Formation, Transformation and Inheritance of Dai Dwellings Through a Typological Lens: The Case of Nongme Village, China

Abstract

Traditional dwellings as the products of the combined effects of time, space and agency possess both a dynamic nature and historical continuity. With the progression of globalization and urbanization, the patterns of villages in Southwest China have transformed from enclosed, stable and homogeneous into open, dynamic and diverse. As crucial representations of rural spatial reconstruction and cultural evolution, the form and function of traditional dwellings are undergoing profound transformation and reorganization. The introduction of modern building methods and the shift in living concepts and aesthetic preferences intensify the impact on traditional building techniques, leading to a rupture in the traditional dwelling typological system. From a typological perspective, this study analyzes the transformation process and organizational characteristics of the traditional courtyard house prototype, as well as the social structures and cultural logic it reflects, by integrating the family life cycle, spatial concepts, and residential practices of Dai households. The findings indicate that Dai dwellings have undergone a four-phase typological process. The initial transformation was evident in the architectural details of the main rooms. Secondly, the spatial sequence embodying the clan order gradually disintegrated, and spaces with religious functions were continuously weakened, eventually being replaced by modern residential space dominated by standardized functional zoning. Concurrently, the layout of Dai dwellings was simplified from a four-sided courtyard house into a three-sided courtyard house and ultimately transformed into the layout primarily composed of independent, non-courtyard buildings. Its typological process reflects proactive adaptations to modern residential culture. However, this adaptive transition has also undermined the traditional Dai spatial order and cultural meaning, revealing a tension between cultural adaptation and cultural dissolution.

1. Introduction

The physical spatial form of traditional villages is a manifestation of the regional natural environment, social systems, and cultures. The construction of traditional dwellings reflects the villagers’ creative use of local materials. The construction systems and spatial layouts of these dwellings are closely linked to local forest resources, agricultural economy, and dwelling culture, particularly in ethnic minority villages with distinct local cultural characteristics. However, with the waves of globalization and urbanization, as well as the transformation of large-scale agriculture, the regional character and historical authenticity of traditional architecture are continuously disappearing. On the one hand, as villagers increasingly pursue modern lifestyles, and the concept of functional zoning in modern buildings is introduced into ethnic regions, the spatial functions of traditional dwellings conflict with the demands of modern agricultural mechanization and commercialization. On the other hand, the large-scale population outflow from villages has led to a rupture in the intergenerational transmission of building skills, and traditional rural construction techniques are on the verge of being lost. It is now common to see steel-structure warehouses taking the place of stone-walled and slate-roofed houses, ceramic tiles applied over rammed earth walls, and machine cutting superseding traditional hand carving. Some researchers argue that these changes in building materials and techniques have relegated buildings from a “living house” to a “functional container”, weakening the spiritual connection between physical space and cosmology [1].

Confronting the wave of “de-contextualized” renovation of dwellings caused by globalization and modernity, the preservation and development of vernacular architecture face numerous challenges, notably in building materials, technological succession, and spatial adaptability. Within this context, conservation techniques, material application, and the attendant social challenges have become primary focuses of research [2,3,4]. Vernacular architecture exhibits two important characteristics: respect for the natural environment and responsiveness to the needs of its villagers. Its conservation is not only a technical issue but also a societal decision-making matter involving local communities, state institutions, and other stakeholders [5]. Indeed, local communities have often protected their cultural heritage through both tangible and intangible approaches [6]. To address the sustainable development issues faced by local dwellings, it is necessary to consider methods that integrate traditional architectural wisdom with modern building techniques [7]. Introducing local architectural elements into architectural education and integrating ecological features into modern architectural design have become necessary [8]. However, existing research has overly focused on building materials and technological succession, tending towards a synchronic research bias. This solidifies a specific historical snapshot as a conservation baseline, leading to a strategic dichotomy between “conservative restoration” and “radical replacement”. This perspective obscures a more fundamental diachronic dimension: the systematic revelation of the persistence of dwelling spaces and the evolution of dwelling types.

Therefore, this study turns its attention to traditional villages in the ethnic minority regions of Southwest China. Through a systematic analysis of the diachronic typological evolution of traditional dwellings, it aims to reveal the morphological transformation of dwellings and the phenomenon of “cultural alienation” under the impact of urbanization and modernity. In the context of this paper, “cultural alienation” refers to a process whereby local cultural symbols, spatial orders, and traditional construction systems gradually detach from their original social generative logic, clan ethics, and daily spatial practices during modernization, consequently leading to fundamental changes in the social functions, symbolic meanings, and spatial structures of dwellings [9,10]. The concept of “cultural alienation” possesses a strong critical orientation and differs from other related concepts of cultural evolution [11]. “Cultural acculturation” refers to the gradual adaptation and adjustment occurring during the contact between different cultural groups, while “hybridization” emphasizes the generation of new forms of cultural expression following creative integration and reorganization among cultures [12]. In contrast, “loss of authenticity” refers to local heritage being reduced to “replicas” devoid of inner spirit to cater to the external gaze or consumption demands, a judgement largely based on the perspective of external observers. Compared with these concepts, “cultural alienation” focuses on internal subjects, emphasizing that villagers passively lose control over their own values and clan ethics amid modern spatial reconstruction. This study applies the concept to critique the dissolution of the local knowledge system and the crisis of spatial ethics underlying the evolution of Dai dwellings. By examining the impact of the dominant modern industrialized construction systems on the traditional spatial logic of ethnic minorities, this study seeks to encourage deeper scholarly reflection on how villages in ethnic minority regions might reconstruct cultural subjectivity and resist increasing cultural homogenization in the tide of modernization.

The morphological evolution of vernacular dwellings results from changes in internal social structures, production modes, and household organization, while also being continuously influenced by external cultural ideologies, technological systems, and aesthetic preferences [13,14]. These implicit and gradual transitions in socio-cultural, economic production, and aesthetic paradigms manifest at the material level as explicit spatial morphological transformations, characterized by complexity and fragmentation. To systematically identify this evolutionary process, this study draws on architectural typology theory to extract the “prototypes” embedded within spatial organizations and to trace the evolved “variants” that emerged in response to new functional and social demands across different historical periods [15]. Adopting a multi-level perspective of “plot forms–building layout–spatial organization–architectural details”, this study examines the evolutionary process of dwellings in Nongme Village, a traditional Dai settlement in Mangshi, Dehong Prefecture. It identifies the stable spatial prototypes and their historical variants, thereby revealing the continuation and transformation of dwelling morphology over time. The research findings suggest that changes in plot characteristics, building layout sequences, internal spatial organization, and architectural details are closely associated with the dissolution of the local Dai knowledge system in Mangshi, as well as the continuous influence of external cultural forces.

2. Architectural Typology and Dai Vernacular Architecture

Architectural typology is not only a tool for classifying the physical manifestations of buildings but also a methodological approach for revealing the underlying generative logic of the built environment. In this study, a “type” is a systematic distillation of buildings that shares common spatial characteristics, morphological structures, and cultural codes [16,17]. Its essence lies in transcending complex physical appearances to extract the interconnected “genes” and identifiable features hidden within a group of buildings [18,19]. To understand the adaptability and continuity of historical building types within broader historical development contexts, this study introduces the concepts of “design patterns” and “form languages” as analytical frameworks for interpreting architectural types [20,21]. On this basis, the study defines the “gene” of building types as the core “design pattern” that determines their generation, inheritance, and evolution [19,20]. These patterns, acting as empirical rules for the interaction between humans and nature, as well as between humans and society, remain highly stable over time [21,22]. “Form languages” refer to specific geometric configurations, bamboo-timber material systems, and decorative components, serving as the external material representations of architectural types [20]. From this perspective, the typological evolution of buildings discussed in this study can be understood as a “genetic model” dependent on inherited design patterns and form languages. Within this developmental logic, the emergence of a new type does not represent a complete abandonment of the earlier types. Instead, it involves adaptive adjustments by introducing new “form languages” (such as technological innovations and modern materials) while inheriting core “design patterns” (such as functional organization and spatial prototypes) [18,21]. Through this process, the new type inherits the essential genes of the original type, thereby achieving an architectural transformation in the conservation and transmission of vernacular dwellings that transcends the binary opposition between “conservative restoration” and “radical replacement” [23,24,25].

Building on the aforementioned theoretical framework, this study examines the typological evolution of Dai dwellings from both spatial and temporal dimensions. Spatially, a multi-level analytical framework of “plot form–building layout–spatial organization–architectural details” is established to interpret the “form languages” of the dwellings. In the temporal dimension, the study traces the evolutionary sequence of “prototype–variant–transformation” observed in the dwellings of Nongme Village during the modernization process. By examining the retention, variation, and loss of core “design patterns”, the study provides an analytical basis for revealing the phenomenon of “cultural alienation” behind the superficial reproduction of traditional elements and for exploring the inherited development of ethnic minority dwellings.

The Dai, as an indigenous ethnic group, are mainly distributed in Southeast Asia and Yunnan Province of China. In Yunnan, their settlement patterns are characterized by large regions of ethnic concentration where the Dai are the principal group, and smaller multi-ethnic communities where they live alongside other majority groups [26]. Research on Dai dwellings focuses on three main themes: the origin and evolution of the dwellings, the classification of dwelling types, and the relationship between dwellings and culture. The legend of Paya Sangmudi building the bamboo house, as told in the Dai epic Pathamaga Pengshangluo, illustrates the evolution of Dai dwelling—from earthen cave and leafy shelter, to the “dog-sitting style (‘狗坐式’)“ shelter, and eventually to the “Phoenix House (‘凤凰屋’)“ [27]. In modern times, the development of Dai vernacular dwellings has followed a trajectory from bamboo structures to wooden houses, and more recently to brick-concrete buildings [28]. Some researchers, drawing on regional and cultural distinctions, have explored both the commonalities and variations in vernacular dwellings among different subgroups of the Dai people. It is argued that while Dai dwellings have developed into diverse forms with distinct characteristics, they continue to retain a spatial prototype characterized by a “main room + porch” layout originating from the archetypal bamboo house [29].

Among them, the stilted dwellings in Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous Prefecture and Ruili City represent the most prevalent form of Dai vernacular dwellings. Existing research on these dwellings has largely focused on architectural features [30], renovation and preservation [31], as well as the spatial structure and cultural connotations of domestic spaces [32]. For instance, the construction process and the “new house” ritual in Xishuangbanna embody a unique household cosmology in which the house is regarded as a living being, akin to a human life [33]. In contrast, the Dai people in Mangshi City and Xinping County have developed distinctive courtyard houses and flat-roofed earthen houses (“土掌房”), shaped by prolonged interethnic interaction and cultural exchange [34]. Specifically, the Dai communities in Dehong gradually developed hybrid courtyard-style dwellings through prolonged social interaction and cultural integration with the Han people [35], reflecting their appropriation and adaptation of Han architectural culture [36].

Recent studies on Dai vernacular dwellings primarily focus on their spatial culture and issues of sustainable development. Architectural typology offers a key analytical framework for the in-depth evolutionary analysis of dwelling forms, as it distills the essential spatial prototypes and fundamental typological ‘genes’ of built forms [37,38]. This theoretical perspective reveals how vernacular dwellings maintain core spatial functions while adapting to changing needs, technological innovations, and cultural integration. Accordingly, a typological analysis of Dai vernacular dwellings in Mangshi not only elucidates their adaptive transformations but also reveals the internal logic underlying their historical evolution.

3. Study Area and Data Sources

3.1. Nongme Village in Mangshi

From their earliest formations, the Dai people in Yunnan have undergone continuous cultural and spatial evolution, influenced by both natural geographic conditions and interactions with other ethnic groups. As a result, the broader Dai-Thai ethnolinguistic group has differentiated into multiple Dai subgroups, each exhibiting distinct regional and cultural characteristics in terms of physical forms and social structure [34]. A notable subgroup is the Dai Le community (“傣勒”, hereafter referred to as the Dai people of Mangshi), residing in the plains of Mangshi City, Dehong Prefecture. The Dai people of Mangshi practice a combination of Theravada Buddhism and indigenous animism, both of which significantly influence their village layouts, architecture and customs. The Buddhist temple (“奘房”), as the central space for religious rituals, represents the physical expression of Theravada Buddhism in the village of the Dai people of Mangshi. Animistic beliefs shape the village of the Dai people of Mangshi as a living organism, structured analogously to the human body with a “head”, “heart”, and “tail”. Furthermore, due to the proximity to Baoshan City, a city deeply shaped by Han culture, Han customs and architectural styles have been introduced to the daily life of the Dai people of Mangshi and have fostered a distinct and vivid regional identity.

Nongme is a traditional Dai village in the western Mangshi plains (Figure 1), founded during the Qing Dynasty and inhabited by Dai families for centuries. Until the 1980s, the village was clearly shaped by the Buddhist temple, gates, and alleys, while courtyard-style houses served as grain storage. Since then, the village has undergone significant transformations under the influence of globalization and modernity. Urban lifestyles have gradually permeated local life, leading to an ongoing interplay between tradition and modernity. Modern forms have replaced traditional ones with frequent renovation of vernacular dwellings. As a result, traditional courtyard houses coexist with modern Western-style houses, producing a fragmented rural fabric. The physical transition of Nongme Village is a microcosm of the changes among Dai villages bordering Han cultural regions in Yunnan.

3.2. Data Sources and Sample Selection

Ideally, the analysis of vernacular dwelling forms and their typological transitions should be based on extensive historical maps and archival records. However, given the limited availability of the historical literature in China, this study adopts a mixed-method approach combining participant observation and semi-structured interviews, supplemented by official planning documents provided by local authorities, such as the Traditional Village Archive of Nongme Village. Through this approach, the research seeks to systematically reveal the morphological evolution of Dai dwellings and the underlying socio-cultural changes.

To ensure sufficient depth of the morphological analysis and the generalizability of the findings, a 45-day field investigation was conducted in Nongme Village. The study followed a research strategy combining comprehensive survey with purposive sampling. Firstly, drawing on official archives and on-site field reconnaissance, a comprehensive survey of the houses and built forms of Nongme Village was undertaken, identifying and documenting a total of 280 existing houses. Based on the classification criteria outlined in “Section 6.1”, these houses were categorized into four evolutionary types: Traditional courtyard houses A account for 16%, Traditional courtyard houses B for 11%, Modern courtyard houses for 22%, and Western-style houses for 51%.

Building upon the comprehensive survey, this study employed purposive sampling and utilized a strategy that combined the “in-depth analysis of typical samples and horizontal validation of similar samples”, selecting 20 residential samples for in-depth architectural surveying and mapping.

Corresponding to the four evolutionary stages of the dwellings, the study rigorously selected one core sample for each stage to serve as the primary subject for architectural mapping and in-depth analysis. The selection of these core samples was guided by three criteria:

• Integrity: The built ensembles remain largely intact, and the building structure, materials, and key functional spaces are well preserved without excessive destructive alterations.
• Evolutionary coherence: The samples allow for clear tracing of the household life cycle and the construction sequence (for example, the expansion from a three-bay house to a complete courtyard house).
• High representativeness: The sample clearly embodies the typical characteristics of the spatial layout, building footprints, building structures, and materials for its respective phase.

Concurrently with the in-depth analysis of the core samples, this study conducted an expanded survey on the other 16 samples from the same periods and types. By comparing the morphological characteristics between these extended samples, the study further verified the universality and reliability of the typological characteristics and evolutionary patterns of each phase.

To further explore the underlying drivers behind the typological transformation of the dwellings, this study conducted semi-structured interviews with 20 respondents, including villagers of different age groups, members of representative households, and local craftsmen involved in house construction. The interviews primarily addressed five main themes.

• The transitions of living space and daily social interaction patterns, such as the functional weakening of semi-public spaces like the front porch and the formation of new family social space like the kitchen.
• The reconfiguration of family ethics and religious beliefs within domestic spatial structure, including the weakening of the main hall’s symbolic authority and the spatial adjustment of Buddhist niches.
• The expression of aesthetic preferences and cultural identity, particularly residents’ attitudes towards the introduction of modern or Western architectural forms and their adoption or rejection of traditional Dai decorative symbols.
• The influence of changing economic production modes, wealth accumulation, and household structure on the spatial organization of dwellings.
• The continuation and transformation of house construction technologies, primary builders, building materials, and traditional construction experiences.

4. Historical-Geographical Analysis of Nongme Village

4.1. Formation of Village Morphology Under the Influence of Folk Beliefs

The morphological evolution of Nongme Village can be divided into two stages: the Formation Stage (from its founding to 1950) and the Growth Stage (from 1950 onwards). The Formation Stage reflects a process of spatial development shaped primarily by folk belief systems. In the traditional cosmology of the Dai people of Mangshi, space is perceived as square and is further subdivided into eight directions based on the four cardinal points, with each direction holding specific symbolic meaning (Figure 2a). The Buddhist temple occupies the position of the village center, governing the spatial hierarchy and orientation of most residential buildings. The eastern and western gates mark the head and tail of the village, physically representing its spatial boundaries. The formation of Nongme Village represents an adaptive response to the traditional Dai spatial cosmology. The village established physical boundaries composed of the gates, courtyard walls, and the Nongme River. Morphologically, these elements constituted a fixation line (Figure 2b). This boundary not only physically limited extensive expansion but also symbolically separated the world of the village from the external environment. During this phase, the Buddhist temple, houses, and primary physical boundaries collectively established a spatial hierarchy structured around worship, habitation, and defense.

4.2. The Growth of Village Form Driven by Family Division

After 1950, with the implementation of land reform in the Dai areas of Yunnan, the traditional Tusi chieftain system was completely abolished, and the government introduced a policy of uniformly redistributing land. The yuanzidi (“园子地”, a type of residential plots converted from village-collective-allocated land near residential areas, originally designated for vegetable cultivation) was evenly allocated to individual households, significantly increasing the available space for housing construction. Driven by the increased spatial demands resulting from family division, residential construction pushed past the village’s original boundaries. This expansion led to the removal of the north and south gates, as well as the outward relocation of the east and west gates. The fixation line before 1950 remained as a trace of the original spatial structure (Figure 3). It illustrates how traditional Dai villages—comprising residential areas, rivers, forests, and farmland—expanded outward from a central core through layered extensions. The spatial structure, with a decreasing hierarchy from core to edge, provides strong spatial elasticity to ensure that the village can expand while maintaining its traditional pattern.

Since the 1980s, external forces such as the construction of Mangshi Airport and the nearby immigrant village have gradually intervened in the spatial structure of Nongme Village. These newly introduced functional zones, together with the Nongme River, the county road, and the Fengping Primary School, have jointly formed a second-level peripheral belt that effectively redefined the village’s physical spatial boundary and, in objective terms, constrained its potential for further expansion. Within this newly delineated boundary framework, two morphological processes have unfolded: first, the renewal of building types and footprints on existing streets and subdivided plots; and second, the subdivision of new streets and plots followed by the infill of building footprints. In this latter process, the village drew upon the planning concepts from the adjacent immigrant settlement, resulting in a more orderly and regular spatial morphology, a characteristic particularly evident in the village’s northern section.

4.3. Spatial Distribution Characteristics of Vernacular Dwellings

Variations in the spatial distribution of dwellings in Nongme Village reflect both the phased characteristics of its morphological evolution and the shifting dominant factors over time. Spatially, traditional dwellings are primarily concentrated in three areas (Figure 3). The first area is the ring-shaped zone centered around the Buddhist temple and the village heart (“寨心”), which is the earliest-formed area and the core of the village. Some of the oldest dwellings closest to the Buddhist temple were among the first constructed and have been updated into Western-style houses, while the outer zone still retains a large number of traditional courtyard-style dwellings, interspersed with modern courtyard houses and Western-style houses. The second one is found along the main northeast-southwest road, which connects the village entrance (“寨头”) and the village heart and functioned as the primary spatial axis in the early settlement. The third area is located on both sides of the northern end of the main north–south road, where dwellings expand outward in sequence. The closer a house is to the road, the earlier it was built.

The spatial distribution of building types embodies the combined impact of temporal dynamics and cultural influence. Within the original village wall and its enclosed perimeter, housing plots are small and irregularly shaped, with a high density of traditional courtyard-style houses uniformly oriented toward the Buddhist temple. Along the main roads, the growth of the village is visibly recorded: early roadside developments are characterized by traditional courtyard houses, whereas later expansion phases are marked by the emergence of modern courtyard-style houses. The existing building stock spans over four decades. Overall, the inner village, shaped by traditional Dai spatial cosmology, consists of compact square plots accommodating courtyard dwellings in a continuous and cohesive pattern. In contrast, the peripheral expansion zones contain larger, more regularly shaped plots dominated by modern architecture. This spatial transformation reflects both the influence of Dai folk beliefs in shaping the village center and its symbolic boundaries, and the evolving processes of planned expansion along major roads and architectural modernization under family division and contemporary governance.

4.4. Plots Characteristics and Division Process

The prototype of plots in Nongme Village is a square parcel oriented toward the east. Its formation is primarily rooted in two factors. First, in the traditional Dai cosmological view, space is perceived as square, and among the four cardinal directions, the east is regarded as a symbol of auspiciousness and life, whereas the west is associated with death and misfortune. As a result, the Dai villagers have defined the basic configuration of residential plots as square and east-facing, endowing the land with symbolic cultural meaning that reflects the Dai belief in the continuity of life [40]. Second, the subdivision of plots was jointly overseen by respected village elders and the village collective, with clear regulations stipulating that plots must be square in shape, with side lengths of 12, 14, or 16 wa (“瓦”, a traditional measurement unit used by the Dai people based on the human scale, which is approximately equivalent to 1.6 m). In addition, alleys 2 wa wide were required between sequences of adjoining plots. As a result, the standardized configuration of property plots in Nongme Village consists of east-facing squares with side lengths of 12, 14, or 16 wa. This spatial pattern is particularly evident along both sides of the north–south roads during the village’s morphological growth phase (Figure 3).

By establishing standardized rules for the subdivision and configuration of property plots, villagers exercised spatial control over the relationship between plot layout and the street–alley system, thereby ensuring the regularity and orderliness of plot sequences. At the broader village scale, this practice contributed to the homogeneous expansion of Nongme Village’s spatial morphology. However, field investigations revealed that, due to constraints imposed by existing plots, streets, rivers, and other spatial elements, the shape and orientation of certain plots have deviated from the standardized model (

Table 1. Statistical Attributes of Housing Plots in Nongme Village.

Orientation of Plots	Number	Percentage	Orientation Rationale	Typical Building Orientation	Standard Form
East	267	95.36%	Dai cultural belief that the east symbolizes auspiciousness and the west misfortune	Sitting west and facing east	A typical courtyard layout consisting of main rooms, a rear room, and flanking side rooms on a square plot
West (or Northwest)	10	3.57%	Facing the central Buddhist temple, a symbolic and spiritual core of the village	Located on the easternmost edge of the village, facing the center
	2	0.71%	Oriented toward the main road	Situated along the main road, facing west with its back to the east
South	1	0.36%	Previously located at the northernmost edge of the village, facing inward	Formerly the outermost plot in the northern area, oriented toward the village center

).

As the grain of the built environment, the plots represent a key intermediate scale between rural forms and individual dwellings. In villages such as Nongme, the division and continued infill of plots have driven the settlement expansion. The shaping process follows a dual logic, which is the institutional framework of grassroots village governance and the everyday spatial practices of villagers. This dual logic manifests in two growth patterns: linear expansion along primary roads and incremental infill adjacent to existing plots. Under grassroots village governance, the subdivision of property plots has undergone three distinct phases: (1) collective-led free allocation of housing land, (2) conversion of agricultural land into residential plots, and (3) compensated purchase of housing plots. The land management strategies have been adapted continuously in each phase, maintaining morphological coherence and spatial order across the plots, streets, and the village pattern.

Two underlying principles governed this expansion. First, the plots were allocated sequentially along primary and secondary roads, with roadside land prioritized for conversion from the yuanzidi into residential use. Second, subsequent plots were added in a “tail-to-end” fashion, directly adjoining existing housing plots to form continuous sequences of property plots. Adjacent courtyards often share a common boundary wall, a spatial arrangement that historically enhanced collective defense during periods of sociopolitical instability and external threats in the southwestern frontier region. This morphological pattern also reflects traditional Dai cultural values characterized by group orientation and an “inner-directed” spatial logic. In residential construction, villagers tend to avoid architectural disharmony with the overall village layout, reinforcing a strong sense of ethnic and communal identity [41]. The cohesive spatial form of Nongme Village thus embodies core collective values—reinforced kinship ties, a communal ethos, and a spatial order conducive to mutual security.

5. The Traditional Dwelling Prototype and the Representation of Social Relations in Nongme Village

5.1. Spatial Layouts of the Traditional Courtyard Houses

The formation of the courtyard layouts, spatial organization, and building structures of traditional Dai dwellings in Mangshi is deeply rooted in the local hot and humid climate and the symbiotic micro-ecosystem of “water–forest–land–village”. To cope with the hot and humid climate, traditional dwellings utilize bamboo and timber as the primary structural materials to construct the building framework, taking advantage of their natural breathability to achieve natural ventilation and cooling. To protect the bamboo and wooden frameworks from insect infestation, villagers extract silt from fish ponds to coat or soak the structural components. This pest-control method, derived from the local natural environment, significantly extends the lifespan of traditional wooden frame structures and bamboo-woven walls. It embodies the vernacular building wisdom and ecological adaptation strategies developed by the Dai residents through long-term practices. At the same time, these dwelling forms have also been influenced by Han architectural culture. During the Ming Dynasty, after Yunnan was incorporated into the Chinese imperial administration, large numbers of Han migrants from the Central Plains moved into Dehong. Consequently, the Dai people in northern Dehong Prefecture gradually adopted the courtyard-style architectural characteristics typical of Han settlements in the Central Plains [36].

The layout of the traditional courtyard dwellings in Nongme Village embodies an organic unity of the whole and its constituent parts (Figure 4). The main rooms (“正房”) are centered on the central axis of the plot, with the left-wing rooms (“左厢房”) and right-wing rooms (“右厢房”) symmetrically arranged on either side—typically with the kitchen located in the left wing. The rear rooms (“倒座”) are opposite the main rooms, together forming an enclosed courtyard with coherent functions. These four kinds of rooms define a spacious central courtyard and embody the spatial logic of “external enclosure and internal openness”, emphasizing inward cohesion and communal identity. Furthermore, the courtyard is bounded by the surrounding residential structures, perimeter walls, and a main entrance gate, forming a defensive unit capable of protecting against threats such as raids from hill-based ethnic groups. The narrow alleys formed between adjacent compounds constitute the internal circulation network of the village.

The main rooms are composed of a main hall flanked by two bedrooms, with partitioned bamboo walls separating each room. As the principal structure in the courtyard dwelling, the main rooms determine the orientation of the plot and the spatial arrangement of the other architectural components. A Buddhist shrine embedded in the wall of the main hall makes it the principal space for ritual worship, household decision-making, and social interaction. Thus, the main rooms embody multiple functions—spiritual, social, and residential. The left-wing room serving as the kitchen accommodates daily activities such as cooking, communal dining, and providing family heating. The right-wing room is a two-storey structure, with the upper floor functioning as a bedroom and the ground floor used for storage. The rear rooms feature the ground floor used for livestock keeping and the second floor serving as additional sleeping quarters.

5.2. Formation and Functional Differentiation of Three-Bay Houses

The formation of the Dai courtyard house in Nongme Village is not a single event but an inevitable outcome that is linked to the Dai family life cycle. As a critical stage, family division leads to the division of plots and the expansion of the rural settlement. After acquiring a plot, a newly formed family typically constructs a three-bay house, featuring a linear layout of “bedroom–main hall–kitchen” (Figure 5). The layout accommodates multiple Dai domestic functions, such as ritual worship, daily living, cooking, and social interaction, which reflects both the functional consolidation and the spatial logic of single-family units. As the family’s population grows and its economic situation improves, residents progressively expand their dwellings. On the basis of the original three-bay structure, they add a rear room and wing rooms, gradually infilling the plot. This process results in the evolution of a complete courtyard dwelling. The transformation represents an upgrade in residential forms and a material expression of household expansion and wealth accumulation.

During the process, the spatial functions of the three-bay house had undergone a dramatic transformation. The original kitchen was relocated to a newly built left-wing room, and the space it vacated was converted into an additional bedroom, forming a symmetrical layout of “bedroom–main hall–bedroom”. At the same time, the front porch was added to the main rooms, serving as a semi-public transitional space between the private interior and the open courtyard. This area became the primary setting for receiving guests and engaging in social interaction.

By comparing three-bay houses with courtyard houses, this study reveals how spatial adjustments align with different stages of the household life cycle. These changes involve both the incremental infill of building footprints within the plot (Figure 6) and the ongoing differentiation, insertion, and intensification of spatial functions. Ultimately, the originally compact, function-integrated single building has transformed into a multi-unit courtyard house characterized by spatial specialization and functional diversity—achieving a dual transformation in both form and function.

5.3. The Representation of Dai Socio-Cultural Concepts in Courtyard Houses

Since the 1980s, sociological researchers have re-examined the concept of space and regarded it as a product of social practices, the control, possession, and distribution of which reflect underlying structures of social power [42]. The internal logic of space is intrinsically linked to folk beliefs and socio-cultural contexts [43], with different cultures shaping distinct spatial structures and building forms [44]. The traditional Dai courtyard house is influenced not only by the Confucian principles of “axial symmetry” and “a hierarchical order based on seniority and status”, but also incorporates Dai concepts such as “left as superior, right as inferior” and “east for auspiciousness, west for misfortune” [28].

The main hall serves as the core of the plan layout. Along the central axis of the main rooms and courtyard, the main hall determines the orientation of the house. Functionally, it acts as the family’s ritual center, accommodating ancestor worship and Buddhist rituals, with ancestral tablets and images of Sakyamuni Buddha placed on the rear wall, either recessed or mounted. Bedrooms, which are the most private spaces of a Dai dwelling, are located on either side of the main hall and have strong spatial boundaries. The left side is reserved for the elders and children, the eastern section of which is considered the most prestigious and occupied by the elders as primary holders of family authority and responsibility. The right side serves as the bedroom of the son and daughter-in-law.

The internal layout of the main rooms reflects both the Confucian patriarchal order and Dai family values, which together shape villagers’ perceptions of living space and functional organization, gradually reinforce their daily life and are internalized as stable socio-cultural norms. As a result, the spatial hierarchy within the dwelling corresponds to generational roles—elders, adults, and children—reflecting both familial behavioral codes and life-cycle rituals from birth to death (Figure 7;

Table 2. Spatial sequence of the main rooms and their associated social relations.

Spatial Sequence and Privacy Gradient in Traditional Courtyard Houses	Spatial Sequence in Imitated Western-Style Houses	Individual Position within the Living Space of Main Rooms

). In this process, individual roles are materialized through spatial organization, creating a symbolic unity between domestic layout and family structure. This study argues that the original social and spatial relations established by families in Nongme Village continue to influence how subsequent generations reconstruct traditional dwellings, and the villagers demonstrate a notable capacity for spatial self-organization.

As a place of rest for family members, the bedroom is defined in traditional Dai culture as a private space with strong boundaries. The main hall and the front porch act as buffer zones between the public and private realms, and their presence blurs the distinction between these two domains [45]. The gradient of spatial privacy within the dwelling gives rise to a zoned sequence of “private–semi-public–public” spaces, articulated through the progression from bedroom to main hall, front porch, and finally the front yard (Table 2). This gradation of spatial attributes from private to public reflects the Dai cultural principle of “inside–outside distinction” at the courtyard scale. This principle similarly governs the village level, where physical boundaries formed by village gates and compound walls demarcate the internal world of the settlement from the external world.

6. The Typological Evolution of Vernacular Dwellings

6.1. Morphological Periods

As the core component of the courtyard, the main rooms determine the orientation of the plot and the spatial arrangement of the side wings and the rear rooms, thereby shaping the organization and composition of the building footprints within the parcel. Following long-established Dai social norms and cultural conventions, the construction and spatial layout of the main rooms—structurally composed of a main hall, bedrooms, and a front porch—serve not only as a functional container for daily life, but also as a concentrated physical expression of the spiritual order, religious beliefs, and family authority within Dai households in Mangshi. As villagers retain primary authority over the construction and arrangement of buildings within their own plots, the evolution of the spatial configurations of the main room layouts directly reflects broader transformations in social structures, economic practices, and cultural values at the level of domestic space. The typological transition of Dai vernacular dwellings from traditional courtyard houses to modern detached houses represents not only the contraction and replacement of building footprints within physical boundaries, but more profoundly the dissolution of the social order historically embedded in the traditional spatial sequence centered on the main rooms.

Consequently, using the spatial organization of the main rooms and the building footprints as the primary criteria for the periodization of Dai dwellings helps overcome the limitations of analyses based solely on physical morphology. This approach systematically reveals the transformation of Dai dwellings throughout the modernization process from a comprehensive “form–function–culture” perspective. Specifically, the typological variations in the main rooms are examined according to four indicators: construction period, building structure, materials and decoration, and number of storeys. Field investigations reveal that these indicators exhibit distinct phased differences throughout the development of Nongme Village. Accordingly, the typological evolution of the dwellings is divided into four phases: two phases of the traditional courtyard houses (1980–1990 and 1990–2000), the modern courtyard house phase (2000–2010), and the Western-style house phase (2010 to the present) (

Table 3. Morphological process of dwellings in Nongme Village.

	Traditional Courtyard House (1980–1990)	Traditional Courtyard House (1990–2000)	Modern Courtyard House	Western-Style House
Floor plan
Evolution process	Influenced by Han Chinese traditions, a small family unit and courtyard-style house took shape. Comprised of main rooms, rear room, and two wing rooms.	Household responsibility system increased productivity; land acquisition for airport expansion boosted income. Han craftsmanship was introduced and ornate wooden windows emerged. Layout remained unchanged.	Layout of main rooms retained; changes mainly in material and structure. Brick-concrete replaced timber; simplified layout, wing and rear rooms replaced by sheds.	Urban lifestyles and materials entered rural areas. Neo-western buildings replaced main rooms. Wing and rear rooms fully replaced by temporary sheds.
Building structure	Earth–Timber	Brick–Timber	Brick–Concrete	Steel–Concrete
Materials & Decoration	Back and side walls of rammed earth, bamboo front wall, wooden roof, gray tiles, bamboo partitions. Simple and plain.	Brick side/back walls, wooden front wall, gray tiles, wooden partitions, carved windows. Refined and ornate.	All walls brick; roof of colored steel; brick partitions; ceramic tiles on facade.	Brightly painted walls, floor-to-ceiling aluminum windows, Roman columns, Dai totem motifs.
Storeys	1	1	1	2–3
Main rooms
Courtyard

, Figure 8).

6.2. Typological Evolution and Alienation of the Main Rooms

6.2.1. The Inheritance of the Spatial Layout

In the transition from traditional dwellings to modern single-storey houses in Nongme Village, the main rooms have largely retained their fundamental form, while exhibiting a range of variations in architectural details. Drawing on the research on traditional Dai dwellings in Dehong Prefecture, Shen Jichao identified a spatial prototype structured around a “bedroom–main hall–front porch” configuration. This prototype diversified into four derived variants [29] (Figure 9) and, in conjunction with the courtyard, established a spatial sequence of “bedroom–main hall–front porch–courtyard”. This spatial sequence remained consistently present throughout the first three stages of residential development in Nongme Village, reflecting the continuity of the traditional Dai lifestyle in spatial terms. Variations in household size prompted adjustments to bedroom dimensions, which in turn influenced the expansion or contraction of the front porch. Such changes illustrate the spatial flexibility of the dwelling and residents’ capacity for dynamic adaptation. In larger families, for example, expanded bedrooms encroached on the porch, resulting in its relative reduction. Meanwhile, the structures, the materials, and the decorative elements evolved continuously (Table 3), though these modifications did not disrupt the core spatial logic of the prototype.

6.2.2. Transformation of the Spatial Structure

Since 2010, with improvements in villagers’ economic conditions and increasing residential needs, together with the growing difficulty in acquiring traditional building materials due to agricultural modernization and land consolidation, Western-style houses have gradually emerged as a new type of Dai dwellings. The spatial layout shifted from a composition of dispersed single buildings to a unified, standalone structure. In this transition, the traditional spatial “prototype” was eliminated. The extended sequence formed with the courtyard (bedroom–main hall–front porch–front yard) also disintegrated. As a result, the original spatial order collapsed, reflecting a clear process of architectural and cultural alienation.

First, the reduction in the front porch space has led to the loss of associated functional elements, such as seats and tables. Originally serving both social and leisure purposes, the front porch has been replaced by a minimal entryway or portico, now functioning solely as a transitional passage (Figure 10).

Second, the main hall, as the core of traditional dwellings, has been gradually replaced by the modern living room and spiral staircase (Figure 11). The Buddhist shrine, formerly embedded in the rear wall of the main hall (Figure 12a), has been relocated to more concealed spaces on the upper floors (Figure 12b). The dissolution of the main hall leads to the fading of semi-public space, resulting in more compartmentalized spaces and increased privacy. At the same time, the Dai cultural features—once embodied in spatial practices—are increasingly marginalized. The layout no longer follows the shrine-oriented logic rooted in Dai social ethics, such as axial symmetry, a hierarchical spatial order, and the principle of “left side superior, right side inferior”. Instead, urban-style layouts prevail. These Western-style houses disrupt traditional vertical stratification (e.g., the distinction between humans above and livestock below) and horizontal ceremonial axes, reconfiguring space towards individual privacy and functional efficiency—marking a shift from clan-based collectivism to modern individualism.

Third, Western architectural elements—such as faux Roman columns and arched windows—have become common decorative features. Meanwhile, simplified and easily modifiable Dai motifs, like peacock totems and golden trims, are selectively applied to building facades (Figure 10c), while the core spatial logic of traditional architecture is neglected. As a consequence, the transmission of Dai culture risks becoming increasingly superficial and fragmented.

Meanwhile, changes in the village ecological environment have become a crucial factor driving the typological transition of the dwellings. The advancement of agricultural modernization and land consolidation has led to the extensive infilling of fish ponds and a decline in forest areas. As a result, it has become increasingly difficult to acquire traditional structural materials such as bamboo and timber, thereby increasing the construction and maintenance costs of traditional dwellings. Against this backdrop, villagers have gradually shifted towards industrialized construction systems, such as brick-concrete and reinforced concrete structures. Due to the construction convenience and economic advantages, Western-style houses have gradually become the dominant dwelling type. The shift in building materials has accelerated the transformation of the spatial forms of traditional Dai dwellings, leading to the disruption of their typological system.

6.2.3. Retention of Social Space: The Dai People’s Affinity for Gatherings

The disappearance of the main hall and the compression of the front porch have dismantled the traditional spatial hierarchy of “public–semi-public–private” within the main room (Table 2), leading to a weakening of its social function. In response, the kitchen has assumed greater importance, emerging as the primary venue for social interaction and communal gatherings. This shift has reconfigured the spatial sequence into a new “private–semi-public–public” pattern, which is “bedroom/living room–kitchen–front yard” (Table 2).

Characterized by a strong tradition of communal gatherings, the Dai people cultivate village identity and a sense of belonging through everyday social interactions. This cultural characteristic creates a demand for specific spaces for social engagement, where semi-open spaces provide venues for gatherings and function as spatial nodes linking private domestic life with the public life of the village. As the spatial layout of the main rooms increasingly constrains traditional venues for socializing, the kitchen’s latent social potential is activated and expanded, transforming it into the central space for daily gatherings. For the Dai people, such semi-public spaces fulfill vital cultural needs by providing a setting for communal interaction, thereby fostering social identity and a sense of belonging. The preservation of this specific social space enables the continuation of stable and inherited behavioral patterns. It illustrates how the Dai, in the face of modern urban influences, strategically adjust the functions of their residential spaces to accommodate their enduring cultural practices and social customs.

6.2.4. The Diminishment of Ritual Space: From Main Hall to Living Room

After the former stages of housing development in Nongme Village, the layout of the main rooms remained largely consistent. The main hall at the heart of the spatial structure served dual functions as the sacred space for housing the family shrine and ancestral portraits (Figure 12a) and also a semi-public area for receiving guests. The emergence of Western-style villas progressively fragmented the main hall’s integrated role. Its ritual function—centered on ancestor worship—was relocated to the third floor in enclosed, less accessible rooms (Figure 12b). Consequently, the sacred space—originally integrated into a multi-functional hall that encompassed social interaction, ritual practice, and family leisure—was reduced to a singular ceremonial use in its new, isolated location. The shrine became less visible in villagers’ daily lives, symbolically and functionally marginalized as privacy around it increased.

As the hall space receded, architectural elements such as double-height living rooms and interior staircases began to dominate. Features like floor-to-ceiling windows and U-shaped sofas entered the domestic environment, reinforcing the emergence of the modern urban living room as a new focal point in Dai household life.

7. Conclusions and Discussion

This study systematically examines the typological evolution and spatial adaptation of Dai vernacular dwellings in Mangshi, Dehong Prefecture, revealing the retention and loss of traditional dwelling elements under the impact of modernization and the resulting phenomenon of “cultural alienation”.

The forms of Dai vernacular dwellings in Nongme Village reflect a dual logic shaped by the fusion of Dai and Han cultures and a bottom-up system of village governance. These forces together define both the characteristics of individual plots and the internal spatial organization of the dwellings. The Dai spatial worldview fundamentally determines the layout of land parcels (Figure 4), while the village collective’s method of plot division ensures the continued use of the rectangular plot form. This synergy preserves the order and continuity of the layout, providing a stable foundation for the courtyard-style house. The spatial configuration of traditional courtyard houses simultaneously embodies the cultural particularities of Dai society and integrates architectural influences from the Han tradition, forming a synthesis of local distinctiveness and shared regional traits. The evolution from a simple three-bay structure to a more complex courtyard system mirrors the unfolding of the family life cycle. As household size and needs expanded, spatial functions differentiated and structures became more complex—with additions such as front porch, wing rooms, and rear rooms—gradually infilling the plot and forming a complete courtyard-style dwelling (Figure 6).

The typological transformation of Dai dwellings reflects the physical embodiment of evolving residential culture, values, and lifestyles—most notably in the spatial form of the main rooms and the underlying building footprint. During the two phases of traditional courtyard-style dwellings, the footprint and spatial configuration remained consistent, with changes primarily occurring in architectural ornamentation and detail, such as the introduction of carved wooden windows. As agricultural productivity increased and external building techniques were adopted, the dwellings became more refined in form, though their spatial logic remained intact. In the modern phase, building materials and decorative elements changed, and the wing rooms and rear rooms gradually vanished, leading to a simplified footprint. Despite these changes, the spatial sequence of “bedroom–main hall–front porch–front yard” in the main rooms persisted. A major typological rupture occurred after 2010 with the emergence of Western-style villas. Architecture transitioned from dispersed, multi-unit compositions to single, freestanding buildings. The disappearance of the main hall and the decline in the role of the household shrine led to the collapse of the traditional spatial sequence—and the hierarchical zoning of “public–semi-public–private” it represented. In its place, the kitchen emerged as the new social core (Table 2 and Table 3).

The typological evolution of Dai dwellings reflects a gradual alienation of traditional architectural culture, alongside a weakening of locally embedded knowledge, under the intertwined influences of globalization and urbanization. This transformation is most evident in the weakening of the spatial organizational principles that historically structured vernacular houses. Rather than being integrated into this spatial logic, Western architectural features—such as imitation Roman columns and arched windows—are often applied in a direct and selective manner, producing largely surface-level formal changes. Meanwhile, villagers have sought to retain aspects of local identity by introducing simplified Dai elements, including peacock motifs and gold-toned detailing, primarily as decorative additions. Unfortunately, these symbols are attached as decorations to mutable facades, obscuring the fact that the underlying logic of spatial organization is absent. The disjunction between the “retention of surface symbols” and the “dissolution of structural order” has pushed the transmission of Dai architectural culture into a predicament of superficiality and fragmentation.

Architectural typology theories are largely rooted in Western masonry construction traditions and the long-term, organic evolution of cities [15]. However, the case in this study is situated in the specific background of ethnic minority regions in Southwest China, where the typological evolution of vernacular dwellings is closely tied to local production systems, daily life, and ecological environments. Rapid agricultural modernization and urbanization in China have led to a severe shortage of traditional building materials such as bamboo and timber. Meanwhile, the influence of modern urban residential culture has forced Dai dwellings to deviate from their indigenous logic, resulting in highly compressed and fractured characteristics. This study extends the assumptions in Western typological theories regarding evolutionary dynamics and material foundations. It argues that under abrupt transformations driven by external ecological crises and capital forces, processes of spatial superficialization and “cultural alienation” tend to emerge. In this sense, the study provides an important theoretical contribution to understanding the spatial reconstruction of non-Western vernacular heritage under the impact of modernization.

Moving beyond the limitations of traditional synchronic morphological mapping and the emphasis on the material conservation of individual buildings, this study adopts a diachronic architectural typological perspective to examine the evolution of Dai dwellings in Mangshi, Dehong Prefecture, within the context of globalization and urbanization. The contributions of this study can be summarized in three aspects.

First, it constructs a spatio-temporal analytical framework for Dai dwelling forms. Spatially, it establishes a multi-scale framework of “plot forms–building layouts–spatial organization–architectural details” to examine the morphological characteristics of Dai dwellings from the whole to the parts. Temporally, it summarizes the typological evolutionary logic of “prototype–variant–transformation” in Nongme Village. This framework integrates the physical forms, climate-adaptive construction technologies, and socio-cultural logic of traditional dwellings into a unified analytical system, providing a basis for understanding both the continuity and rupture of dwellings. Second, this study introduces the concept of “cultural alienation” to interpret the phenomenon of internal logical rupture and external symbolic pastiche in the dwellings of ethnic minority regions in Southwest China, critically examining the superficial retention and structural loss of traditional elements during the process of modern architectural replacement. Third, by examining the morphological evolution process of dwellings in the traditional Dai village of Nongme, this study attempts to critically analyze the dissolution of local traditional social structures, the reconstruction of clan ethics, and the collapse of local knowledge systems. This provides a lens to understand the complex transmutation and developmental dilemmas of the rural built environment in Southwest China, and even broader ethnic minority regions, under the pressures of globalization.

At the theoretical level, this study critically examines the binary strategies of “conservative restoration” and “radical replacement” in current conservation practices of traditional dwellings, proposing a third approach based on prototype-based typological adaptation and spatial translation. This approach emphasizes that the conservation and transmission of traditional dwellings should not rigidly preserve their original physical forms. Instead, by identifying the spatial prototypes and organizational logic of traditional dwellings, it achieves the continuous evolution of dwelling types in contemporary living contexts through moderate structural renewal and functional translation. Centered on “typological continuity” rather than “formal replication”, this renewal approach provides a theoretical framework that transcends binary oppositions for architectural renewal in living heritage environments.

At the practical level, this study provides important implications for various spatial practitioners in architectural design, urban and rural planning, and heritage management. In future practices of new dwelling construction and heritage conservation policymaking, relevant practitioners should accurately identify the spatial prototypes and deep construction logic of traditional dwellings, and translate their core spatial order into modern design, thereby transcending the binary dilemma between “simple symbolic imitation” and “complete modern replacement”. Furthermore, this study emphasizes the need to move beyond the scale of individual buildings and grasp the synergistic and symbiotic relationship between dwelling types and regional micro-ecosystems at the scale of the village as a whole. This calls for the establishment of a more systematic and holistic spatial governance framework in future urban and rural planning and heritage management practices, promoting the sustainable transmission and development of local residential culture.