003; Hypolite 2020; Sullivan and Platenburg 2017; Yip et al. 2006).

7.1.4. Hair Co-Dependency

The comments offered by these women suggest that defining racial identity and asserting individuality involve a constant struggle under the influence of others. As such, Black women’s racial identity development functions as a dependent process where each woman faces pressure from classmates, employers, and social messages to appear and behave as others prefer (Bennett-Alexander and Harrison 2016; Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986; Candia-Bailey 2016; Donahoo 2023; Donahoo and Smith 2022; Greene 2011, 2017; Ho and Brown 2024; Howard-Hamilton 2003; McClain et al. 2016; Sullivan and Platenburg 2017; Woods-Giscombé 2010). Moreover, these comments illustrate the strong and lingering influence of the psychophysiological and the African American referents, which continually push Black women to look and act in ways that meet the expectations of others.

7.2. Attempts at Autonomy: Competing Definitions of Individuality

While some of the participants prioritize the perceptions and comfort of others when choosing where and how to exhibit their individuality through their hair, many of these women placed less emphasis on external viewpoints. Indeed, the comments provided by some of these women reveal competition between how others feel about their hair and their personal ideas. For some of these women, conflicts emerged as they considered how environment and context, exercise of personal freedom, and a desire to be authentic vie for influence over their individual identities.

7.2.1. Environmental Influences

As women debate how to wear their hair, some acknowledge that context and environment influence how much of their individuality they choose to put on display. Maintaining an awareness of the gaze of others, Ghanima remarks, “I think I would probably define myself as someone who cares a lot about my appearance and I believe that your appearance is the first impression you make on individuals, so I think it’s important.” Focusing specifically on her work environment, Subria asserts that, “I work with White males, but also White women. I always have to think about what I look like or how I am supposed to be everyday when I go to work. It’s hard to be my authentic self.” Comparing her school and home experiences, Kiburi discloses,

I kind of think it’s an environmental thing, more so. … because when I did finally get the strength, the confidence to wear my hair naturally like on a regular basis… I see different people every day. I don’t have to deal with people judging me because I don’t really know them like that. It’s [college] a cool environment to just basically get myself in. Going back home kind of—It doesn’t take that away because like, I was explaining to my mom, I am an adult now. You have to let me make my own choices.

Although Ghanima, Kiburi, and Subria expressed interest in presenting themselves authentically, their comments suggest that concerns about environmental expectations limit their willingness to display their individuality through their hair. Not every place is safe or affirming for Black women or their natural hair (Albright and Hurd 2020; Anderson 2022; Bennett-Alexander and Harrison 2016; Briscoe and Jones 2022; Candia-Bailey 2016; Chance 2021; Clayton 2020; Donahoo and Smith 2022; Greene 2011, 2017; Hannon et al. 2016; Harris-Perry 2011; Howard-Hamilton 2003; Hypolite 2020; King 2020; Lewis 2016; Patitu and Hinton 2003; Smith et al. 2019; Terhune 2006; Tevis et al. 2020; Watt 2006; West 2020; West and Greer 2019; Williams et al. 2022; Woods-Giscombé 2010).

Considering the general influence of the environment, Tendai, Penda, and Lesha acknowledge that context matters in styling their hair. Tendai states, “context does matter so I think sometimes, for each individual woman, you decide how much of this am I willing to do.” Rather than focus on what she encounters, Penda indicates that, “I think a supportive environment recognizes that people have different types of hair and people have different expressions in that. For them, we can show up as our own authentic [selves].”

Likewise, Lesha explains that a supportive environment is one in which individuals are not criticized for their choice in hair, even if an individual may not have a preference for that. Folks are free to do what they choose as it relates to their hair.

For these women, environment is a factor in deciding how they want to show up and thus, complicates their ability to remain authentic in all spaces (Albright and Hurd 2020; Anderson 2022; Bennett-Alexander and Harrison 2016; Briscoe and Jones 2022; Chance 2021; Clayton 2020; Dillard 2016; Donahoo 2023; Greene 2011, 2017; Hannon et al. 2016; Harris-Perry 2011; Howard-Hamilton 2003; Hypolite 2020; King 2020; Lewis 2016; Patitu and Hinton 2003; Smith et al. 2019; Terhune 2006; Tevis et al. 2020; Watt 2006; West 2020; West and Greer 2019; Williams et al. 2022; Woods-Giscombé 2010). While an ideal environment will support each woman’s hair choice, these women recognize that real life is rarely ideal.

7.2.2. Diversity = Freedom

Concentrating on people instead of contexts, some of these women directly connect hair to diversity. Advocating for individuality in hairstyling, Tendai contends, “look at the diversity, it’s like why not give people the freedom to express identity.” Offering a similar endorsement, Murua proclaims, “Everyone can have natural hair. All of our hair is beautiful and in its natural state.” Also highlighting the value of diversity and individual freedom, Yeva advises that,

There are differences regardless of you racial and ethnic background. There’s no two White people with the same hair … I think we can have a good relationship or a bad relationship with your hair. But the hair in and of itself is what it is. It’s what God gave you, so he gave you what you’re workin’ with.

As these women point out, not everyone has the same hair, and thus, it is unreasonable to expect everyone to pursue and achieve the same hairstyles. Recognizing that everyone has different hair and little choice in what we receive, it is reasonable that people should have the freedom to construct hair identities that suit them individually (Bennett-Alexander and Harrison 2016; Clayton 2020; Donahoo 2021; Greene 2011, 2017).

7.2.3. Pursuing Wholeness

For some of these women, having the freedom to individualize their hair is one element of a larger process of pursuing personalized definitions of wholeness. As part of this process, these women noted declarations that they and other women make as they move toward individualizing their hair. Recalling her personal decision to go natural, Zuri admits, “It was just too much. It just didn’t feel right. Like It just didn’t feel like it was me anymore. It was just that simple. … It just feels better. I feel more like myself.” Likewise, Jina affirms “I’m gonna to be all of myself, the real, funny, funky, quirky me, [name]. … I struggle with I want you to be authentic and present your whole self and people should accept you.” Discussing her observations and impressions of some Black women who embrace their natural hair, Nafasi explains, women who have positions of influence, of power, they, I mean, there’s always that kind of pressure. People are going, “oh what are women wearing, what are they doing, what does their hair look like, are you wearing makeup, are you not wearing makeup,” that kind of thing. But I feel like they don’t let that kind of influence them, they just do their own thing and let their work speak for itself.

Similarly, promoting hair individuality, Intisar also opposes the idea of allowing the workplace to control how Black women wear their hair.

It’s ultimately up to that person because if you’re open enough and you’re willing enough and you accept yourself enough to wear your hair how you want to wear your hair, you shouldn’t conform to the company or the department. The department should conform or try to make you feel more comfortable.

Viewing hair as an element of personal autonomy, Murua argues that, “Honestly, however you want to wear your hair, however you choose to express yourself in your hair, your clothing, who you live with, who you love, I think that it’s not an issue, I think that you’re supported.” For these women, hair autonomy is an element of personal freedom and individuality that they want the ability to fully exert (Bennett-Alexander and Harrison 2016; Donahoo 2021, 2023; Greene 2011, 2017).

7.2.4. Aspiring Towards Self-Control

As part of the development process, many of these women became more discerning regarding when and to what degree they comply with the expectations of others. Choosing to wear Black natural hair illustrates the strengthening of their Black racial identity (the Afro referent). While continual consideration creates opportunity for personal growth and development, this routine conflict between what they want to do and what others prefer prevents these women from solidifying their racial identity (more in the African American referent, while looking towards the myself referent). This supports the notion that racial identity development is not a one-time thing and instead occurs across a person’s life span in response to information, experiences, and events that motivate her to reconsider her identity (Banks et al. 2014; Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986; Cross 1991; Fuller-Rowell et al. 2011; Helms 1990; Hypolite 2020; Owens 2010; Sladek et al. 2023; Sullivan and Platenburg 2017; Williams et al. 2022). Indeed, these womens’ experiences show how difficult it is to adopt a self-definition that sets aside associations with (the psychophysiological referent) and the opinions of others (the Afro and Euro referents).

7.3. Who I Want to Be I Am: Embracing a Life of (Unfiltered) Individuality

For many of these women, hair autonomy serves as an element and illustration of their self-love. Although they remain aware of the opinions of others, these women choose to disregard messages that challenge their self-concept, nurture authenticity in others, and consistently perpetuate self-acceptance and individuality.

7.3.1. Disregarding the Opinions of Others

As previously illustrated, the women who contributed to this study are keenly aware that others often have opinions of their hair. However, some ultimately choose not to allow disapproving attitudes from others to change how they present themselves. Firm in her resistance, Tendai insists “I don’t care about any of the dominant groups’ messages about what’s good hair. I don’t even care about some of the messages we have in our, in the Black community, about what constitutes good hair.” Communicating similar resistance, Afiya asks “why should I change things about myself to make you feel comfortable about your insecurities for eight hours a day?” Likewise, Intisar declares,

Me personally, like I say, “You’re going to get what comes out of this bonnet. Either you take it or you don’t. I’m not going to cry over spilled milk. If you don’t want me, if you don’t like the way my hair is, you just don’t accept my credentials as well.”

Murua also contends, “This is how I’m gonna live my life and I really don’t care …. it’s only you and you have to live to make yourself happy.” Directly connecting hair to career aspirations, Yeva proclaims

I have big curly hair and this is so much a part of me … Like if somebody is not going to give you a job because your hair is curly, then you don’t want to work for them anyway.

Dismissing external messages, these women still choose hairstyles knowing that others may not approve. Rather than comply with White beauty norms or other expectations, these women embrace their individuality (Bennett-Alexander and Harrison 2016; Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986; Donahoo 2023; Greene 2011, 2017; Harris-Perry 2011).

7.3.2. Helping to Uplift Others

Although they refuse to allow external messages to dictate how they wear their hair, some of these women utilize their hair as a starting point to uplift and encourage authenticity in others. Speaking of her interactions with students, Murua explains

It’s very important when you are in a helping field that you are supported. And you’re in a healthy place. And if it makes them question that, and make some changes that they need to make for their life and their livelihood, I think that all the more better. So I’m happy to help.

Also describing her work with college students, Penda admits “[my hair] does give me an opportunity just to again encourage them to be their whole self and take this time in college to examine who they want to be and appreciate themselves wholly.” Considering both her current and future students, Uniqua affirms “you know the next generation, you want them to establish that as well and pass that down. If we only knew where we really come from and how important hair really was.” Having found beauty, joy, and pride in their hair, these women enthusiastically use this positivity to promote self-love and confidence. Sharing their hair and positive Black racial identity allows these women to provide positive identity events and examples for their students (Fuller-Rowell et al. 2011; Lounsbury et al. 2005; McClain et al. 2016).

7.3.3. Choosing Self

Signifying a connection between hair and individualism, many of these women choose their natural hair as part of the process of choosing themselves. For some of these women, selecting a specific hairstyle both challenged and reinforced their individuality. Describing her transition to natural hair, Jina recalls that, really, the stopping of the chemical processing was because it was breaking my hair off, and it did not feel like that was something that was fulfilling me, making me feel whole as a person, in terms of my beauty and my spirit and my energy.

After shifting between multiple styles, Penda worried that certain styles might affect her self-concept. She expresses this stating, “I didn’t appreciate my features because I straighten and I was like nope, still love myself.” Adopting what many regard as an extreme hairstyle, Tendai triumphantly revealed, “We’re talking shaved-Right and that was life-altering. I’m telling you, I’ve never felt so liberated in my life.” Synthesizing the comments from these women, Ghanima asserts that, “you choose a hairstyle that you like, don’t worry about what other people think, and I think I always had that message in my head. Just kind of embrace yourself, don’t worry about what other people think.” Likewise, Zuri proclaims that, I embrace all of it. As long as you as a woman are comfortable with what you have and what you’re doing, rock on honey. If you want to braid it up in french braids and weave that stuff up on top of it, if you are comfortable, you’ll feel good about it. As long as the woman feels good about it. I have a problem when people try to go to war with other people about how they want to do their hair. It’s kind of like, it’s all of us, it’s our hair, it’s our way, it’s what we want to do. It’s our culture. Embrace the beauty in the variety of what we have and what we can do.

Having taken ownership of their hair, these women are choosing to love themselves in all styles.

Regardless of the styles these women adopt, it is personal autonomy and individuality that helps motivate them. Refraining from judging others, Murua insists that,

I do believe that it is totally a personal choice. And I don’t think that they are any less Black or down or you know or anything like that, but I do think that it does take some self-acceptance because sometimes in the morning, even I’m like what does my hair want to do today. … I do I kinda think that women that are natural kinda have maybe a little bit more or are in touch with themselves.

Discussing her journey in trusting herself and her hair, Hisani recall, “I think I started to accept it and then I started to realize that I was a minority here. Then I kind of was like, oh maybe I’m an individual. Then I started to embrace it later on, obviously.” Now that she has embraced her hair, Hisani declares, “I’m very confident in who I am and what I got to do.” Taking it a bit further, Yeva asserts that, “like you have to be confident enough in yourself … I think like being your authentic self, particularly as a woman of color, is radical work.” Clearly, these women use their hair as a way to embody and realize their individuality. In doing so, these women are choosing a Black identity that can withstand interference from others (Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986; Cross 1991; Donahoo 2023; Fuller-Rowell et al. 2011; McClain et al. 2016).

7.3.4. Becoming Natural Women

For Black women, choosing to wear their natural hair also involves choosing a definition of self that does not rely on the opinions and preferences of others (the myself referent). While they recognize that their status as Black women means that they are always under the surveillance of others (elements of both the psychophysiological and the African American referents), they defiantly refuse to succumb to the oppositional gaze (Hooks 1992) and its oppressive messaging. This resistance allows these women to design and implement identities grounded in independence and committed to individuality (Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986; Collins 2009; The Combahee River Collective 1977; Donahoo 2018; Harris-Perry 2011; Hull et al. 2015; Woods-Giscombé 2010). Essentially, choosing self-definition (the myself referent) is a never-ending process of resistance as external messages constantly seek to control how Black women interpret and value what they see, think, and feel.

8. Conclusions

Part of the stated purpose of ending DEI is to promote equal treatment for each person rather than giving advantages to some people based on their race and/or gender (Rufo 2024; Rufo et al. 2023). Despite this assumption, DEI does not provide a foundation for Black women to receive better treatment than others and instead, serves as a platform for helping them articulate the ways in which existing structures do not treat them equally. Even with access to DEI policies and programs, the lived experiences of Black women indicate that these supposed advantages have mostly eluded them. While acknowledging DEI topics create opportunities for Black women to engage in conversations about race and gender amongst themselves and with others, these efforts do not dismantle their subjugation, secure their acceptance, or eliminate their marginalization (Albright and Hurd 2020; Anderson 2022; Briscoe and Jones 2022; Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986; Candia-Bailey 2016; Collins 2009; Hannon et al. 2016; Harris and Linder 2018; Harris-Perry 2011; Howard-Hamilton 2003; Hypolite 2020; King 2020; Lewis 2016; Lincoln and Stanley 2021; Patitu and Hinton 2003; Patterson et al. 2016; Smith et al. 2019; Terhune 2006; Tevis et al. 2020; West and Greer 2019; Williams et al. 2022; Yip et al. 2006). Rather, avoiding discussions about systemic oppression inhibit Black women from bringing attention to the ways that their group classification results in barriers and biases that influence the treatment that they receive as individuals (Albright and Hurd 2020; Breeden 2021; Briscoe and Jones 2022; Brown-Collins and Sussewell 1986; Candia-Bailey 2016; Chance 2021; Collins 2009; Dillard 2016; Hannon et al. 2016; Harris and Linder 2018; Harris-Perry 2011; Howard-Hamilton 2003; Hypolite 2020; Lincoln and Stanley 2021; Patitu and Hinton 2003; Patterson et al. 2016; Williams et al. 2022; Wong et al. 2025; Yip et al. 2006).

Reflecting on Brown-Collins and Sussewell’s (1986) model for Black woman’s identity development, the women in this study illustrated elements of all three referents. The psychophysiological referent arose as these women considered the roles and relationships that they have with others in making hair decisions. These others included employers, colleagues, classmates, and students/clients that they encountered in the workplace. The African-American referent and its Afro and Euro elements connect with the struggle that these Black women experienced as they sifted through external perspectives on what they should do with their hair. Consideration of the Euro element often distressed these Black women because choosing their natural hairstyles violates White beauty norms. Yet, some of these women also found themselves in opposition to the Afro element as well since some of the natural hairstyles that they selected did not draw strong support from other members of their racial community. The myself referent was also apparent with these women since they arrived at their hair decisions after various personal and life experiences uniquely shaped by their race and gender (the “Black woman” element), while the acceptance of their natural hair exemplifies the individual element. As Brown-Collins and Sussewell (1986) contend, each Black woman’s identity is the outcome of systemic oppression, personal suppression, and individual rebellion.

The banning of DEI is unfortunate and uncomfortable since it takes away most of the efforts aimed at reducing the impact of systemic oppression. Indeed, the retreat from DEI is at least partially responsible for 300,000 Black women leaving the U.S. workforce in the first two quarters of 2025 (Cole 2025; Pam 2025). However, it is also not entirely unexpected since even people who express some sort of support for DEI in the workplace tend to favor challenging the system over providing direct assistance to those affected by discrimination (Wong et al. 2025). This suggests that individuality was never really in jeopardy since it is easy to oppose discrimination and oppression as long as it does not come at a direct (personal) cost. Yet, racial and gender oppression has always demanded a high price from Black women, which only becomes more difficult to combat when fewer people are willing to acknowledge and discuss the problem. Group-based discrimination harms and limits individuals and it is only by addressing these systemic issues that individuals can ever receive consideration based on their merits.