Challenges and Opportunities of Oxalis tuberosa Molina Cultivation, from an Andean Agroecological and Biocultural Perspective

Abstract

This study examines the agroecology and bioculturality of Oxalis tuberosa Molina, in the Montúfar canton, Carchi province, Ecuador, an area where this Andean tuber is cultivated at altitudes above 3000 m and in soils with a pH between 5.3 and 7.8. The research was conducted in the Producampo Producers Association, composed of 33 active members, of which 87.5% are women, with an average age of 51.25 years. Oxalis tuberosa constitutes an important crop in their integrated agroecological production systems (IAPSs): the production of bio-inputs in SIPA systems is predominantly self-sufficient, with 75% of producers using exclusively their own organic fertilizers, mainly compost and vermicompost, and showing low dependence on external inputs, whether organic (12.5%) or chemical (25%); the latter are applied in small doses of about 5 kg every six months in secondary crops. The research adopted a mixed methodological approach, integrating semi-structured interviews for qualitative analysis using Atlas.ti and descriptive statistical analysis with specialized software. Of the total Oxalis tuberosa production, 80% is intended for personal consumption and 20% is sold at local markets. Cultivated ecotypes include “blanca” (70%) and “chaucha” (30%), both of which are resistant to pests but susceptible to frost. Families dedicate between 32 and 80 h per week to production, with an average of 56 h. The findings highlight the potential of Oxalis tuberosa to improve the food resilience of Andean communities and suggest that revaluing this crop and its traditional practices can improve agricultural sustainability in the region.

1. Introduction

The cultivation of Oxalis tuberosa, known as oca, has been a fundamental pillar in the diet and agriculture of high Andean communities for thousands of years. This tuber, adapted to altitudes between 2000 and 4000 m above sea level and to soils with a pH of 5.3 to 7.8, has guaranteed food security and sovereignty for indigenous populations in environments where other crops do not thrive [1]. Furthermore, its resistance to pests and diseases makes it a strategic resource for agricultural sustainability in the American Andes. However, in recent decades, the cultivation of Oxalis tuberosa has faced serious challenges that threaten its sustainability and its role in agroecosystems. Factors such as climate change, cultural transformation, the standardization of diets, and the loss of traditional agricultural practices have altered the optimal conditions for its cultivation. This has led to a decline in its production, a significant reduction in its genetic variability, and a direct threat to the food security of small farmers [2].

Despite its historical, cultural, and agricultural significance, oca cultivation is currently in decline, with a significant reduction in its original genetic diversity. The loss of traditional agricultural practices and the homogenization of global food systems have weakened its role in Andean agroecosystems [3]. Furthermore, government policies have proven insufficient to mitigate these effects. In fact, rather than supporting the rural sector, agricultural policies have perpetuated economic inequalities by excluding rural communities from key decision-making processes in the planning and implementation of development programs, which has exacerbated poverty and socioeconomic discontent [4]. This has contributed to the migration and displacement of Andean communities, resulting in the loss of ancestral knowledge related to agricultural and cultural biodiversity [5].

Over time, efforts have been made to mitigate these problems. Various studies have documented the agroecological and genotypic characteristics of Oxalis tuberosa, identifying varieties and cultivation patterns in South American communities. Agroecological production models, such as integrated agroecological production systems (IAPSs), have also been promoted, seeking to reduce dependence on chemical inputs and foster biodiversity [6]. These initiatives have been instrumental in preserving traditional crop management and conservation practices, as well as highlighting their role in the sustainability of agricultural systems. However, these efforts have been limited in scope and effectiveness, especially in regions such as Carchi province, Ecuador, where gaps in comprehensive scientific information on the agroecological and biocultural aspects of this tuber persist. The lack of coordinated strategies and inclusive policies has prevented these solutions from being sufficient to guarantee the sustainability of the crop and the resilience of rural communities [7]. Furthermore, the migration of rural youth to urban areas and the increase in the consumption of processed foods have generated a decrease in the consumption of Oxalis tuberosa, which puts the food sovereignty of rural communities at risk [8].

In recent years, the productive systems of Carchi province have focused on monoculture models, mainly potato and pastures for dairy production. This agricultural specialization has led to a significant reduction in agrobiodiversity in the province. Most of the research conducted to date has focused primarily on addressing phytosanitary and nutritional issues of these two predominant crops. Although these advances have been important for improving productivity, the research perspective remains limited, as it does not comprehensively consider other agriculturally relevant species from ecological, cultural, and nutritional standpoints.

Oxalis tuberosa—an Andean tuber with high nutritional value, rich in carbohydrates, proteins, and vitamin C [9]—has been scarcely studied in the province. The lack of research that addresses its agroecological and biocultural dimensions shows that current efforts have not been sufficient to overcome the structural challenges facing its cultivation. Therefore, it is necessary to generate scientific information that contributes to the revaluation of traditional management and conservation practices for Oxalis tuberosa, promoting its development within production strategies based on conservation agriculture [10]. This would not only help preserve local agrobiodiversity but also increase the resilience of productive systems in the face of growing food and climate crises [11].

This type of study would not only contribute to the preservation of agrobiodiversity but would also strengthen food security and improve the resilience of production systems in the face of climate and food crises. Furthermore, it would open new marketing opportunities for rural communities, especially for women producers, who play a fundamental role in family farming.

The relevance of conducting research on Oxalis tuberosa lies in its potential to improve the food resilience of Andean communities and in its profound biocultural significance. This tuber, rich in carbohydrates, proteins, and vitamin C, is a functional food that contributes to the prevention of chronic diseases such as cancer and cardiovascular disease [12]. Furthermore, its cultivation is intrinsically linked to traditional agricultural practices and the ancestral knowledge of Andean communities, making it an important element for the biocultural identity of these populations. The research would make it possible to rescue and preserve this ancestral knowledge, promoting sustainable rural development that is respectful of the biocultural identity of Andean communities. Likewise, it would contribute to the conservation of the genetic material of Oxalis tuberosa, preventing the loss of local ecotypes and ensuring its long-term sustainability [13].

The present study aims to contribute to closing the existing gaps in the literature on Oxalis tuberosa, providing a scientific and technical basis grounded in agroecological and biocultural criteria. This research seeks to strengthen food security in rural Andean communities, promoting the preservation and sustainable use of the crop as an essential part of agrobiodiversity and cultural heritage. In addition, it proposes to open new marketing opportunities that foster local economic development, especially in key sectors such as that of rural women producers. In a global context marked by food homogenization and the growing threat of climate change on agricultural systems, this work is presented as an initiative to promote the sustainability and resilience of rural communities and their natural environments [14].

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Study Area

In recent years, Carchi province has adopted production models based on the monoculture of potatoes and pastures for dairy production, leading to a significant reduction in agrobiodiversity in the area. However, in the city of San Gabriel, the capital of Montúfar canton, a weekly farmers’ market called the Feria Solidaria is held, where farmers sell their products directly to end consumers. Various rural organizations participate in this space, many of which still maintain production systems with remarkable agricultural diversity. Among them, the PPMA stands out as the only organization that continues to offer Andean tubers such as Oxalis tuberosa. In this market, the PPMA —legally established and recognized by the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock of Ecuador as part of the Family Farming sector—was selected as the case study for the present research.

The research was conducted on the agricultural plots of members of the Producampo Producers and Marketers Association (PPMA), located in the province of Carchi, Ecuador. The PPMA is made up of 33 peasant farming families. Most of the agricultural activities carried out in the family production units are led by women; as a result, 90% of the members legally recognized by the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock are women, while only 10% are men. For this reason, most of the interviews were conducted with women, who are the main cultivators of Oxalis tuberosa in their integrated agroecological production systems (IAPSs), which demonstrates a clear predominance of female participation in agricultural and productive activities.

The production system adopted by the members of the PPMA is based on the IAPS model, which promotes sustainable agroecological practices adapted to local conditions. These systems have been promoted by the FEPP Social Group (Ecuadorian Fund for Progressio Populorum) as a technical-methodological model with the purpose of reducing dependence on conventional agricultural models. The implementation of IAPSs seeks productive diversification by combining different types of integrated crops with techniques that promote the maintenance of biodiversity and the efficient use of local resources [15]. IAPSs have transformed conventional agricultural practices into an approach characterized by agroecological and sustainable production aligned with the needs of the Montúfar canton.

The PPMA is headquartered in the Montúfar canton, located in the northern region of the country, part of Carchi province (Figure 1). Montúfar belongs to the Ecuadorian highlands that encompass the upper and middle basin of the Apaquí River, also including the areas of the Chota Valley. The canton borders Tulcán to the north, Bolívar and Sucumbíos to the south, Sucumbíos to the east, and Bolívar and Espejo to the west. Its total area is 38,073.21 km², and its political-administrative division includes the cantonal capital of San Gabriel and five rural parishes: Piartal, Fernández Salvador, Cristóbal Colón, La Paz, and Chitán de Navarretes [16].

Of the entire territorial area, 97.96% corresponds to the rural sector (approximately 37,298 km²), while only 2.04% belongs to the urban sector (775 km²). These data reflect that the land use is dominated by agricultural activities, traditional farming, and integrated forestry practices. In terms of soil and altitude, Montúfar possesses conditions that allow agriculture to adapt to local environmental parameters, combining subsistence crops with sustainable practices.

The province of Carchi, and particularly the canton of Montúfar, has agriculture as one of the fundamental pillars for its social and economic development. Currently, there is a marked homogeneity in the agricultural landscapes, characterized by the establishment of monocultures based on potato crops, pastures for milk production, and small plots of legumes. This production model, influenced by the principles of the Green Revolution, has favored monoculture, which has led to a significant decrease in agro-biodiversity and the loss of traditional production systems. As a result, the province now faces the challenge of achieving sustainable agricultural development [17].

Regarding the ethnic composition of the Montúfar canton, most of the population identifies as mestizo (93.5%), followed by 2.53% who identify as white, with smaller percentages belonging to other categories. The predominant language in the area is Spanish. The selection of this region as a study area reflects the predominance of agricultural activities in its local economy, as well as the presence of integrated agroecological systems implemented by the PPMA. This provides an opportunity to analyze interactions between diversified agricultural systems and sustainable approaches within a specific context with defined agroecological, social, and cultural characteristics. Furthermore, the area provides a relevant context for evaluating agricultural parameters regarding the shift in agricultural practices toward agroecological models.

2.2. Research Approach and Methods of Data Collection and Analysis

The research adopted a qualitative approach aimed at exploring and understanding the cultural, social, and agroecological dynamics related to the management of Oxalis tuberosa within the production systems of the PPMA members. This approach allowed for a deeper understanding of the producers’ practices, knowledge, and perceptions, highlighting biocultural and agroecological aspects that cannot be captured solely through numerical data.

The study design was structured into three main phases: exploratory, descriptive, and interpretive (Figure 1). In the exploratory phase, the aim was to identify agricultural practices and relevant socioeconomic factors through participant observation and in-depth interviews, where open-ended questions were posed to obtain reflective and detailed responses about the interviewees’ perceptions of reality. This approach helped to understand the common aspects among PPMA members from agroecological and biocultural perspectives, allowing for the recognition of initial patterns in crop management and its cultural role within family plots. The descriptive phase focused on systematizing the collected information, categorizing agroecological practices, customs associated with the crop, and challenges faced by producers. Finally, the interpretive phase analyzed the interactions between these categories to build a comprehensive understanding of the biocultural and socioeconomic context linked to the cultivation of Oxalis tuberosa, highlighting how these factors influence the sustainability of production systems.

The methodological design used in this work is based on the general principles of qualitative research as proposed by Pissard et al. [18], which set out the foundations for promoting a deep understanding of a phenomenon from the perspective of social actors. The qualitative research focused on capturing detailed information to reveal the individual and collective perspectives of producers regarding tuber cultivation and management. This approach allowed for the creation of a broad contextual framework, emphasizing the cultural appreciation of the crop and the adaptive strategies implemented by farmers to address various agricultural production challenges.

2.3. Data Collection and Analysis Methods

To collect qualitative data, the study began with an approach to the legal representative of the PPMA, to whom the research objectives were presented in detail. After approval and the signing of the informed consent form, an extended meeting was held with the PPMA members. During this initial session, those members who currently cultivate Oxalis tuberosa were identified, and their experiences and perceptions regarding crop management were collectively explored.

The main data collection instrument was a semi-structured interview, designed based on an exhaustive bibliographic review and validated by experts in agroecology and social sciences [19]. The interview guide was developed using the agroecological assessment tool for farms transitioning to agroecology, as employed by the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock of Ecuador within the framework of Family Farming. To incorporate biocultural aspects, previous studies focused on evaluating these elements in Andean contexts were also considered. Subsequently, the instrument was further validated and enhanced through regular meetings with experts in agroecology and biocultural studies from the Polytechnic State University of Carchi, which allowed for refinement of its structure and ensured its methodological and contextual relevance. A total of 10 in-depth interviews were conducted between January and December 2024. Participants were selected using snowball sampling. Although the initial plan called for the participation of 100% of the organization’s members during visits to the IAPSs, it was found that some members did not cultivate Oxalis tuberosa. Furthermore, among those members who did grow this crop, responses began to show a high level of repetition after the first few interviews. Although this reduced the final sample size, efforts were made to achieve sufficient theoretical saturation to identify relevant patterns and reflect the internal diversity of the group. As mentioned previously, this group can be considered representative of the area not only because 90% of its members are women, but also due to its agroecological production model, which incorporates practices widely adopted in the region and aligned with local values of sustainability and solidarity economy [20].

This criterion was reached after the eighth interview, at which point no new categories or relevant topics emerged from the participants’ responses. Considering this, a deeper investigation was conducted into the reasons behind the homogeneity of the responses, and the producers indicated that all members had participated for more than 10 years in agroecological training processes organized by public, private, and academic institutions.

As a result, the information obtained revealed consistent and homogeneous patterns among the interviewees. For this reason, rather than seeking quantitative representativeness, priority was given to the richness and depth of qualitative analysis, considering that the thematic saturation achieved was sufficient to comprehensively understand the practices and knowledge shared within the organization.

Fieldwork was complemented by direct observation at the production plots, where visual and behavioral evidence related to agroecological practices and the production environment was recorded [21]. During the plot visits, detailed field notes were compiled and subsequently used to enhance the data analysis. These observations allowed for firsthand analysis of land conditions, production methods, and the social and environmental interactions linked to tuber cultivation.

Atlas.ti software was used to analyze the collected data, facilitating the coding and organization of qualitative data into emerging categories linked to the study objectives. Key categories included cultural factors of cultivation, agroecological management techniques, production challenges, and perceptions of sustainability. Relationships between these categories were generated through conceptual diagrams and hierarchical trees to identify patterns and structures of meaning in the qualitative data [22].

Qualitative analysis enabled an in-depth interpretation of farmers’ experiences, providing detailed insights into the cultural and productive dynamics associated with Oxalis tuberosa. This methodology enriched our understanding of the biocultural and socioeconomic context in which the crop is grown, enabling the construction of narratives that reflect the interaction between agricultural practices, traditional knowledge, and sustainability.

3. Results and Discussion

3.1. Sociodemographic Findings of PPMA Producers

PPMA producers who grow Oxalis tuberosa in their IAPSs are in the Montúfar canton, Carchi province. The geographic distribution is as follows: five producers (62.5%) reside in the Fernández Salvador parish, two (25%) in the Piartal parish, and one (12.5%) in the San José parish. The edaphoclimatic characteristics of these areas are optimal for the cultivation of Oxalis tuberosa, with altitudes above 3000 m above sea level and well-drained soils rich in organic matter (Figure 2). These data have been confirmed by recent studies on high Andean agroecosystems, which emphasize that altitudes between 2800 and 4200 m above sea level are ideal for Andean crops of Oxalis tuberosa, which thrives in the ecosystems of the high Andean areas because they meet its agronomic requirements, where the soil and climate conditions are ideal [23].

The age range of the producers interviewed varies between 39 and 75 years, with an average of 52.40 years. Regarding gender composition, 87.5% of the interviewees are women, highlighting the key role of women in agricultural production in the region, a pattern consistent with studies on the role of women in small-scale agriculture in Latin America. Of the total number of producers, 75% are married, while 25% are in a common-law relationship. These data show a higher prevalence of stable family units compared to the national results, where only 27.2% of the population is married [24]. It is worth noting that in rural contexts such as Montúfar, legal marriages are often less common than consensual unions, a phenomenon widely documented in studies on the rural Ecuadorian population. This underscores the importance of taking these particularities into account when interpreting the data.

In terms of educational attainment, 90% of producers have only completed primary education, while 12.5% have completed high school. This low educational attainment could be a significant obstacle to the adoption of advanced technologies and modern production techniques [25]. Recent studies in agroecology have highlighted the correlation between higher levels of education and the adoption of more efficient and sustainable agricultural practices [26].

PPMA producers report that, historically, up until the current generation, their parents only provided them with primary education (six years of schooling); at the age of 12, children were expected to join the family’s agricultural activities. For this reason, most producers have only completed primary education, except for one who mentioned finishing secondary school as an adult, already married and with children (

Table 1. Sociodemographic characteristics of PPMA producers.

Farmer Code	Parish	Age	Gerder	Level of Education	Ethnic Self-Identification
P1	San José	39	Female	Primary	Mestizo
P2	Fernández Salvador	56	Female	Primary	Mestizo
P3	Fernández Salvador	60	Male	High school	Mestizo
P4	Piartal	51	Female	Primary	Mestizo
P5	Piartal	75	Female	Primary	Mestizo
P6	Fernández Salvador	43	Female	Primary	Mestizo
P7	Fernandez Salvador	48	Female	Primary	Mestizo
P8	Fernandez Salvador	50	Female	Primary	Mestizo
P9	Piartal	47	Female	Primary	Mestizo
P10	San José	55	Female	Primary	Mestizo

Note: P (Producer).

).

This factor makes it difficult for them to adopt new technologies, as many are not fluent in using computers or digital devices. However, the training programs offered by various institutions have helped mitigate this barrier, broadening their knowledge and outlook. Moreover, this issue has been further alleviated because, as a strategy, PPMA families have involved the producers’ children—who have attained higher levels of education—in agricultural activities, or even relied on them to help access and use technological tools. Another relevant fact is ethnic self-identification: 100% of producers identify as mestizo, which is in line with the 77.5% of the national population who identify this way, although in the province of Carchi this percentage is higher, reaching 89.6% of the total population. These cultural and ethnic factors are important, as they directly influence traditional agricultural practices, and the preservation of ancestral knowledge linked to the management of Andean crops [27].

3.2. Family Aspects of PPMA Producers

The households of PPMA producers consist, on average, of 4.30 people per household, with a range of between three and five members per family. In 60% of households, at least three people actively participate in agricultural work, while 40% report the involvement of between four and five members in productive activities. This high dependence on family labor is an important element in the sustainability of the IAPSs. According to Weil et al. [28]. This organizational pattern is characteristic of subsistence agriculture in rural areas of Latin America and contributes to ensuring the continuity and efficiency of agroecological systems, where community and family labor plays a vital role in integrating traditional knowledge and sustainable agricultural practices.

The average time dedicated to agricultural work per family varies considerably, ranging from 32 to 80 h per week, with an average of 56 h. This level of dedication reflects not only the intense demands of maintaining diversified production but also the flexibility that IAPSs offer in managing work time. Focusing exclusively on fieldwork, women take a leading role in daily tasks, spending between 24 and 48 h per week (an average of 36 h) on agricultural activities. These data are consistent with the fact that women’s contribution to family farming in Latin America represents up to 60% of the labor force, and in many areas, they lead agroecological activities [29]. On the other hand, men, after finishing their paid jobs, dedicate between 10 and 20 h per week (average 15 h) (

Table 2. Main family characteristics of PPMA producers.

Producer Code	Number of Family Members per Household	Number of Household Members Actively Participating in Agricultural Work	Weekly Agricultural Working Hours per Family (h)
P1	4	3	56
P2	3	3	32
P3	4	3	70
P4	5	4	80
P5	4	4	45
P6	4	3	40
P7	5	3	55
P8	5	5	70
P9	4	3	42
P10	5	5	70

Note: P (Producer).

). In the case of young people, who balance their studies or off-farm jobs, their participation is limited to between 4 and 8 h per week (average 6 h). This differentiated level of involvement highlights how agricultural work emerges as an integral family responsibility, although the burden is distributed unequally by gender and generation [28].

Furthermore, the lower participation of young people in agricultural activities is linked to the migration trend toward urban areas, a significant phenomenon in the recent decline in labor for family farming [30]. This youth exodus not only weakens the continuity of sustainable agroecological practices but also jeopardizes the food security of rural families by significantly reducing the productive capacity of agroecological systems. This exodus poses a critical challenge for the rooting of agroecological values among new generations [31]. This phenomenon is driven by the lack of local opportunities for decent employment, the absence of access to higher education in rural areas of Carchi, and the prevailing social belief that agriculture does not offer a viable economic future.

In comparative terms, the weekly average of 56 h of agricultural work invested in the IAPSs by PPMA producers is lower than the national average estimated for family farming in Ecuador, which reaches 68.48 h per week per production unit. This difference may be associated with the smaller average size of the IAPSs in the analyzed region, as well as their diversification strategy, which allows for greater flexibility in time management. This particularity can be interpreted as an advantage within the agroecological model, as it facilitates a balance between productive demands and the family and social dynamics of the rural environment.

The high dependence on family labor, the distribution of responsibilities within households, and youth migration are factors that directly influence the application and sustainability of agroecology within the PPMA. This underscores the importance of designing policies and interventions that strengthen the roots of youth in rural communities, promote the recognition of women’s work in the agricultural sector, and ensure the adaptability of IAPSs in the face of social and economic challenges. These factors not only affect productivity but also determine the resilience and environmental impact of local agricultural systems [32].

3.3. Generalities of Integrated Agroecological Production Systems (IAPSs)

IAPSs vary significantly in size, ranging from 400 m² to 20,000 m², reflecting the diverse social and agricultural context in Ecuador’s Andean regions. On the coast, the average size of an agricultural production unit (APU) is 75,000 m², while in the mountains it is barely 3000 m², limiting the possibilities for diversification and the adoption of sustainable technologies. Land tenure is predominantly private, but approximately 10% of producers rely on borrowed or inherited land, which compromises their productive stability and hinders long-term planning.

It is evident that the average size of an IAPS reflects the typical limitations of family farming in the Andes, where small and fragmented plots negatively impact the capacity to implement agroecological practices. This situation is common in Latin America, where land scarcity has been shown to restrict crop diversification and the use of conservation technologies, impacting yield and sustainability [33]. Studies indicate that land ownership directly influences investment decisions in soil and water conservation infrastructure, as landowners are often more willing to adopt sustainable practices than those who rely on leased or borrowed land [34].

According to Cordoba et al. [35], in Ecuador, family agricultural production units vary significantly between different regions. For example, on the coast, the average size of a production unit is 75,000 m², whereas in the highlands it barely reaches 3000 m²; in an additional study, the same author indicates that the average in the highlands is 3200 m².

Fifty percent of the region’s protected areas (IAPS) are close to natural areas such as forests and moorlands, which benefits the biodiversity and resilience of the systems by facilitating key ecosystem services, such as pollination and biological pest control. The proximity to protected areas, which are mostly free from human intervention, facilitates the exchange of genetic resources and traditional knowledge, thereby strengthening the sustainability of nearby production systems. Moreover, these systems have not yet been affected by conventional agriculture, which enhances their ecological potential. However, these benefits depend on the implementation of appropriate management practices that integrate the conservation of the natural environment with agricultural production [36].

Regarding the time spent and family participation in IAPS activities, there is variability in hours dedicated, ranging from 16 to 40 h per week, with greater participation by women. Women’s contribution to family farming in Latin America represents up to 60% of the workforce, and in many areas, they lead agroecological activities [37]. The transmission of knowledge and sustainable agricultural practices between generations is a fundamental aspect of the resilience of these systems.

3.4. Agroecological Practices of PPMA Producers

3.4.1. Fertilization

Within IAPSs, soil fertilization is carried out through a systematic approach to the production of bio-inputs, avoiding the direct use of untreated animal or plant residues. An analysis of these practices reveals that 100% of producers use some type of organic fertilizer, with compost, vermicompost, and bocashi being the main formulations. For example, 25% of producers produce compost, while 37.5% produce vermicompost and bocashi. In addition, another 12.5% use vermicompost, complementing it with solid and liquid humus. Another 37.5% focus on compost production, and 12.5% combine compost with bio-fertilizer.

The production of organic inputs is based mainly on the use of crop residues, household waste, and surpluses from marketing. Regarding animal waste, guinea pig manure is the most used, followed by chicken manure, and to a lesser extent, cow manure.

The production of bio-inputs is almost entirely self-sufficient, meaning they are produced within the IAPSs; only 12.5% of producers supplement the inputs they make with organic fertilizers purchased from commercial suppliers. This commitment to organic input results in less dependence on chemical fertilizers. In fact, 25% of producers use commercial chemical fertilizers, incorporating approximately 5 kg every six months in crops such as potatoes. This group does not necessarily coincide with those who purchase organic fertilizers; in contrast, the remaining 75% rely exclusively on using self-produced organic fertilizers.

The absence of cover crops is notable among producers, who argue that their agricultural systems are in continuous rotation and do not allow for uncultivated areas. However, this practice could be beneficial for improving soil health and reducing erosion [38]. Creating bio-inputs from organic waste not only contributes to agricultural sustainability but also allows farmers to recover local knowledge about traditional practices [39].

The efficient use of bio-inputs is crucial to conserving agricultural soil quality, as it increases soil biological activity and improves its texture and structure, promoting greater resilience to climate change [40]. The trend toward sustainable production among IAPS members reflects a commitment to practices that promote both ecosystem health and the quality of agricultural products.

3.4.2. Tillage of Land

Producers in the IAPSs employ manual tillage in 100% of cases, using tools such as shovels and hoes, which implies a total absence of agricultural mechanization. This practice is common among all producers, who also highlighted the importance of intercropping their crops as a fundamental agroecological strategy. In particular, 75% of them intercrop leafy vegetable species such as lettuce (Lactuca sativa), Swiss chard (Beta vulgaris), spinach (Spinacia oleracea), and cabbage (Brassica oleracea capitata) with root crops such as radish (Raphanus sativus), beet (Beta vulgaris), oca (Oxalis tuberosa), mashua (Tropaeolum tuberosum), and potato (Solanum tuberosum), all to optimize the use of space and soil nutrients. They also emphasize the synergy between maize (Zea mays L.) and beans (Phaseolus vulgaris L.), where maize provides support for the beans, while the latter favors maize growth by fixing atmospheric nitrogen.

Additionally, 50% of producers stress the importance of associating their crops with aromatic and medicinal plants that contribute to the biological control of pests and the ecological balance of the system; among these species are cilantro (Coriandrum sativum), parsley (Petroselinum crispum), thyme (Thymus vulgaris), rue (Ruta graveolens), garlic (Allium sativum), and chamomile (Matricaria chamomilla). They also integrate fruit trees into their plots, promoting diversification and resilience in the production system. Among the most common fruit trees associated are capulí (Prunus serotina), tree tomato (Solanum betaceum), blackberry (Rubus glaucus), greengage plum (Prunus domestica), and chilacuan or Andean papaya (Vasconcellea pubescens). This functional diversity reinforces the principles of agroecology by fostering positive interactions between crops, improving soil fertility, and contributing to the sustainability of the production system.

In terms of crop rotation, 100% of producers follow a common principle aimed at the sustainability of IAPSs: after cultivating Andean tubers such as potato (Solanum tuberosum) and oca (Oxalis tuberosa), they introduce legumes such as peas (Pisum sativum) or faba beans (Vicia faba), and later sow grasses such as quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) or barley (Hordeum vulgare). This sequence is not random but responds to an agroecological logic that seeks to take advantage of the properties of these crops. For example, legumes contribute to biological nitrogen fixation, improving soil quality for the remaining cultivated plant species. In turn, grasses help reduce erosion processes. This comprehensive strategy allows for maintaining and even improving soil fertility, optimizing nutrients, and reducing the use of external inputs.

Moreover, according to Cordoba et al. [35], 92% of family units implement soil conservation practices through minimal tillage, a technique that reduces soil disturbance, preserves its natural structure, and promotes moisture retention. Together, these practices strengthen the resilience of the agricultural system and create a favorable environment for the development of the different production phases.

In ref. [31], crop rotation practices in the PPMA are essential pillars for mitigating erosion and strengthening soil resilience to adverse climate events. According to Lamino et al. [32], 75% of family farming systems have incorporated these strategies, resulting in significant improvements in soil properties such as soil depth, texture, and organic matter content.

For its part, the application of manual conservation tillage in crops such as corn not only achieves yield levels like those obtained with mechanization but also offers significant economic and environmental benefits [33]. Similarly, Lawin et al. [34] emphasize that these practices enhance nutrient availability and promote the activity of soil microbiota, consolidating its role in agricultural sustainability.

3.4.3. Irrigation

Producers in the parishes of San José, Piartal, and Fernández Salvador report annual rainfall ranging from 1750 to 3000 mm, which is crucial for the development of their crops. However, only 25% of them implement water storage practices such as reservoirs or plastic tanks to collect rainwater; the rest depend exclusively on rainfall, which makes them vulnerable to dry periods.

In the face of the challenges posed by climate change, it is essential that producers adopt water conservation measures to prevent losses in agricultural production [41]. The scarcity of rainfall during the initial stages of the planting cycle represents a critical factor that can significantly delay the vegetative development of crops, affecting their growth, vigor, and consequently reducing expected yields. This vulnerability is intensified by the increasing incidence of extreme weather events, such as prolonged droughts and sudden floods, which not only diminish agricultural productivity but also compromise food security, economic stability, and the social well-being of the most exposed rural communities [42].

Efficient water management is vital for agricultural sustainability. According to Altieri et al. [37], 92% of family production units implement minimum tillage practices, a technique that significantly contributes to preserving soil quality by reducing erosion and maintaining its structure and fertility. Furthermore, 75% adopt crop rotation and association, improving soil structure and fertility. Implementing water harvesting and storage systems could mitigate dependence on rainfall and contribute to a more resilient agriculture in the face of adverse climate events [43].

3.4.4. Management of Pests and Diseases of the Oxalis tuberosa Crop

In the management of pests and diseases of the Oxalis tuberosa crop, 62.5% of producers report the presence of a pest known as “cutzo”, which corresponds to the white worm or arador (Bothynus sp.), an insect of the order Coleoptera. Although this pest causes damage to tubers, it is relatively mild. On the other hand, 37.5% of producers have not observed pest attacks on their crops.

Regarding diseases, 37.5% have reported symptoms of rust, specifically yellow rust (Uromyces oxalidis). Despite these problems, all producers agree that Oxalis tuberosa is a resistant crop thanks to its rusticity, which aligns with the research of Gamage et al. [39], who highlight the adaptability of this tuber to adverse conditions such as low temperatures, soils with low nutrient levels, and periods of scarce rainfall. However, despite its natural resistance, producers believe that, although Oxalis tuberosa is not particularly demanding in terms of cultivation, the correct implementation of these practices is beneficial.

For pest control, producers use botanical insecticides made from macerated tobacco, onion, garlic, and chili peppers, combined with alcohol and detergent. For disease control, they apply copper-based preventative fungicides. They also emphasize the importance of crop management as part of integrated pest and disease management, highlighting crop rotation and the use of repellent plants.

For the producers interviewed, none of the sanitary control mechanisms are effective unless they are implemented together. They emphasize that the combination of botanical insecticides, cultural practices, and preventive controls is essential to minimize the presence of pathogens as much as possible. This demonstrates that they have an accurate understanding of the importance of integrated pest and disease management.

According to Khan et al. [40], integrated management has proven to be an efficient strategy for the control of pests and diseases in crops, as it combines cultural, biological, and chemical practices to keep pathogen levels below harmful thresholds. Cong et al. [44] point out that adequate management of plant health problems is key to achieving sustainability in family production systems. In this context, the implementation of practices such as crop rotation and field sanitation is fundamental for the effective control of Oxalis tuberosa. Furthermore, the importance of timely harvesting and planting mashua along the edges of the fields is highlighted as a preventive measure against the presence of insects and fungi [45].

3.4.5. IAPS Structure

The IAPSs of the producers exhibit great agrobiodiversity, incorporating a variety of native, traditional, and commercial genetic materials. These production units are structured with a comprehensive agricultural approach that encompasses not only crop diversity but also animal husbandry, contributing to the creation of resilient agroecosystems. The interaction between plant and animal species favors the sustainability and stability of production.

The IAPSs managed by the producers exhibit remarkable agrobiodiversity, incorporating a wide range of native, creole, and commercial genetic materials. These production units are structured with an integrated agricultural-livestock approach, encompassing not only crop diversity but also animal husbandry, which contributes to the creation of resilient agroecosystems. The interaction between plant and animal species promotes the sustainability and stability of production systems.

Regarding agricultural structure, 62.5% of producers have small forests within their SIPAs, with areas ranging from 50 to 1000 m². Among the most common tree species are alder (Alnus acuminata), black wattle (Acacia melanoxylon), and eucalyptus (Eucalyptus globulus). In terms of crops, producers cultivate between 20 and 35 varieties, with a predominance of short-cycle species. For clarity, they have been classified into six groups: vegetables, legumes, grasses, Andean tubers, fruits, and medicinal spice plants. Among the most grown vegetables are lettuce (Lactuca sativa), broccoli (Brassica oleracea var. italica), collard greens (Brassica oleracea var. viridis), Welsh onion (Allium fistulosum), beet (Beta vulgaris), and radish (Raphanus sativus). The legumes cultivated include peas (Pisum sativum), common beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), and fava beans (Vicia faba). In the grass group, quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) stands out. Within the medicinal and spice plants group are chamomile (Matricaria chamomilla), rue (Ruta graveolens), basil (Ocimum basilicum), thyme (Thymus vulgaris), mint (Mentha piperita), coriander (Coriandrum sativum), and parsley (Petroselinum crispum).

Seventy-five percent of the producers cultivate natural pastures in their IAPSs; the main species include kikuyu grass (Pennisetum clandestinum), ryegrass (Lolium perenne), plantain (Plantago major), clover (Trifolium spp.), and alfalfa (Medicago sativa). Alfalfa is used mainly as feed for guinea pigs, while the other pastures are supplied to small livestock and cattle.

Regarding Andean tubers, the most important are the potato (Solanum tuberosum), with both native and commercial varieties, melloco (Ullucus tuberosus), oca (Oxalis tuberosa), and mashua (Tropaeolum tuberosum). A notable aspect is the biocultural memory of PPMA members related to the cultivation of Oxalis tuberosa. This species is traditionally planted in mini plots alongside other tubers, alternating its association in each agricultural cycle: if in one cycle it is grown with Solanum tuberosum, in the following one it will be grown with Ullucus tuberosus, and in the next with Tropaeolum tuberosum, thus maintaining an agroecological rotation that preserves diversity and soil health.

Regarding livestock farming, 37.5% of producers raise animals in their small-scale livestock farms, particularly guinea pigs and native chickens. This activity not only diversifies their income but also enriches the family diet and improves economic sustainability by allowing for the marketing of surpluses.

Several studies support the value of this agricultural structure in IAPSs. According to Iderawumi et al. [42], family systems aligned with agroecological practices enhance agrobiodiversity, optimize local resources, and contribute to resilience to environmental changes. For example, Grigorieva et al. [43] document 46 plant species in commercial production in the Northern Inter-Andean Valley of Ecuador, highlighting the dynamic role of family farmers as custodians of agricultural genetic diversity. Furthermore, Halloy et al. [46] indicate that these models not only preserve cultural identity but also the traditions inherent to Andean agriculture. Additionally, Halloy et al. [46] highlight their key role in seed conservation by integrating and valuing both local and commercial varieties.

Thus, smallholder family farming systems are the key drivers of food security, employment, and the rural economy, as they foster development and competitiveness through productive alliances and agroecological practices that enhance agrobiodiversity. Consequently, these production models are rich in diverse outputs. According to Heredia-R et al. [47], this form of agriculture establishes sustainable production systems that respect both scientific knowledge and ancestral traditions, as noted by Vázquez-Delfin et al. [48]. For the FAO, family farmers are the bearers of ancestral agroecological practices and play a fundamental role in preserving agrobiodiversity within their fields, operating as interconnected subsystems that optimize resource use and minimize dependence on external inputs [49].

3.4.6. Importance and Characterization of the Cultivation of Oxalis tuberosa

The cultivation of Oxalis tuberosa is highly valued by regional producers, who consider it healthy and nutritious food. Oxalis tuberosa is cultivated organically, reinforcing its value within healthy and sustainable dietary practices, and contributing to its recognition as an essential component of the family diet. According to the producers, 80% grow Oxalis tuberosa mainly for their families’ consumption, while the remaining 20%, in addition to using it for family consumption, sell the surplus at the Feria Solidaria de San Gabriel, a well-known market in the Montúfar canton that promotes agroecological products.

The cultivation of Oxalis tuberosa is classified as a functional food due to its nutritional content, which includes proteins, antioxidants, carbohydrates, minerals, and antimicrobial properties [50]. Alternative marketing channels, such as fairs, are crucial for rural development, fostering awareness-based connections between producers and consumers. In fact, the 20% of producers who sell their surplus in these spaces help build relationships with consumers and promote the economic sustainability of rural families [51]. Encouraging an increase in production could enhance sales opportunities without compromising family food security.

The cultivation of Oxalis tuberosa has been passed down from generation to generation, with 60% of producers indicating that they have grown this tuber since childhood. Forty percent have been cultivating this tuber since 2011, following the implementation of the IAPS production model. Interest in agroecological practices has grown, and 80% of producers have diversified their production, which was previously focused on potatoes and pastures. From a cultural perspective, Oxalis tuberosa is regarded as a heritage crop reflecting the beliefs and customs of the Pasto and Quillasinga cultures, where its cultivation has been preserved as a legacy. Furthermore, 90% of producers agree that preserving its genetic material is essential to ensuring the future sustainability of the crop [52]. According to Zurita et al. [17], in the worldview of the Pasto and Quillasinga cultures, which form part of the cultural identity of Nariño and Carchi, their territories hold ancestral wisdom that has been passed down through time. Therefore, agricultural activities are considered a heritage of beliefs and customs transmitted from generation to generation, especially within family plots. According to Pissard et al. [18], in the specific case of the Andean tuber Oxalis tuberosa, it is preserved and cultivated from a social perspective, which justifies its perpetuation and value as a cultural inheritance. This process has promoted the conservation of genetic material through ancestral agroecological practices, ensuring its sustainability for future generations. It is important to emphasize that, from a spiritual perspective, seeds are valued as a legacy that connects them with their ancestors. In agronomic terms, Oxalis tuberosa is grown in specific areas, and its growth is favored by cultural practices such as hilling, which are carried out in two stages: 60 and 90 days after planting. This technique, vital for tuber formation, involves covering the base of the plant with soil, providing support and firmness [53]. Regular crop rotation is another key practice for preventing pests and diseases.

In contrast to other Andean countries such as Bolivia, Peru, and Colombia, where more than 12 varieties of Oxalis tuberosa have been identified in agricultural production units, the province of Carchi lacks research supported by molecular markers that would allow for precise characterization of its varieties. For this reason, in the present study, identification is carried out based on groups or ecotypes [54].

During research in the San Gabriel region, two ecotypes of Oxalis tuberosa have been identified: blanca and chaucha (Figure 3). Seventy percent of producers cultivate the blanca ecotype, which is characterized by its cylindrical shape and pink buds during the sweetening process, while thirty percent grow the chaucha ecotype, which has a yellow-cream tuber and reddish buds. Both ecotypes are resistant to pests and adverse climatic conditions but do not tolerate extreme frosts. Seed availability comes mainly from family members and exchanges at fairs. The blanca ecotypes of Oxalis tuberosa have higher yields, reaching between 400 and 500 kg/ha, compared to the chaucha ecotypes, whose yields range from 250 to 350 kg/ha. However, chaucha ecotypes have a shorter growing cycle, of approximately 180 days, while blanca ecotypes may require up to 210 days to mature.

Local knowledge about the types of Oxalis tuberosa is limited and often confused due to the loss of some ecotypes of Oxalis tuberosa that used to be cultivated; it is important to note that the ecotypes are described through references from informants. In the San Gabriel area, three ecotypes were identified: blanca, chaucha, and señorita, with chaucha being the preferred one. The blanca ecotype shows higher yields at elevated altitudes and has a greater storage capacity compared to the chaucha. However, the latter develops in less time. The most visible characteristic of the chaucha ecotype is its yellow-cream tuber, which presents pink spots on the buds. This ecotype of Oxalis tuberosa is considered to sweeten better and is more desirable in the culinary field; nevertheless, it is more delicate and requires more care, for example, it easily rots if it is bumped. Both the blanca and chaucha ecotypes have a higher commercial demand in Carchi, in contrast to the señorita ecotype, which is pink with white buds and, due to its low acceptance, is gradually disappearing [55].

Regarding its use, 90% of producers allocate this tuber for family consumption, preparing it in soups, salads, and beverages, after sweetening it by exposing it to the sun for 8 to 12 days, depending on the amount of sunlight available. Planting is carried out throughout the year, responding to constant demand at fairs, although in limited quantities. According to Oxalis tuberosa producers, it is essential for the subsistence of Andean farmers, not only because of its nutritional value and adaptation to adverse agroecological conditions, but also due to its role in the food security of rural families. Despite its low commercial demand, its cultivation persists as a strategy for self-sufficiency and cultural resilience in the high Andean regions. However, the decline in its cultivation has been recognized as detrimental to food sovereignty [55].

Seed management is carried out carefully, avoiding those with phytosanitary problems and prioritizing seeds of average size; selection is based not only on technical criteria but also on traditional knowledge passed down from generation to generation. Separating farmer seeds helps prevent phytosanitary problems in the crop, improve productivity, and preserve the desired characteristics of local varieties. Moreover, this process reflects a practice deeply connected to farmers’ knowledge and their capacity to adapt to changing conditions. This conservation process, which involves rural women in 80% of cases, is essential to maintaining the cultural heritage and agricultural biodiversity in the region [56].

Rural women are primarily responsible for caring for seeds within their family production units. In most cases, seed management is carried out based on their knowledge, agricultural practices, and the traditions of each community. The process of conserving Oxalis tuberosa seeds is traditional and utilizes the resources available within the production unit [54].

3.5. Biocultural Aspects of PPMA Producers

The biocultural memory of PPMA members who cultivate Oxalis tuberosa in their IAPSs is preserved through traditional agricultural practices, passed down from generation to generation and focused mainly on soil conservation and the observance of ancestral agroecological patterns. This aligns with Swiderska et al. [57], who describe IAPSs as traditional systems that integrate ancestral knowledge and combine productive objectives with social and environmental responsibilities, within the framework of agroecology. The first of these practices is soil preparation using a team of oxen and a reversible wooden plow, which cuts and turns the land, forming blocks of compacted earth that are left in the field for approximately two months. This technique not only protects the soil structure but also encourages its regeneration. The second practice, known as huacho rozado, involves cutting the pasture into rectangular sections approximately 35 cm wide by 55 cm long, called chamba. These sections are folded inward, forming ridges that improve water and nutrient retention, making this practice one of the most effective soil conservation strategies [58]. Additionally, this technique is used to convert old pasture into new crops, achieving yields equal to or higher than those of conventional tillage. Finally, farmers follow the lunar calendar to guide their agricultural work. Thus, they plant leafy or flowering vegetables during the waxing phase, harvest during the full moon to take advantage of the moment when they believe the fruits reach their optimal size, and plant tubers in the last two days of the lunar cycle. This use of the lunar calendar as an agroecological guide reflects a profound biocultural approach, which not only preserves the biodiversity of the Oxalis tuberosa crop, but also the ancestral knowledge that underpins the agricultural identity of these communities [59].

The members of the PPMA continue to cultivate Oxalis tuberosa for three main reasons: as a tradition and tribute to their relatives, for family consumption, and to protect the environment, since they consider this crop to be hardy, not requiring agrochemicals, and also beneficial for improving soil structure. However, if actions are not taken to preserve the local genetic material of this tuber, it will be lost; according to their recollections, the ecotype known as amarillo largo, or señorita, has already disappeared due to its bitter taste when prepared. These social and environmental criteria are consistent with those presented by Paredes et al. [60] regarding the purposes of maintaining smallholder family farms.

PPMA members emphasize the importance of continuing integration activities among partners, such as mingas (small farms), bartering, fairs, and other spaces that facilitate the exchange of local seeds, because these actions have reduced the risk of losing their local genetic material. The producers interviewed expressed the need to continue cultivating these Andean tubers because it helps preserve the identity of their communities; according to their memories, their childhood eating habits were more nutritious and sustained true food sovereignty. The importance of these practices and their preservation aligns with what has been stated by Velasco et al. [61], who point out that mingas and bartering are fundamental practices for the Misak community (Popayán, Colombia), as they strengthen solidarity, territorial integration, and cultural, social, and economic exchange, while also contributing to the preservation of agrobiodiversity in their territories. However, the consumption of foods not sourced from their IAPSs and purchased in cities has been increasing among PPMA families, with products such as rice and soft drinks displacing the consumption of Oxalis tuberosa, which was traditionally consumed with protein, such as meat, or milk.

4. Conclusions

The research conducted on Oxalis tuberosa in the Montúfar canton, Carchi province, highlights its importance for family food security, agroecological sustainability, and the preservation of the biocultural memory of high Andean communities. Of the 33 members of the PPMA, 90% are women, who play a crucial role in the production and conservation of this tuber, while only 10% are men. The production of Oxalis tuberosa in family plots is based on the implementation of ancestral agricultural practices, such as the use of oxen and wooden plows, known as huacho rozado, and planting according to the lunar calendar, which help conserve the soil and protect biodiversity.

From a sustainability perspective, it can be noted that the members have undergone a 10-year training process in agroecological topics, as they carry out soil conservation practices. Of these members, 62.5% fertilize their integrated agroecological production systems using bio-inputs such as compost and vermicompost, while only 25% use chemical fertilizers. Soil tillage is minimal, and 100% of the members do it manually using shovels and hoes, which means there is a total absence of agricultural mechanization.

Eighty percent of the Oxalis tuberosa produced is destined for self-consumption, and only 20% is sold at local fairs, highlighting its role as a family food and a form of cultural heritage from their ancestors. In terms of time, families dedicate an average of 56 h per week to agricultural activities, with a notable female contribution of 36 h compared to 15 h by men. In addition, cultivation includes two main ecotypes, blanca (70%) and chaucha (30%), both of which are resistant to pests but vulnerable to extreme frosts. These figures demonstrate that Oxalis tuberosa is not only key for food sovereignty but also contributes to the biocultural identity of the communities, reinforcing the need for inclusive agricultural policies that promote the sustainability and resilience of these agroecological systems.

The Producampo Association is the only organization that sells Oxalis tuberosa at direct farmer fairs in San Gabriel, which posed a methodological limitation by restricting the sample size and concentrating information in a small group of producers. Furthermore, the prolonged participation of its members in training processes on integrated agroecological production systems led to repetitive and homogeneous responses during interviews. Despite these limitations, the study constitutes a relevant scientific contribution for the province of Carchi, as it analyzes for the first time the importance of this Andean tuber from an agroecological and biocultural perspective. The results obtained lay the foundation for future research that, with interdisciplinary approaches and greater diversity of actors, may deepen the knowledge about Oxalis tuberosa, its genetic conservation, and its role in food sovereignty and the cultural identity of high Andean communities.