1. Introduction
The degrowth concept has gained momentum as a response to the environmental and social challenges posed by the current economic system, with many academics, activists, and policymakers advocating for alternative models of economic development that prioritize human well-being and ecological sustainability over continuous growth [
1,
2,
3]. Degrowth originates from the research showing that human economic activity based on the dominating business model leads to the growth of companies’ scope and their expanding impact on the natural environment [
4]. So, degrowth as a concept posits the necessity to stop the trend of production and consumption growth to reduce the global economic pressure on the environment.
The issue of degrowth has been considered from various perspectives—see literature reviews [
5,
6,
7]. One key factor in degrowth is the voluntary reduction in consumption across the acquisition, use, and disposal phases, aimed at benefiting the environment [
5]. This is reflected in emerging consumer behaviors, such as flight shame leading to reduced air travel [
8], decreased household water consumption [
9], energy conservation [
10], and anti-consumption practices [
11].
The amount of research on consumption reduction motivated by environmental reasons is increasing [
5,
12,
13,
14,
15]. These studies indicate limited research on emotions, cognitive processes, habits or individual differences in consumer engagement in reduction practices [
5]. They also show that reducing consumption for environmental purposes is a significant challenge for consumers, often due to the perceived weak impact of their actions on global environmental issues. To address this issue, we explore self-efficacy as a possible important factor, which can be crucial in voluntarily reducing consumption
Thus, it is not unusual to find a difference between what people think and feel about being more sustainable and what they do [
16], especially when it comes to reducing consumption [
17]. To help people act more on their intentions to use less, one key factor is self-efficacy. In every type of action people undertake, they must believe that they are capable of doing it and may expect some outcomes [
18]. Research shows that aiding people to build self-efficacy has helped in many areas, like quitting smoking [
19], rehabilitation [
20], and healthcare [
21]. All these make us recognize self-efficacy as a significant predictor of intention to reduce consumption (IRC).
Despite the increasing research on sustainable consumption, significant gaps remain. First, while ‘green purchasing’ is widely studied, the voluntary reduction of consumption (deconsumption)—which requires consumer sacrifice—remains under-researched regarding its cognitive drivers. Second, although environmental concern (EC) and social norms (SNs) are known predictors of behavior, the mediating mechanism of environmental self-efficacy (ESE) in translating these motivations into a radical intention to reduce consumption is not yet fully understood. Finally, there is a lack of comparative evidence on how these psychological paths vary across different cultural contexts.
The objective of the current study is to address these gaps by examining the intention to reduce consumption voluntarily with three variables: injunctive social norms (perceived by customers as expectations regarding social approval from important others putting external pressure on them) and environmental concern (regarded here as an attitude towards environmental issues, thus as an internal motivation). The particular focus of this research is on the effect of environmental self-efficacy, a variable considered to facilitate people to act according to their environmental concerns and/or social norms, which may not be a sufficient justification (see
Figure 1). Exploring the mediating role of environmental self-efficacy underscores the importance of this study. Previous research highlights the need for further research to better understand the specific mechanisms that explain the relationship between environmental concern, social norms, and pro-environmental behavior. Furthermore, although self-efficacy is a well-documented determinant of pro-environmental behavior, it has been conceptualized as a moderating rather than a mediating variable. By positioning environmental self-efficacy as a mediator, this study contributes to the literature by offering a more nuanced explanation of how environmental concern and social norms translate into actual pro-environmental behavior. We anticipate that this study may be relevant to a wide range of stakeholders, including policymakers, higher education institutions, non-governmental organizations, and businesses. Our research is based on widely accepted theories explaining behavioral intention (Theory of Reasoned Action and Theory of Planned Behavior [
22]).
We also wanted to explore the differences in this regard between Poland and Spain—two European countries that differ strongly in some terms (like environmental conditions) and are similar in others (population size, dominant religion, EU membership).
The paper is structured as follows: The first part is devoted to a literature review. A special focus is placed on issues related to the role of self-efficacy in reducing consumption, as well as differences between Poland and Spain in the context of sustainable consumption. The following part is devoted to the presentation of the research procedure and methods. This is followed by the discussion, theoretical and practical implications, limitations of the study, and conclusions.
5. Discussion
The present study examined the effects of Social norms (SNs) and Environmental concerns (ECs) on Intentions to reduce consumption (IRC), with Environmental self-efficacy (ESE) as a mediating variable. Self-efficacy is widely recognized as a crucial determinant of pro-environmental behaviors [
106,
107]. The findings of this study support its mediating role in the relationship between SNs, EC with IRC, and also extend these earlier findings in the sense that ESE in this study was understood as the belief in importance of environmental self-efficacy. This means that the subjects recognize the role of this factor in shaping consumption reduction in relation to EC. Notably, ESE was found to mediate these relationships consistently, regardless of respondents’ country of origin. This aligns with a strong approach to sustainable consumption [
6], which treats people as citizens who accept the social setting of consumption decisions, must be supported by concrete measures. Our results provide a clear suggestion that the emphasis should not be on increasing environmental concern but on increasing confidence in one’s own ability to influence it means self-efficacy.
Our research indicates that EC is the most significant variable influencing intentions to reduce consumption, both directly and indirectly through Environmental self-efficacy. Regarding direct impact, this finding aligns with recent studies on the role of EC in green consumption practices, such as the intention to garbage reduction [
108], eco-friendly purchasing [
32,
109], reducing meat consumption [
110,
111], and lowering the use of single-use bottled water [
112]. However, our results contradict other studies that suggest certain pro-environmental behaviors, such as reducing the usage of gas, electricity, and automobiles, are not influenced by EC [
108].
We also identified the mediating effect of ESE between EC and IRC. This brings the novelty to the body of knowledge. The reason for such a statement is twofold. Firstly, previous studies have proven the mediating effect of other variables, such as pro-social behavior [
113], intentional learning [
109], attitudes [
110], and social norms [
111]. The multiple and diverse mediating variables found in the literature point to potential problems of endogeneity [
114,
115]. They also point to the need for further research to clarify the specific role of mediators in the relationship between environmental concern and pro-environmental behavior.
Secondly, while the influence of self-efficacy is widely recognized in the literature, it is more often regarded as a moderator than a mediator. For example, Bertolotti et al. [
107] demonstrated that self-efficacy is an important factor in meat consumption reduction, making individuals more receptive to health messages. It is also associated with energy conservation behavior [
106] and with the reduction in unhealthy habits, such as alcohol consumption [
116], suggesting that individuals with higher self-efficacy are more likely to persist in their consumption reduction efforts [
117] or in the context of reducing sedentary behavior in which self-efficacy can lead to improved planning, which in turn can predict lower consumption behavior [
118]. Our study managed to capture the role of ESE as a mediator, which results from the very nature of the construct used, which was not aimed at determining someone’s ESE but at perceiving the importance of ESE in the context of reducing consumption. This means that, in addition to ESE itself, awareness of its role or even faith in its effectiveness is also important, which may be the subject of further research.
We have not found a direct effect between SNs and IRC. Similar results can be found in another study [
60]. However, more research delivers opposite results, concluding that social norms play an essential role in reducing meat consumption [
110], low-carbon consumption behavior [
119], or healthy behaviors like increasing vegetable consumption [
120] or reducing alcohol consumption [
121]. Moreover, the observed lack of SN’s direct impact on IRC may be theoretically justified in two ways. Firstly, consumption reduction constitutes a high-cost, self-regulatory behavior. Prior research [
122] indicates that social norms are more effective for visible, low-cost actions than for sustained forms of self-limitation. Accordingly, in the case of demanding behaviors, norms are more likely to exert an indirect influence by shaping perceived capability (self-efficacy) rather than directly motivating intention. Unlike one-off or low-effort pro-environmental actions such as waste segregation or choosing eco-labeled products, voluntary consumption reduction requires sustained commitment; thus, social approval alone is unlikely to translate into intention unless individuals also believe they can successfully enact the behavior. This provides a theoretical rationale for why social norms in our model operate primarily through ESE rather than directly. We interpret the pooled-sample result through the lens of conditional norm activation theories, which posit that the behavioral impact of social norms is contingent on contextual alignment and perceived feasibility. The other explanation is related to the heterogeneity across national contexts due to the sample of people from different countries taken into the study, which will be explained in the following paragraph. Pooling the samples masked the country-level dynamics resulting in a non-significant average effect.
Our findings so far let us verify the hypotheses that have been formulated. In order to address the research question, we compared Polish and Spanish subsamples. While in some cases we did not observe significant differences between the two countries with regard to the relationships studied, in some other cases significant differences were observed. These results suggest that while some factors may have a universal impact on some environmental behaviors, others are shaped by country-specific variables, highlighting the importance of context in understanding consumption reduction behaviors. Firstly, Social norms influence the intention to reduce consumption more in Spain than in Poland (
Table 5). On the other hand, Environmental self-efficacy has a stronger effect on the intention to reduce consumption in Poland than in Spain (
Table 5). Finally, ESE mediation between Environmental concern and IRC was found to be stronger in Poland than in Spain (
Table 7).
The more substantial influence of Social norms on voluntary consumption reduction in Spain than in Poland may be explained by the strength of social norms itself. In Spain, social norms have been developed to protect the population and the environment [
123,
124]. Caring for the environment has a much longer tradition in Spain than in Poland. As a result, in Spain, more time was given to develop social norms aimed at environmental protection through legal solutions (water courts, for instance). Moreover, Spain accessed the EU, which focused on pro-environmental regulations, 18 years earlier than Poland (Spain—in 1986, Poland—2004). Besides, Hofstede’s model offers a deeper psychological explanation. Spain’s lower score in “Motivation towards achievement and success” dimension describes a society that values harmony and social cohesion. In such a context, social norms are not just ‘legal rules,’ but a fundamental part of the individual’s social identity, making them a primary driver for voluntary consumption reduction. On the other hand, Poland has historically lacked systemic (community-wide) solutions aimed at environmental protection. Even nowadays, they are at a very early stage. It can, therefore, be concluded that social norms are not strong enough to have a significant impact on reducing consumption in Poland. It was supported by recent research showing that the influence of social norms on pro-environmental intentions is generally weak in Poland [
112]. It is visible that in Spain, where pro-environmental norms are more institutionalized and socially reinforced, norms translate more readily into direct intentions. In Poland, where such norms are weaker or less routinized, their influence is indirect and operates mainly by strengthening individual agency beliefs. When these contexts are combined, the opposing strengths and mechanisms of norm influence effectively cancel out at the aggregate level, yielding a non-significant direct effect.
The other two findings of our study indicate the important role of Environmental self-efficacy in shaping pro-environmental consumption attitudes in Poland. This is the case both for the direct influence of ESE on IRC and indirect influence as a mediating variable between EC and IRC. The more important role of the ESE in Poland compared to Spain may be explained by the general optimism of young Poles, partially related to macroeconomic factors (lower unemployment rate and substantially higher GDP growth rate in Poland). Additionally, this finding can be explained according to Hofstede’s framework, as it reflects a culture with a higher ‘Motivation towards Achievement’. In decisive societies, individuals prioritize performance and personal results. Therefore, the belief in one’s own capability (Self-efficacy) becomes the essential bridge between environmental concern and actual intention. In summary, macroeconomic growth and youthful optimism in Poland provide a favorable environment for this mindset, and the cultural emphasis on individual achievement might be the underlying mechanism that empowers Polish consumers to believe their actions can lead to meaningful change.
As self-efficacy plays such an important role in voluntary consumption reduction, it seems an important issue to strengthen it. One way to increase the sense of self-efficacy is through actions that fall within the framework of what Fitzpatrick et al. [
125] describe as radical ecological democracy, and involves giving rights and opportunities to participate in decision-making on ecological issues.
Another option to enhance self-efficacy so as to induce pro-environmental behavior [
25], is to provide information about how to perform a specific behavior as well as both dynamic and descriptive norm information. Information on how to perform a specific behavior in our study refers to reducing consumption. Guiding consumers on what a reduction in consumption actually means is of paramount importance. In the literature, two directions of consumption reduction can be identified [
126]. One, referred to as liberal, means replacing traditional products with more ecological ones, with only slightly reduced consumption. The other, more radical, means restricting consumption to only the most necessary products. Dynamic norms information refers to another way of reinforcing self-efficacy by communicating how others are successful in the process of changing certain behaviors, e.g., reducing consumption. Additionally, descriptive norm information can reinforce self-efficacy by indicating how many people have already managed to reduce consumption [
25].
To conclude, the differences observed in the importance and performance of the three variables—Social norms, Environmental concern, and Environmental self-efficacy —in shaping Intentions to reduce consumption in Poland and Spain highlight the necessity of tailoring pro-environmental strategies to the specific context of each country. The results indicate that promoting certain pro-environmental behaviors requires an approach that reflects the country’s unique socio-cultural, economic, and environmental conditions. This conclusion is consistent with previous studies showing that national and regional differences in public attitudes toward the environment and resource use often require local adjustments in policy [
127,
128,
129].
6. Implications of the Study
The findings of this study have a number of important implications for policymakers, higher education institutions, non-governmental organizations, and businesses. For policymakers, the findings suggest that public policy should focus on empowering individuals by making consumption reduction seems possible and meaningful. This could include providing clear guidance on what consumption reduction means, presenting successful examples, and making it possible for citizens to see results of their actions. Furthermore, the observed differences between countries suggest that pro-environmental policy should be tailored to national and cultural contexts. In societies where social norms play a stronger role, norm-based policy may be more effective, whereas in contexts where individualism is more important, policy should prioritize empowerment and capacity building.
The study also has important implications for higher education. Universities play a key role in shaping students’ beliefs about their potential to contribute to the transition toward sustainability. Sustainability education can strengthen students’ self-efficacy for environmental protection and better prepare them to be involved in consumption reduction activities. This aligns with the perception of consumers as active citizens rather than passive market participants.
For non-governmental organizations, the results indicate that initiatives that actively engage individuals in co-creating solutions, sharing success stories, and demonstrating cumulative impact are more likely to foster self-efficacy and lasting behavioral change. Strengthening people’s self-efficacy may be particularly important when promoting more radical, self-limiting forms of consumption.
Finally, for businesses, the findings suggest that firms can contribute to consumption reduction by, for example, designing products that are more durable and possible to repair when it is necessary.