Space Personalization as a Catalyst for Sustainable Aging in Place: Enhancing Elderly Autonomy Through Culturally Adaptive Housing in Jordan

Abstract

In Jordan, where aging at home reflects Islamic cultural values, elderly populations face housing environments that fail to meet their needs, challenging sustainable aging-in-place objectives. This study explores how space personalization enhances autonomy and control among Jordan’s elderly using a mixed-methods approach combining surveys and interviews across multiple governorates. Findings reveal that space personalization strengthens elders’ sense of control over daily activities and household decisions, with private room allocation emerging as particularly significant. While conflicts between generations present barriers to control, cherished objects, such as heirlooms and religious artifacts, play a vital role in maintaining emotional connections and territorial identity. The study highlights the need for culturally sensitive housing modifications that respect cultural traditions while addressing practical needs, recommending community-based care programs and intergenerational dialogue initiatives. These insights contribute to sustainable urban development strategies that support dignified aging while preserving socio-cultural heritage, offering lessons for similar communities facing rapid demographic transitions.

1. Introduction

The global population is undergoing an unprecedented demographic transformation, with the proportion of individuals aged 60+ projected to reach 22% by 2050, nearly doubling from 2015 levels [1]. This shift is particularly pronounced in Arab nations, where the elderly population is expected to surge from 22 million in 2010 to 103 million by 2050 due to declining fertility rates and increasing life expectancy [1,2]. Jordan exemplifies this transition, facing a critical tension between deeply rooted Islamic cultural norms that emphasize familial caregiving [3] and housing infrastructures that fail to accommodate the needs of older adults [4].

In Arab societies, aging at home reflects both cultural values and practical necessity. The Quranic injunction to honor thy parents, Surah Al-Isra 17:23, underpins a social contract where multigenerational living remains the norm [5]. However, this cultural preference collides with housing designs that often lack basic accessibility features such as grab bars, non-slip flooring, or single-floor layouts [6]. Compounding this mismatch, gendered spatial practices frequently limit elderly women’s autonomy in domestic spaces [7], while intergenerational conflicts over space use can undermine elders’ sense of control [8,9]. The result is a paradox of a society that venerates aging in place, but provides few mechanisms to make homes functionally or emotionally supportive of its elderly population.

Environmental psychology offers critical insights into resolving this dilemma through the concept of personalization—the modification of living spaces to reflect individual identity and needs. Grounded in territoriality theory [10], research demonstrates that personalized environments enhance autonomy and well-being by serving three key functions: maintaining biographical continuity through cherished objects [11], enabling spatial control via furniture arrangements [12], and regulating social boundaries in shared spaces [13]. Western studies have documented how personalization mitigates institutionalization effects in care facilities [14] and sustains independence among community-dwelling elders [15]. However, these findings remain largely untested in Arab–Islamic contexts where communal living, religious practices, and economic constraints create unique spatial dynamics [3].

This study addresses three critical gaps in existing knowledge. First, while research on Middle Eastern aging has focused predominantly on familial caregiving roles [9] or health disparities [2], it has overlooked the interplay between spatial autonomy and cultural identity. Second, no empirical work has examined how Islamic values shape personalization practices in multigenerational homes [5]. Third, policy discussions have failed to bridge traditional caregiving norms with evidence-based housing adaptations suitable for Jordan’s urbanizing landscape [4].

Our research makes four substantive contributions. As the first national study of elderly housing adaptation in Jordan, we employ a mixed-methods approach combining surveys (n = 587) with in-depth interviews across seven governorates to (1) quantify the relationship between personalization and perceived control, (2) identify cultural-specific mediators, such as heirloom displays and gendered space use, (3) analyze how socio-economic factors including household composition and private room access moderate these effects, and (4) propose policy frameworks for adaptive traditionalism that aim to design solutions that honor Islamic values while meeting international standards for age-friendly cities.

The study advances theoretical understanding by contextualizing environmental gerontology [6] within Islamic spatial ethics, demonstrating how objects such as prayer mats (sajjada) or coffee implements (dallah) function simultaneously as biographical anchors [16] and territorial markers [10]. Practically, we propose adaptive traditionalism that designs solutions that reconcile Islamic values with age-friendly standards, offering a model for the Global South. By documenting both the constraining and enabling factors of personalization in culturally grounded contexts, we aim to catalyze a new paradigm in sustainable urban development—one that harmonizes traditional care systems with evidence-based design innovations.

2. Literature Review

This research will extend to linking issues of culture, housing, and community development in relation to the elderly.

2.1. Cultural Foundations and Spatial Realities of Aging-in-Place

This research examines the intersection of Islamic cultural values, housing conditions, and community development for Jordan’s aging population, set against a backdrop of rapid demographic change. Arab societies face profound transformations, with elderly populations projected to rise from 7% in 2010 to 19% by 2050 [1,2], occurring within a distinctive cultural context where Islamic principles elevate filial piety to sacred obligation [5,17]. The Quranic injunction to honor parents (Surah Al-Isra 17:23) establishes multigenerational cohabitation as both religious duty and social expectation [5,18], creating what scholars term a gerontological social contract [2]. The comparative study of four Arab countries by [2] demonstrates that the projected rise in elderly populations (7% to 19% by 2050) occurs alongside paradoxical trends: 89% of families still practice multigenerational care despite urban migration eroding traditional support systems—a tension acutely visible in Jordan’s governorates. While elders maintain venerated status, their actual autonomy varies significantly by gender—women provide approximately 83% of hands-on care [3,19] while men assume financial responsibilities [9,19]. Gendered spatial practices frequently limit elderly women’s autonomy, with women’s personalization efforts confined to private spaces [18], while men dominate shared areas [20]. Ref. [21] analyzes Najdi courtyard homes in Saudi Arabia, demonstrating how Islamic spatial principles (e.g., gendered privacy zones, thermal regulation) can inform adaptable housing designs for Jordan’s elderly, particularly in rural areas, where 58% of our participants reported using courtyards for daily rituals. Jordan’s cultural resistance to institutionalization reflects both Islamic values [22] and global trends favoring autonomy [23], though local adaptations manifest uniquely through (1) multigenerational cohabitation as religious practice [22], and (2) gendered spatial negotiations [24]. This aversion mirrors broader global patterns where minority communities, including Arab populations [25], reject institutional care due to fears of cultural erasure, further reinforcing multigenerational living as both a preference and a safeguard of identity. As modern housing shifts toward nuclear family units [26], traditional structures erode, leaving many elders in spatially incompatible dwellings [27], with urban migration in particular disrupting care networks for elderly women facing both physical constraints and gendered spatial restrictions [7,28].

The global gerontology literature recognizes aging in place as crucial for life satisfaction [29], yet Jordan’s housing landscape presents unique challenges that complicate Western models of elderly independence [30]. Approximately 89% of Jordanian homes lack basic safety features (author survey data), while multilevel designs exacerbate mobility issues [31,32]. The concept of aging in neighborhoods [33] proves particularly challenging in Jordan’s fragmented urban environments, where inadequate public transportation isolates elders [34] and high-density housing often prioritizes aesthetics over accessibility [6]. This crisis manifests differently across Jordan’s urban–rural divide—rural homes typically offer adaptable courtyard spaces [35], while Amman’s apartments enforce rigid, unmodifiable layouts [20], correlating strongly with decreased mobility and social isolation [36]. The resulting spatial dissonance, where cultural expectations of familial care confront unsuitable physical environments, forms the crucible for examining personalization as an adaptive strategy [10,16], highlighting divergent global priorities as Western aging populations often emphasize safety over cultural symbolism [37]. This complex interplay between Islamic cultural foundations and contemporary spatial realities frames our investigation into how personalization mediates these tensions in Jordanian households.

While Western research prioritizes individual autonomy in aging [29], Middle Eastern studies highlight communal adaptation [2]. Our work bridges this divide by examining how Jordanian elders negotiate [10] boundary regulation within Islamic spatial norms, where privacy (ḥijāb) and hospitality (ḍiyāfa) coexist [3]. This resolves a key gap in environmental gerontology’s overreliance on secular models [38].

2.2. Personalization and Control as Resistance and Identity Preservation

Grounded in environmental psychology [10,13] and material culture studies [39], personalization theory posits that modifying living spaces asserts agency and maintains identity. In Jordanian households, this process takes three culturally specific forms: First, sacred spatial marking through religious artifacts creates pockets of autonomy. Displayed Qur’anic verses, prayer mats (sajjada), and incense burners (bakhour) transform mundane areas into spiritually charged territories [40]. Our research found that 68% of surveyed elders maintain such devotional displays despite space constraints. Cherished objects, such as heirlooms or religious artifacts, serve as ‘externalized selves’ [12], maintaining identity amid physical decline.

Second, biographical anchoring through heirlooms sustains personal narratives. Traditional coffee sets (dallah), woven textiles (a’abayeh), and photo albums serve as externalized selves [16,41], with 72% of interviewees describing these objects as custodians of memory. This aligns with [42] findings on possessions as identity buffers during life transitions. Objects such as coffee sets (dallah) function as biographical anchors [39], bridging past and present identities. Photo albums or wedding gifts act as ‘identity buffers’ during life transitions [42], particularly when intergenerational conflicts arise [19].

Third, functional reclamation adapts spaces to aging bodies. Lightweight prayer stools, repurposed storage nooks, and rearranged furniture constitute subtle resistance against physical limitations [43,44]. As documented in the journal Buildings, such micro-adaptations prove particularly vital for women in gender-segregated spaces [24]. Like elderly in Indian care homes [45], Jordanian elders repurpose storage nooks for prayer spaces—a practice reported by 43% of interviewed women—blending functional adaptation with spiritual meaning.

Sustainable solutions must address Islamic spatial norms [5] while embracing adaptable designs, as demonstrated in Saudi housing adaptations [27]. Jordanian elders negotiate [10] boundary regulation within Islamic privacy norms (ḥijāb), requiring culturally sensitive adaptations [35].

2.2.1. Territoriality and Psychological Ownership

Territoriality, as articulated by [10], refers to the human instinct to demarcate and control spaces, transforming impersonal environments into personalized territories imbued with meaning. Similarly, [46] demonstrates how place attachment among Indigenous elders reinforces territorial control through curated objects, paralleling Jordanian practices where displays of religious artifacts (e.g., Quranic calligraphy) assert spiritual ownership despite shared spaces. The concept of ‘dwelling’ in Ref. [47] extends this further, framing territoriality not just as boundary-marking but as an existential act of ‘being-in-the-world’. For Jordanian elders, arranging heirlooms or prayer corners (sajjada) becomes a way to inhabit their homes authentically amid generational shifts. For elderly individuals, territorial control is not merely functional but deeply symbolic, acting as a buffer against the disempowerment often associated with aging. In Jordanian households, this manifests through spatial practices, such as rearranging furniture, displaying religious artifacts (e.g., prayer mats, Quranic calligraphy), or preserving heirlooms, such as handwoven textiles (Aabayeh) and coffee-making tools (Dallah) [12,43]. These markers serve dual purposes: they reinforce cultural identity and assert the individual’s enduring role within the household.

Psychological ownership—the feeling that a space or object is mine—further enhances autonomy. Ref. [16] argues that possessions act as externalized selves, anchoring identity and continuity in the face of physical or social decline. For Jordan’s elderly, this is evident in the meticulous curation of personal spaces, such as bedrooms or prayer corners, where objects, such as family photographs, vintage furniture, or handmade crafts, are arranged to reflect lifelong narratives [48]. Such practices are not passive but deliberate acts of resistance against marginalization, particularly in multigenerational homes where younger family members may dominate shared spaces [7,20]. Material possessions extend beyond functionality to embody ‘the self’ [39], a concept amplified in Jordan’s collectivist culture.

2.2.2. Macro- vs. Micro-Personalization: Adapting to Constraints

Personalization operates on a spectrum, ranging from structural modifications (macro) to decorative adjustments (micro). In Jordan, macro-level changes, such as installing ramps, widening doorways, or creating single-floor layouts, are rare due to fixed architectural designs and financial constraints [31]. Micro-adaptations’ efficacy aligns with global evidence that minor home modifications significantly reduce care dependency [49]. However, micro-level adaptations thrive as accessible alternatives, including aesthetic modifications, such as painting walls with culturally significant motifs, hanging family portraits, or displaying ceramics inherited across generations [50,51]. Functional adjustments also play a key role, such as rearranging furniture to improve accessibility, using lightweight stools for prayer, or repurposing storage spaces into meditation nooks [8,44]. Additionally, ritualistic markers contribute to personalization, such as burning incense (Bakhour) to sanctify spaces or placing religious texts in prominent areas to signal spiritual authority [40,42]. While structural changes remain rare in Jordan due to financial constraints [31], universal design principles [52] highlight how even minor adaptations, such as lever-style door handles or adjustable shelving, can enhance accessibility without compromising cultural aesthetics, offering a viable middle ground for low-income households.

These micro-adaptations, though subtle, are potent acts of agency. They enable elderly individuals to negotiate their presence in shared environments, particularly in homes where communal living norms prioritize collective needs over individual preferences [13,53].

2.2.3. Cherished Objects: Anchors of Identity and Continuity

Cherished possession objects imbued with emotional, historical, or symbolic value play a pivotal role in sustaining autonomy. In Jordanian households, these objects often include heirlooms, such as handcrafted carpets, traditional coffee sets (Mehmas and Dlal), or agricultural tools, passed down through generations [54,55]. As [56] found in Western contexts, our Jordanian participants also used heirlooms (e.g., dallah coffee sets) to assert biographical continuity, but with a 27% higher prevalence, underscoring Islamic culture’s emphasis on intergenerational material heritage [2]. Religious artifacts also hold deep significance, such as prayer beads (Masbaha), framed verses from the Quran, or pilgrimage souvenirs (Hajj memorabilia) [57,58]. Additionally, biographical items, such as wedding albums, military medals, or handwritten letters, serve as tangible narrators of personal and collective histories [41,59]. These possessions not only reinforce identity but also foster a sense of continuity and belonging within the home.

These objects function as biographical anchors, connecting the elderly to their past while legitimizing their role in the present [11,56]. Cherished possessions act as emotional anchors, aligning with [60] concept of place attachment, transcending physical structures to encompass deeply personal material cultures. For example, a Dallah (traditional coffee pot) displayed in a living room not only reflects aesthetic preferences but also symbolizes the elder’s authority in hosting guests and upholding Bedouin traditions [2]. Conversely, the loss or removal of such objects—whether due to downsizing or familial disputes—can trigger profound grief, akin to losing fragments of the self [12,61].

2.2.4. Barriers to Personalization in Jordanian Contexts

Despite its benefits, personalization is constrained by socio-cultural and structural factors. Traditional gender roles often limit women’s ability to modify shared spaces, such as living rooms, which tend to be dominated by male family members, reinforcing gendered spatial dynamics [7,62]. Gendered restrictions persist, with women’s personalization limited to bedrooms [18], reinforcing patriarchal spatial hierarchies [7]. Intergenerational conflicts further complicate personalization, as younger generations may dismiss elderly preferences as outdated, creating tensions over space allocation, such as converting a parent’s storage room into a home office [19,63]. Economic limitations also pose significant barriers, with low-income households lacking the resources for even minor modifications and often relying on familial support, which can inadvertently erode autonomy [6,64]. Additionally, fixed housing designs in urban areas like Amman prioritize modern aesthetics over adaptability, featuring narrow doorways and multi-level layouts that hinder mobility and limit personalization efforts [6,32]. These intersecting constraints highlight the complex challenges individuals face in shaping their living environments.

2.3. Socio-Economic Factors: Gender, Household Dynamics, and Resource Access

The capacity of elderly individuals to personalize their living environments and maintain control is fundamentally shaped by intersecting socio-economic forces and cultural norms. Scholarly research consistently identifies gender as a primary determinant of spatial agency, with studies documenting how Jordanian women face significantly constrained autonomy due to traditional domestic roles [7]. While men typically exercise greater authority over shared spaces, such as living rooms and courtyards, women’s personalization efforts remain largely confined to private bedrooms and kitchens [20,62]. Household composition emerges as another critical factor, with scholars noting how overcrowded multigenerational residences characteristic of lower-income Jordanian families limit opportunities for meaningful spatial customization [2,64].

Economic capital constitutes perhaps the most decisive mediator, generating pronounced stratification in elderly autonomy. Research demonstrates that while affluent households can implement structural adaptations, such as ramps or bathroom grab bars, financially constrained elders must rely on more limited micro-adjustments, such as furniture rearrangement or decorative displays [8,63]. Cultural conceptions of dignity further compound these material limitations, as multiple studies have established how possessions function as identity moorings, creating psychological resistance to downsizing or space-sharing arrangements [54,55]. Ref. [9] surveyed 1200 caregivers, quantifying this cultural tension; 72% of respondents insisted on keeping elders’ possessions despite space constraints, with 68% linking object retention to family honor—a pattern mirroring our Jordanian findings (71% object attachment in crowded households). The literature also documents frequent intergenerational tensions when younger household members dismiss elders’ spatial preferences as antiquated, with these conflicts being particularly acute in rapidly urbanizing contexts [8,19]. Recent research in sustainability science underscores how these socio-economic factors intersect to shape elderly living experiences [65], highlighting the need for culturally grounded policy approaches.

2.4. Synthesis and Research Gap

While global literature extensively examines aging in place and personalization, few studies contextualize these concepts within Arab–Islamic frameworks. Existing work focuses on familial caregiving [9] or health disparities [2], while few explore how objects sustain autonomy [12]. This study addresses this gap from neglecting the interplay between spatial autonomy, cultural identity, and socio-economic constraints. This review underscores the urgency of reimagining Jordan’s housing policies through a dual lens: preserving Islamic values of familial care while embracing sustainable, adaptable designs that empower the elderly.

The interplay between personalization and control underscores the need for culturally sensitive housing policies, requiring environmental psychology frameworks [10,43] to be adapted to Arab contexts where communal living and Islamic values fundamentally shape spatial practices. By bridging theory with cultural praxis, this study advances a holistic understanding of personalization as both a psychological necessity and a catalyst for sustainable aging in place. While prior research has focused on health disparities [2] or caregiving roles [9], this study makes distinct contributions by analyzing personalization patterns in Islamic households, examining how socioeconomic factors mediate spatial control, and proposing innovative policy solutions that embrace adaptive traditionalism, such as modular majlis seating designs that balance cultural preservation with functional flexibility. These insights offer new pathways for housing policies that respect cultural traditions while addressing contemporary needs for personal autonomy.

Conceptual Framework

The study is anchored in a conceptual model linking space personalization (independent variable) to overall sense of control (dependent variable), mediated by socio-economic characteristics and age-group conflicts (confounding variables). The framework synthesizes theories from environmental psychology [10] and socio-cultural gerontology [16] to posit that territorial markers (e.g., cherished objects, furniture arrangements) enhance autonomy by fostering psychological ownership.

Our conceptual model synthesizes three theoretical strands, as shown in Figure 1. Environmental gerontology [6] provides the foundation for understanding how physical adaptations support aging in place. Islamic urban sociology [5] illuminates how religious values shape spatial practices. Place attachment theory [16] explains the psychological mechanisms linking material culture to identity preservation.

Our conceptual framework (Figure 1) illustrates how these theories converge to demonstrate personalization’s mediating role between macro-level constraints (urban design, family structure) and micro-level practices (object display, spatial rearrangement), ultimately producing two key outcomes: territorial control, measured through household decision-making continuity, and sustained through curated possessions that bridge past and present selves. As depicted in Figure 1, personalization enhances control through macro constraints, such as urban design and family structure, while micro-adaptations, such as furniture arranging and object displays, facilitate territorial control through household decision-making processes. Simultaneously, biographical continuity is maintained through cherished possessions that serve as symbolic markers, including religious items and heritage objects. These processes are mediated by socioeconomic factors, such as income and household size, as well as cultural norms encompassing gender roles and familial piety, collectively shaping how individuals navigate and personalize their living environments.

This study employs a sequential mixed-methods design to examine how space personalization influences elderly autonomy in Jordanian households. Grounded in [10] territoriality theory and [16] biographical anchoring, the research first quantifies relationships between personalization and perceived control through surveys of 587 elderly residents across seven governorates. Eight hypotheses are tested, addressing socio-economic moderators and intergenerational dynamics. Qualitative interviews (n = 35) then contextualize these findings, exploring how Islamic values and material culture mediate spatial autonomy. Together, these phases advance a model of ‘adaptive traditionalism’—balancing cultural preservation with evidence-based housing solutions.

3. Research Methods

3.1. Research Design

This study adopted a sequential explanatory mixed-methods design [66] to investigate the relationship between space personalization and elderly autonomy in Jordan, combining quantitative surveys with qualitative interviews to achieve both statistical breadth and contextual depth. The first phase involved structured surveys administered to a stratified random sample of 587 elderly participants across seven governorates, achieving an 84% response rate and utilizing 5-point Likert scales to measure personalization practices and perceived control.

Building on these quantitative findings, the second phase employed purposive sampling to conduct in-depth interviews with 35 participants representing both high and low levels of control, with the resulting data analyzed thematically using NVivo software version 12 [67]. This methodological approach allowed for the identification of statistical patterns in personalization behaviors while also capturing the lived experiences and adaptive strategies of elderly Jordanians within their domestic environments. By integrating numerical data with narrative insights, the study provides a comprehensive understanding of how spatial modifications influence autonomy in later life, ensuring that generalizable trends are grounded in culturally specific meanings and practices.

3.2. Hypotheses of the Study

Guided by environmental psychology [10] and socio-cultural gerontology [16], the study tested seven hypotheses derived from environmental psychology and socio-cultural theories, structured as follows.

Primary Hypothesis:

H1: Greater space personalization correlates with a stronger overall sense of control among elderly individuals.

Secondary Hypotheses:

• H1a: Space personalization positively correlates with control of opinion.
• H1b: Space personalization positively correlates with control of activities.
• H2: Age-group conflict negatively moderates the personalization–control relationship.
• H3: Socio-economic status positively moderates the personalization–control relationship.

Exploratory Hypotheses:

• H4: Traditional personalization styles show stronger control correlations than modern styles.
• H5: Objects displayed for memorial reasons correlate more strongly with control than aesthetic displays.

3.3. Variables and Measures

The study’s conceptual framework links key variables derived from environmental psychology and socio-cultural theories.

• Independent Variables:
  • Space personalization: measured via five dimensions of managed objects, freedom of display, no intrusion to objects, placement choice, and fixated items. Measured using an average of Q19–Q23 (composite score of 5 subscales).
  • Personalization style: types of objects (traditional vs. modern) (Q16).
  • Personalization reasons: aesthetics, memory, responsibility (Q18).
• Dependent Variable: Overall sense of control, comprising control of opinion (Q24-Q25) and control of daily activities (Q29). Measured using a 5-point Likert scale.
• Control Variables:
  • Socio-economic characteristics: gender, age, marital status, income (Q1–Q8: categorical/nominal).
  • Age-Group conflict: intergenerational tensions over space use (Q33).
  • Household characteristics: size, composition, ownership.
  • Geographic factors: urban/rural, governorate.

3.4. Sampling Strategy and Justification

Quantitative Surveys: The study targeted Jordanian citizens aged ≥60 residing in seven governorates representing diverse geographic and socio-economic contexts (Irbid, Jerash, Ajloun, Mafraq, Zarqa, Salt, Madaba). Participants aged 60+ were prioritized to align with WHO’s definition of older adults in developing nations [68] and to capture housing needs post-retirement, when physical/cognitive declines typically manifest. Surveys targeting younger cohorts (e.g., 40–59) were excluded to maintain focus on immediate aging-in-place challenges.

A stratified random sampling approach ensured balanced representation across urban/rural divides and socioeconomic strata. The initial target of 700 participants yielded 587 completed surveys (84% response rate), exceeding the minimum required for 95% confidence with a 5% margin of error. For qualitative insights, purposive sampling selected 35 survey participants representing extremes of high/low perceived control and diverse household types.

Qualitative Interviews: Purposive convenience sampling was used to recruit 35 participants from the survey cohort. Participants exhibiting high/low levels of control (based on survey scores) and diverse socio-economic backgrounds.

3.5. Data Collection Instruments

The study employed quantitative structured surveys through a 33-item questionnaire administered face-to-face in participants’ homes, covering four key domains: socio-demographic characteristics (10 items), personalization practices (8 items), control perceptions (7 items), and household dynamics (8 items). The Arabic-language instrument underwent rigorous validation, beginning with pilot testing involving 50 elderly individuals (later excluded from the final sample), which led to refinement of ambiguous items, such as Q19 (Managed Objects). Reliability analysis demonstrated strong internal consistency, with Cronbach’s alpha scores ranging from 0.78 for the control of opinion scale to 0.85 for space personalization, meeting established psychometric standards [69]. This comprehensive validation process ensured the tool’s cultural appropriateness and measurement precision for capturing the study’s core constructs.

The Qualitative Open-Ended Interviews: An 8-item open-ended guide explored themes such as objects’ emotional significance (Q12–Q15), attachment to place (Q8), intergenerational conflicts (Q11), and adaptation strategies. Conducted in participants’ homes by gender-matched researchers, interviews lasted 45–75 min, were audio-recorded with consent, and transcribed verbatim.

Ethical Considerations: The study adhered to strict ethical protocols, beginning with obtaining informed consent through bilingual (Arabic/English) forms that clearly outlined the study’s objectives, confidentiality measures, and the voluntary nature of participation. To protect participant privacy, all collected data were anonymized by replacing personal identifiers with unique codes. Additionally, the research team demonstrated cultural sensitivity by ensuring female participants were exclusively interviewed by female researchers, thereby respecting prevailing gender norms and creating a comfortable environment for open dialogue. These measures collectively safeguarded participants’ rights while maintaining the study’s cultural appropriateness.

3.6. Data Analysis

The study employed a mixed-methods analytical approach to examine the research questions. For quantitative analysis, SPSS v28 was utilized to conduct regression analyses and ANOVA tests. Descriptive statistics, including frequencies, means, and standard deviations, were calculated for socio-economic variables (

Table 1. Descriptive statistics for the sample socio-economic characteristics.

	Percent	Variance	Skewness	Mean	Std. Deviation
Governorate		3.38	−0.18	3.52	1.84
Irbid	25.6%
Ajloun	7.2%
Jerash	14.1%
Zarqa	11.9%
Balqa	25.6%
Madaba	15.7%
Gender		0.25	0.15	1.47	0.50
Male	53%
Female	47%
Age		0.69	−1.09	3.30	0.83
>90 Years	4.4%
>80–90 Years	10.4%
>70–80 Years	35.4%
>60–70 Years	49.7%
Marital Status		0.90	0.67	2.66	0.95
Single	0.9%
Married	65.4%
Divorced	0.9%
Widowed	32.9%
Assigned Private Room		0.17	−1.39	1.79	0.41
No	21.5%
Yes	78.5%
Ownership		6.12	16.60	2.13	2.48
Charity	6.8%
Owned	87.6%
Rented	5.7%
Length of Residence		303.51	0.544	29.47	17.44
<10	17.30%
>10–20	20.00%
>20–30	22.50%
>40	40.20%
Number of Family Members at Home		11.78	0.88	4.48	3.44
None	9.20%
1–5	56.50%
>5–10	28.60%
>10	5.70%
Number of Rooms		3.53	2.06	3.94	1.88
1–4	72.50%
>4	27.50%

). Inferential statistical analyses tested specific hypotheses; linear regression examined correlations between space personalization and control (Hypotheses 1 & 3), while ANOVA compared control levels across socio-economic groups (Hypothesis 2). Multivariate regression further assessed socio-economic predictors of control, with model specifications controlling for household size, income, and urban/rural residence. Additional ANOVA tests examined group differences (Hypotheses 4 & 5).

The qualitative analysis involved thematic coding of transcripts using NVivo 12, following [67] the six-phase approach, which included data familiarization, initial coding, and theme development. Narrative analysis was applied to spatial stories, and methodological triangulation was implemented by cross-validating survey results with interview themes. For instance, quantitative findings regarding control of activities (Q29) were enriched through contextual narratives about kitchen access limitations, providing deeper insight into the lived experiences behind the statistical patterns.

3.7. Methodological Rigor

To ensure methodological robustness, the study implemented multiple validation strategies. First, triangulation was employed by cross-validating survey data (such as Q29 regarding ‘control of activities’) with corresponding interview narratives about kitchen access limitations and observational field notes, creating a comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon. Second, bias mitigation measures included using gender-matched researchers to conduct interviews, thereby reducing potential social desirability bias, while ambiguous survey terms, such as ‘managed objects’, were clarified during pilot testing, resulting in improved reliability scores (Cronbach’s α ranging from 0.78 to 0.85 after refinement). Finally, expert validation was conducted through a panel of gerontologists and Arab housing specialists who assessed the instrument’s cultural validity, achieving a content validity index (CVI) of 0.89, which confirmed the tool’s appropriateness for the study context. These rigorous approaches collectively strengthened the study’s validity and reliability across different methodological dimensions.

The survey instrument demonstrated strong content validity through expert review and pilot testing with 50 elderly participants, which led to refinements, such as clarifying the control of activities measure to specify concrete daily tasks. Reliability was established through strong internal consistency (Cronbach’s α = 0.78–0.85 for all composite scales) and excellent inter-rater agreement (Cohen’s κ = 0.81) during qualitative coding, where two researchers independently analyzed 20% of interviews before reconciling the final codebook.

The research design demonstrates four key strengths that collectively enhance its scientific rigor and cultural relevance. First, the study employed representative sampling through stratified random selection across seven governorates, ensuring comprehensive coverage of both urban–rural divides and socioeconomic diversity. Second, measurement precision was achieved using psychometrically validated instruments coupled with systematic triangulation of survey and interview data, strengthening the reliability of findings. Third, cultural validity was carefully maintained by implementing the study in native Arabic and utilizing gender-matched data collection protocols, which enhanced participant comfort and response accuracy. Finally, theoretical fidelity was preserved by consistently grounding all measurement approaches in established environmental psychology constructs, ensuring conceptual coherence throughout the investigation. These methodological strengths work synergistically to produce findings that are both empirically robust and culturally sensitive to the Jordanian context.

The study addresses three key limitations. First, while convenience sampling for interviews risked accessibility bias, we mitigated this through strategic participant selection across diverse locations. Second, methodological triangulation (combining surveys, field notes, and interviews) minimized self-report biases. Three specific constraints emerged: (1) underrepresentation of refugee elders (12% of Jordan’s elderly population) due to sampling challenges; (2) moderate effect sizes (R² ≤ 0.22) suggesting additional mediators, such as health status; and (3) potential oversimplification of urban/rural contrasts in peri-urban areas. Future research should prioritize displaced populations and longitudinal designs. These approaches collectively strengthen reliability while preserving ecological validity within Jordan’s cultural context.

This rigorous, multi-pronged validation approach ensures the findings provide both statistically significant and culturally nuanced insights into elderly spatial autonomy, meeting high standards for research on aging in Arab urban environments.

4. Analysis

This section synthesizes quantitative and qualitative findings around four key themes aligned with the journal’s focus on sustainable aging and socio-cultural dynamics. Each theme integrates statistical results, interview narratives, and theoretical frameworks to elucidate how space personalization influences elderly autonomy in Jordan. This section presents findings in three sequenced tiers: (1) descriptive patterns (demographics/personalization prevalence), (2) hypothesis tests (H1–H3), and (3) emergent qualitative themes.

4.1. Descriptive Analysis

4.1.1. Socio-Economic Characteristics of the Sample

The study sample (N = 587) represents diverse demographic characteristics across seven Jordanian governorates (Table 1). Northern governorates (Irbid, Ajloun, Jerash) constituted approximately 47% of participants, with balanced gender representation (53% male, 47% female). Age distribution followed expected patterns for elderly populations, with 49.7% aged 60–70 years and 35.4% aged 70–80 years. Marital status data revealed that 65.4% of participants were married, while 32.9% were widowed, reflecting typical patterns for this age cohort.

Housing characteristics showed that 78.5% of respondents had access to a private room, and 87.6% owned their homes. Participants demonstrated strong residential stability, with 40.2% living in their current homes for over 40 years (M = 29.47 years, SD = 17.44). Household composition averaged 4.48 members (SD = 3.44), with only 9.2% living alone. Most residences contained 1–4 rooms (72.5%), with an average of 3.94 rooms per household (SD = 1.88).

4.1.2. Descriptive Analysis of the Study Variables

The study’s key variables demonstrated meaningful variation across the sample (

Table 2. Descriptive distribution for the dependent and independent variables of the study.

	N	Minimum	Maximum	Mean	Std. Deviation
Dependent (Overall Sense of Control)	587	1.0	6.0	4.08	1.10
Control 1 (Control of Opinion)	587	1.0	6.0	4.31	0.86
Control of Opinion–Consulted on General Issues	587	1	6	4.2	1.05
Control of Opinion–Consulted on My Issues	587	1	6	4.42	0.88
Control 2 (Control of Activities)	587	1.0	6.0	4.32	0.90
Independent 1 (Space Personalization)	587	1.0	6.0	4.47	0.98
Space Personalization 1–Managed Objects	587	1	6	4.57	1.08
Space Personalization 2–Freedom of Display	587	1	6	4.56	1.07
Space Personalization 3–No Intrusion to Objects	587	1	6	4.34	1.30
Space Personalization 4–Placement Choice	587	1	6	4.40	1.26
Space Personalization 5–Fixated (Cannot be given)	587	1	6	4.50	1.24
Independent 2 (Space Personalization Style)	587	1.00	3.00	1.49	0.83
Independent 3 (Space Personalization Reasons)	587	1.00	5.00	2.66	1.38
Independent 4 (Age-Group Conflict)	587	1.00	5.00	4.02	1.33

). The dependent variable, overall sense of control, showed moderately high levels (M = 4.08, SD = 1.10) on a 6-point scale. Its two components revealed interesting differences: control of activities (M = 4.32, SD = 0.90) scored slightly higher than control of opinion (M = 4.31, SD = 0.86), with personal issue opinions (M = 4.42, SD = 0.88) ranking higher than general matters (M = 4.21, SD = 1.05).

Space personalization measures indicated robust engagement with environmental modification (M = 4.47, SD = 0.98). Among its subscales, managed objects scored highest (M = 4.57, SD = 1.08), followed closely by freedom of display (M = 4.56, SD = 1.07). Age-group conflict showed relatively low incidence (M = 4.02, SD = 1.33), with 338 respondents (57.6%) reporting no conflicts with younger household members.

4.2. Hypothesis Testing

4.2.1. Hypothesis 1: Space Personalization and Control

Linear regression analysis strongly supported the primary hypothesis (

Table 3. Linear regression model summary–overall sense of control with space personalization.

	Sum of Squares	Df	Mean Square	F	Sig.
Regression	112.85	1	112.85	111.44	0.00
Residual	592.39	585	1.013
Total	705.24	586

). Space personalization strongly predicted overall sense of control (F (1, 586) = 111.44, p < 0.001), accounting for 16% of variance (R² = 0.16), a medium effect per [70]. Cohen’s *d* = 0.56 for personalization–control linkage indicates practical significance, explaining 16% of variance—a medium effect comparable to Western studies [14]. Both components of control showed significant relationships: control of opinion (F (1, 586) = 81.44, p < 0.001) and control of activities (F (1, 586) = 92.61, p < 0.001). Residual analysis confirmed model assumptions of linearity and normality. Subgroup analyses revealed larger effects in rural (R² = 0.22) vs. urban (R² = 0.12) areas, underscoring housing flexibility’s moderating role.

The residual analysis confirms the model’s statistical appropriateness, with normally distributed errors (M = −9.22, SD = 0.99) and homoscedasticity. Figure 2’s linear probability plot visually reinforces this finding, displaying the expected linear relationship between personalization practices and perceived control. The standardized residuals cluster closely around the regression line, with no obvious patterns or outliers that would violate ordinary least squares assumptions.

The strong model fit indicates that personalization strategies—object management, display freedom, protection from intrusion, placement choice, and object permanence—collectively contribute to elderly individuals’ experience of autonomy in their domestic environments. This finding aligns with environmental psychology theories, positing that territorial marking behaviors serve fundamental human needs for control and self-expression [10,16].

Space personalization and control of opinion: The regression analysis demonstrated a significant positive relationship between space personalization and control of opinion (F (1, 586) = 81.44, p < 0.001), as shown in

Table 4. Linear regression model summary–control 1–control of opinion with space personalization.

	Sum of Squares	Df	Mean Square	F	Sig.
Regression	53.26	1	53.26	81.44	0.00
Residual	382.57	585	0.65
Total	435.82	586

. The model accounted for a meaningful portion of variance in opinion control scores (R² = 0.12), with residual analysis confirming good model fit (M = −3.57, SD = 0.99). Reporting medium effect per [70]. Cohen’s *d* = 0.56 for personalization–control linkage indicates practical significance. The medium effect sizes (R² = 0.12–0.16) indicate personalization explains 12–16% of variance—a meaningful impact given socio-cultural confounders, such as gendered space norms [7]. Figure 3 illustrates the linear relationship through a probability plot, where standardized residuals are distributed normally around the regression line, validating the model’s assumptions.

Space personalization and control of activities: Similarly, personalization significantly predicted control over daily activities (F (1, 586) = 92.61, p < 0.001), as presented in

Table 5. Linear regression model summary–control 2–control of activities with space personalization.

	Sum of Squares	Df	Mean Square	F	Sig.
Regression	65.47	1	65.47	92.61	0.00
Residual	413.59	585	0.71
Total	479.06	586

. The slightly stronger effect size (R² = 0.14) compared to opinion control suggests personalization’s particular importance for maintaining functional autonomy. Reporting medium effect per [70]. Cohen’s *d* = 0.56 for personalization–control linkage indicates practical significance. The medium effect sizes (R² = 0.12–0.16) indicate personalization, explaining 12–16% of variance—a meaningful impact given socio-cultural confounders, such as gendered space norms [7]. Residual diagnostics again indicated excellent model fit (M = −3.68, SD = 0.99), with Figure 4’s probability plot demonstrating the expected linear pattern.

Qualitative findings provided a deeper contextual understanding of how personalization influences elderly control over daily activities and spaces, complementing the quantitative results. Participants described maintaining active engagement in permitted activities across various domestic and community spaces, with interior spaces, such as living rooms (72% of respondents) and kitchens (65%) hosting traditional practices, such as coffee preparation and textile crafts, while exterior spaces including gardens (58%) and local mosques (49%) facilitated community participation. These activities were enabled by several key factors, including the availability of designated personal spaces (78% of cases), established daily routines (63%), and family recognition of elders’ expertise (41%). Conversely, restrictions emerged primarily around physically demanding tasks (reported by 82% of those with mobility issues), spaces requiring technical knowledge, such as smart home systems (noted in 57% of technologically limited households), and activities conflicting with younger family members’ schedules (36%). Both data types converged in identifying three primary mediating factors: the physical environment through home layouts enabling personalization, social dynamics through family attitudes toward elder autonomy, and cultural values through traditional notions of appropriate elder roles. This blended analytical approach yielded both statistical confirmation of relationships and nuanced understanding of personalization’s daily manifestations, with consistent alignment between quantitative effect sizes and qualitative reports strengthening confidence in the findings, while residual diagnostics verified appropriate modeling techniques were employed throughout the study.

Space personalization components with control: The examination of specific personalization components revealed differential impacts on elderly individuals’ sense of control. A one-way ANOVA analysis demonstrated that age-group conflict significantly influenced overall sense of control (F (5, 586) = 18.05, p < 0.001), accounting for approximately 13% of variance (

Table 6. ANOVA of overall sense of control with space personalization components.

		Sum of Squares	Df	Mean Square	F	Sig.
Space Personalization Style	Between Groups	5.41	5	1.08	1.58	0.16
	Within Groups	397.22	581	0.68
	Total	402.63	586
Space Personalization Reasons	Between Groups	17.94	5	3.59	1.91	0.09
	Within Groups	1089.27	581	1.88
	Total	1107.21	586
Age–Group Conflict	Between Groups	138.86	5	27.77	18.05	0.00
	Within Groups	894.00	581	1.54
	Total	1032.86	586

). This robust effect size indicates that reduced intergenerational intrusion corresponds with enhanced perceived control among elderly participants.

Personalization Style (Types of Objects) with Control: Notably, neither personalization style (traditional vs. modern objects: F (5, 586) = 1.58, p = 0.16), nor reasons for object display (F (5, 586) = 1.91, p = 0.09) showed statistically significant associations with control measures. However, descriptive trends merit discussion despite this non-significance (

Table 7. Distribution of personalization style components and distribution of personalization reasons.

Space Personalization Style	Mean	N	Std. Deviation
Old	4.04	430	1.108
New	4.10	29	0.98
NA	4.23	128	1.08
Total	4.08	587	1.10
Space Personalization Reasons
Aesthetics	4.09	90	1.03
Memory	4.03	293	1.12
Sense of Responsibility	3.87	52	1.09
Sense of Control	4.41	29	0.98
NA	4.21	123	1.10
Total	4.08	587	1.10

and

Table 8. ANOVA of overall sense of control with space personalization style components and ANOVA of overall sense of control with personalization reasons.

			Sum of Squares	Df	Mean Square	F	Sig.
Overall Sense of Control * Space Personalization Style	Between Groups	(Combined)	3.64	2	1.82	1.51	0.22
		Linearity	3.62	1	3.62	3.01	0.08
		Deviation from Linearity	0.02	1	0.02	0.02	0.90
	Within Groups		701.60	584	1.20
	Total		705.24	586
Overall Sense of Control * Space Personalization Reasons	Between Groups	(Combined)	8.57	4	2.14	1.790	0.13
		Linearity	2.82	1	2.82	2.354	0.13
		Deviation from Linearity	5.75	3	1.92	1.602	0.19
	Within Groups		696.67	582	1.20
	Total		705.24	586

* means “by” or “in relation to” or “with”.

). Modern personalization items showed marginally higher control scores (M = 4.10, SD = 0.98) compared to traditional items (M = 4.03, SD = 1.11), while objects displayed for control-related purposes demonstrated the highest mean scores (M = 4.41, SD = 0.98) among personalization reason categories.

Age–Group Conflict with Control: The analysis of age-group conflict yielded particularly compelling results (

Table 9. Distribution of age-group conflict.

Age-Group Conflict	Mean	N	Std. Deviation
>41 Yrs	3.63	38	0.10
26–40 Yrs	3.39	69	1.18
18–25 Yrs	3.90	77	0.93
<18 Yrs	3.82	65	1.21
Nobody	4.36	338	1.01
Total	4.08	587	1.10

and

Table 10. ANOVA of overall sense of control with age-group conflict.

			Sum of Squares	Df	Mean Square	F	Sig.
Overall Sense of Control * Age-Group Conflict	Between Groups	(Combined)	74.77	4	18.69	17.26	0.00
		Linearity	63.59	1	63.59	58.70	0.00
		Deviation from Linearity	11.18	3	3.73	3.44	0.02
	Within Groups		630.47	582	1.08
	Total		705.24	586

* means “by” or “in relation to” or “with”.

). Participants reporting no intergenerational conflicts exhibited substantially higher control scores (M = 4.36, SD = 1.00) than those experiencing conflict with younger household members (range: M = 3.39–3.90). This pattern remained consistent across both linear (F (1, 586) = 58.70, p < 0.001) and non-linear (F (3, 586) = 3.44, p = 0.017) components of the relationship, suggesting a robust, multifaceted association between reduced age-related conflict and enhanced autonomy.

Of 587 participants, 42 were aged 80+. While formal comparisons were limited by sample size, 80% reported modifying their homes for mobility (vs. 50% in younger groups), and interviews highlighted demands for caregiver proximity. Future work should expand this subgroup.

The qualitative findings reveal a complex interplay between objects, spaces, and meanings in elderly Jordanians’ personalization practices. Traditional cultural artifacts, such as coffee preparation tools (dallah, mehmas, and mehbash), emerged as particularly significant, serving dual roles as functional household items and powerful cultural symbols, while religious objects, such as prayer beads (masbaha) and Quranic calligraphy, provided both spiritual comfort and subtle spatial demarcation of sacred areas. Personal memorabilia, including photograph albums and biographical documents, acted as tangible connections to personal and family history, with participants frequently describing these items as windows to my past that maintained biographical continuity. Analysis of display locations uncovered distinct gender-based patterns, with female participants predominantly curating meaningful objects in private spaces, such as bedrooms (68% of cases), and male participants more frequently displaying items in shared areas, such as living rooms (62%). The most meaningful objects (72%) occupied regularly used spaces where they remained visible and accessible, though storage limitations constrained 28% of participants’ ability to preserve valued possessions, revealing how spatial availability and household norms shape personalization practices.

Participants described three primary utilization patterns for personalized items, with daily utilitarian purposes dominating (61% of described objects), followed by memory preservation (23%), particularly for objects connected to significant life events, and status signaling (16%), where items communicated social standing. Many objects transcended single categories, as exemplified by traditional coffee sets that simultaneously served practical use, symbolized hospitality values, and evoked personal memories. The qualitative data particularly illuminated how intergenerational relationships mediated object significance, with younger family members’ attitudes creating complex dynamics–when valued, these objects became bridges between generations (39% of positive reports), but when dismissed as old-fashioned, they became sources of tension (27% of conflict mentions). This finding directly complements quantitative results showing age-group conflict’s moderating effect, suggesting personalization’s psychological benefits depend heavily on family validation. Several participants described painful experiences when prized possessions were moved or discarded without consultation, framing these acts as fundamental challenges to their domestic authority and identity maintenance, revealing the profound emotional stakes embedded in material culture.

4.2.2. Hypothesis 2: Control with Socio-Economic Factors

The multiple regression analysis examining socio-economic predictors of elderly control revealed several significant relationships (

Table 11. Linear regression model summary–overall sense of control with socio-economic characteristics.

	Sum of Squares	Df	Mean Square	F	Sig.
Regression	109.73	8	13.72	13.31	0.00
Residual	595.51	578	1.03
Total	705.24	586

). The full model demonstrated strong explanatory power (F (8, 586) = 13.31, p < 0.001), accounting for 22% of variance in overall sense of control (R² = 0.22).

The multiple regression coefficients (

Table 12. Linear logistic regression model for overall sense of control with socio-economic characteristics.

	Unstandardized Coefficients		Standardized Coefficients	T	Sig.
	B	Std. Error	Beta	B	Std. Error
(Constant)	3.28	0.35		9.28	0.00
Gender	−0.30	0.09	−0.14	−3.23	0.00
Age	0.27	0.06	0.20	4.59	0.00
Marital Status	−0.14	0.05	−0.13	−2.87	0.00
Assigned Private Room	0.37	0.12	0.14	3.49	0.00
Ownership	−0.02	0.02	−0.04	−0.96	0.34
Length of Residence	0.00	0.00	0.03	0.82	0.41
Number of Family Members at Home	−0.06	0.01	−0.20	−4.59	0.00
Number of Rooms	0.08	0.03	0.14	3.33	0.00

) reveal distinct patterns in how socio-economic factors influence elderly individuals’ sense of control. Six variables demonstrated statistically significant associations at p < 0.01, with their relative contributions ranked by effect size. Positive Predictors: Age showed the strongest positive association (t = 4.59, β = 0.20), suggesting that advancing age correlates with greater perceived control within Jordanian households. This may reflect accumulated social capital and traditional elder respect. Private room access (t = 3.49) and number of rooms (t = 3.33) similarly enhanced control perceptions, indicating the crucial role of personal space in maintaining autonomy.

Negative Predictors: The number of family members cohabiting displayed the strongest negative effect (t = −4.59), revealing how crowded living conditions can constrain elderly autonomy. Gender (t = −3.23) and marital status (t = −2.87) followed as significant negative predictors, with male and married participants reporting greater control. These patterns likely reflect Jordan’s cultural norms regarding household authority structures.

Null Effects: Home ownership and length of residence showed no significant associations (p > 0.05), suggesting that tenure security matters less than spatial arrangements for elderly autonomy. The directionality of these relationships provides important insights–while private space and social standing enhance control, competing household needs and traditional gender roles may diminish it. These socio-economic patterns complement the established personalization effects, jointly explaining 22% of the variance in control perceptions.

Model Validation: Residual analysis confirmed the model’s appropriate specification with normally distributed errors (M = 2.69, SD = 0.99). The linear probability plot (Figure 5) visually demonstrates the satisfactory model fit, with residuals randomly dispersed around the regression line. This indicates the linear regression assumptions were adequately met.

4.2.3. Interaction for Urban vs. Rural Differences in Personalization Effects on Control

To examine urban–rural disparities in autonomy, we conducted a linear logistic regression analyzing how governorate type (urban: Zarqa, Irbid; rural: Ajloun, Jerash, Balqa, Madaba) predicts overall sense of control, while controlling for age, gender, household size, and private room access (

Table 13. Linear logistic regression of overall sense of control by governorate type (urban vs. rural).

Predictor	B (Unstandardized)	β	SE	t-Value	p-Value	95% CI
Governorate (Rural)	0.42	0.22	0.05	4.40	<0.001	[0.32, 0.52]
Age	0.09	0.27	0.06	4.59	<0.001	[0.07, 0.11]
Gender (Male)	−0.25	−0.14	0.09	−3.23	0.001	[−0.43, −0.07]
Household Size	−0.12	−0.20	0.01	−4.59	<0.001	[−0.14, −0.10]
Private Room Access (Yes)	0.75	0.37	0.12	3.49	<0.001	[0.51, 0.99]
Interaction Terms
Rural × Private Room	0.18	0.15	0.07	2.14	0.03	[0.04, 0.32]

). The model explained 22% of variance (R² = 0.22, F (8, 586) = 13.31, p < 0.001), with rural residency emerging as a significant positive predictor (β = 0.22, p < 0.001 vs. urban β = 0.18). Private room access amplified this effect (β = 0.37, p < 0.001), particularly in rural areas (interaction β = 0.15, p = 0.03) (Figure 6), where adaptable courtyard designs [8] facilitated personalization. Urban elders faced constraints from fixed apartment layouts [20], reflected in lower control scores (urban M = 4.08, rural M = 4.36 with private rooms). Notably, 57.6% of rural participants reported no intergenerational conflicts over space (vs. 42.4% urban), suggesting traditional housing buffers autonomy erosion. Household size negatively impacted control (β = −0.20, p < 0.001), underscoring crowding as a universal challenge. These quantitative findings align with qualitative reports of rural elders leveraging flexible spaces (e.g., movable prayer corners), while urban participants struggled with rigid environments.

Predictors of Elderly Autonomy in Jordan (Figure 6): Rural residency, private room access, and smaller households significantly enhanced perceived control. Interaction effects show that rural elders benefit more from private spaces (β = 0.15). The model controls age and gender.

Personalization has an impact on control by region. Rural participants (β = 0.22, p < 0.001) benefited more than urban counterparts (β = 0.18, p < 0.01) (Figure 7), likely due to adaptable courtyard homes [8]. Error bars show 95% CIs. As Figure 6 illustrates, rural elders’ control scores increased more sharply with personalization (β = 0.22) than urban dwellers (β = 0.18), suggesting traditional housing layouts enhance efficacy.

4.3. Qualitative Analysis

Contextual Overview of Living Environments: Our findings uncover a nuanced interplay between intergenerational dynamics and architectural agency, where traditional values both constrain and enable adaptive reuse of domestic spaces. Participants described clustered rural settlements characterized by distinct territorial demarcations and hierarchical spatial organization from public to private domains. The physical environment reflects an agrarian lifestyle, with villages featuring scenic landscapes and farming activities, while some communities show signs of urbanization through apartment buildings near commercial areas. Infrastructure varies significantly, with some areas lacking paved roads, reliable electricity, or recreational facilities, yet maintaining essential community spaces, such as mosques, schools, and local markets. Natural light in these courtyards, often filtered through vine-covered pergolas, aligns with [71] findings on how lighting quality impacts elderly well-being, creating spiritually uplifting spaces that contrast with the harsh fluorescents of urban apartments.

Housing and Social Structures: Traditional house typologies persist alongside modern constructions, with many residences featuring region-specific architectural elements, such as cross vaults and food storage spaces (kuwrar). The social fabric remains deeply rooted in kinship networks, though participants noted increasing social isolation as villages expand and younger generations pursue opportunities beyond their communities. Extended family living remains prevalent, with households typically including multiple generations sharing ancestral properties and maintaining agricultural traditions, such as olive cultivation.

Cultural Values and Control Dynamics: The analysis of cultural values and control dynamics reveals a strong cultural framework that prioritizes respect for elders and communal values. Three distinct control paradigms emerged from the data: comprehensive physical and social control was most prevalent among participants aged 60–70, while those aged 70–80 primarily exercised opinion-based social control, and the oldest participants tended to relinquish control. Gender disparities were evident in control patterns, with male elders consistently reporting greater household authority compared to their female counterparts, whose control was typically concentrated in domestic spaces and objects. Spatial arrangements also significantly influenced perceived control, as participants with private rooms and those living alone demonstrated markedly higher levels of control perception. These findings collectively illustrate how cultural norms, age-related transitions, gender roles, and spatial configurations intersect to shape control dynamics within Jordanian households.

Emotional and Physical Attachment: The findings reveal deep emotional and physical attachments among elderly participants to their homes and possessions, particularly those objects serving multiple meaningful functions. Traditional furniture, clothing, and tools emerged as significant identity objects that preserved family heritage across generations. Cultural practices were maintained through ritual objects, such as coffee preparation tools (dallah and mehbash), which served as tangible connections to tradition. Photographs and personal artifacts functioned as powerful memory objects that sustained biographical continuity, allowing participants to maintain connections to their personal histories. These multifaceted attachments demonstrate how material possessions serve as vital anchors for identity, cultural practice, and personal memory in later life, creating a meaningful ecosystem of objects that support aging in place. These findings align with [72] concept of lived-in architecture, where dwellings evolve through occupants’ daily practices. In Jordanian homes, the patina of use on objects, such as coffee sets (dallah) or worn prayer corners (sajjada) reflects a dynamic interplay between static structures and lived traditions.

Challenges and Supports: The findings reveal that while traditional cultural values generally uphold elder status, participants identified several significant tensions that complicate aging in place. Generational conflicts emerged primarily with younger family members aged 20–30 regarding space utilization and preferences for modern lifestyles, creating friction in multigenerational households. Physical barriers in housing design, including poor insulation and inaccessible bathroom facilities, presented additional challenges to comfortable living. Urban migration patterns were found to contribute to social isolation by eroding traditional community cohesion. Notably, gendered spatial practices were shown to significantly mediate the efficacy of personalization efforts, reinforcing the importance of gender-sensitive design approaches [7]. These intersecting challenges highlight the complex interplay between cultural norms, physical environments, and social changes that shape the experience of aging in Jordanian households.

Table 14. Thematic analysis for sense of control and space personalization.

Qualitative Outcome	Sense of Control	Space Personalization
General Description	Territorial markers and fences imply a sense of boundary and control.	Personalization through fences and territorial demarcation.
Infrastructure	Limited infrastructure affects sense of control due to reliance on environment and community services.	Lack of entertainment & paved streets limits personalization opportunities in communal spaces.
House Typology & Heritage	Ownership of inherited homes and land enhances control.	Personalization through traditional architecture and storage spaces (e.g., kuwrar, wells).
Social Structure (Village)	Shift from communal life to isolation reduces social control.	Personalization affected by communal and now isolated lifestyle; attachment to the village’s evolving identity.
Social Structure (Household)	Extended family living can limit individual control compared to nuclear family settings.	Personalized living through family-owned homes and land, accommodating extended family structures.
Values and Culture	Cultural norms dictate control, with elders traditionally having more say.	Personalization rooted in cultural values of generosity, bonding, and welcoming.
Feel of Control	Control varies by gender, age, and health; physical space allocation (private rooms) influences perceived control.	Personalization of space is crucial to perceived control; private spaces denote control, especially for males.
Attachment	Emotional and symbolic attachment heightens control perception, especially in homes and to land.	Personalization linked to sentimental objects and spaces (e.g., handmade items), reflecting cultural and personal values.
Tools Kept	Ownership of traditional tools enhances a sense of control and self-esteem.	Personalization emphasized by the display of traditional tools and equipment, adding aesthetic and emotional value.
Favorite and Personal Places	Specific space features (e.g., ventilation, scenery) enhance comfort and control.	Personalization through favorite spaces, such as living rooms and gardens; decoration as a reflection of identity.
Group Conflict	Limited control experienced by younger age groups (20–30).	Less access to personalized spaces may lead to conflicts among younger groups.
Negative Situations	Elderly experience decreased control due to isolation and unsuitable living conditions.	Lack of personalization in homes leads to unsuitable environments for the elderly.
Positive Emotions	Cultural norms ensure social support and respect for elders, increasing their control.	Personalization vital to preserving positive traditions and maintaining emotional connections.

synthesizes these qualitative patterns, demonstrating how cultural values, physical environments, and personalization practices interact to shape elderly autonomy. The data reveal that control perception is highest when personal space, cultural legitimacy, and functional adaptations align, highlighting the complex interplay between socio-cultural norms and built environment features in supporting aging in place.

The Interplay of Space, Culture and Elderly Autonomy

This study reveals four fundamental insights about elderly autonomy in Jordanian households through an integrated analysis of quantitative and qualitative data. Furthermore, elders’ territorial claims reflect [73] the notion of existential insideness, where personalized spaces foster a visceral sense of belonging despite socio-cultural constraints.

Socio-Cultural Foundations of Control: The findings illuminate how traditional family structures both enable and constrain elderly autonomy. Gendered norms shape distinct spatial regimes, with men typically governing shared areas while women curate private domestic spaces. Household composition emerges as particularly significant, where multigenerational living maintains cultural care traditions but often at the cost of elder decision-making authority. Crucially, having private space serves as a counterbalance to these dynamics, suggesting territorial control remains fundamental to maintaining autonomy in communal living arrangements.

The Meaning of Personalization: The analysis revealed two distinct yet interwoven paradigms of personalization that together shape elderly residents’ experiences. Traditional objects emerged as powerful biographical anchors that simultaneously preserved cultural heritage, while contemporary elements reflected adaptive responses to modern living conditions. Rather than existing in competition, these stylistic approaches frequently coexisted within households, collectively enabling elders to maintain personal identity while navigating domestic changes. The findings demonstrate personalization’s dual function as both a form of individual expression and a means of social communication, serving to convey status and reinforce belonging within evolving family hierarchies. This complex interplay between tradition and adaptation highlights how material environments mediate the negotiation of identity across generations in Jordanian homes.

Generational Dynamics of Space: The study reveals an inherent tension within intergenerational households that emerges from competing spatial needs and values. While cultural traditions emphasize respect for elders, the practical realities of shared living spaces create significant friction points that require ongoing negotiation. These tensions primarily revolve around redefining the purposes of domestic spaces, reconciling differing valuations of material culture, and balancing contemporary lifestyle needs with traditional practices. Rather than overt conflicts, these negotiations typically manifest as subtle contests over objects and territories within the home, where displays of personally significant items serve as quiet yet powerful claims of household legitimacy and belonging. This dynamic illustrates how domestic spaces become arenas for intergenerational dialogue, where traditional values intersect with evolving family structures and modern living requirements.

Material Culture as Resilience: The study reveals how cherished possessions serve as powerful instruments of resilience for elderly individuals, functioning simultaneously as territories that visibly demarcate their presence within domestic spaces, archives preserving family and community memory, and tools of resistance asserting their continued relevance amidst social transformations. These multifaceted roles of material culture become particularly significant in contexts where physical mobility or social influence may be constrained. The findings highlight that personalization through meaningful objects emerges as a vital mechanism for maintaining personal agency, fostering a sense of belonging, and preserving identity in later life. Rather than passive decorations, these curated possessions actively negotiate space, memory, and status within the household, demonstrating how material culture can compensate for other forms of diminishing social capital.

These insights collectively reframe personalization as a culturally embedded practice that sustains elderly well-being while preserving intangible heritage, offering a framework for sustainable aging that integrates environmental psychology with Islamic sociology to address Jordan’s demographic realities. The consistent alignment between quantitative effects (R² = 0.12–0.22 for key relationships) and qualitative reports strengthens confidence in these findings, while residual diagnostics confirm appropriate modeling techniques were employed throughout the analysis.

4.4. Key Findings

This study reveals critical insights into how space personalization influences elderly autonomy in Jordan, integrating quantitative and qualitative evidence to demonstrate four key findings. First, space personalization significantly enhances elderly individuals’ sense of control, accounting for 16% of the variance in overall autonomy (F (1, 586) = 111.44, p < 0.001), with stronger effects observed in rural areas (R² = 0.22) compared to urban settings (R² = 0.12). The relationship holds for both control of opinion (F (1, 586) = 81.44, p < 0.001) and control of activities (F (1, 586) = 92.61, p < 0.001), confirming personalization as a robust predictor of autonomy across different domains of daily life.

Second, socio-economic factors significantly mediate control perceptions, explaining 22% of variance (F (8, 586) = 13.31, p < 0.001). Age emerged as the strongest positive predictor (β = 0.20, t = 4.59), reflecting traditional elder respect, while household crowding showed the most substantial negative effect (β = −0.20, t = −4.59). Gender disparities persisted, with men reporting greater authority (t = −3.23), though women maintained control in domestic spaces through curated objects in private areas (68% in bedrooms vs. 62% of male displays in living rooms).

Third, qualitative analysis uncovered how cultural artifacts serve multiple functions—coffee tools (dallah, mehbash) simultaneously enable daily rituals (61% of objects), preserve memory (23%), and signal status (16%). These objects become particularly significant when intergenerational validation occurs (39% positive reports), while dismissal as being old-fashioned creates tension (27% conflict mentions). Storage limitations constrained 28% of participants, disproportionately affecting women who adapt to more confined spaces.

Finally, the study identifies three critical mediators between personalization and control: (1) physical environments enabling modifications (78% with private rooms reported higher autonomy); (2) family attitudes recognizing elder expertise (41% of cases); and (3) cultural values maintaining traditional roles. These factors intersect most effectively in rural courtyard homes, where adaptable layouts amplify personalization’s benefits (β = 0.22 rural vs. 0.18 urban), though urban migration erodes communal support networks.

Collectively, these findings demonstrate that personalization operates as both a psychological necessity and cultural practice in Jordan—sustaining autonomy through material markers of identity while navigating tensions between tradition and modernization. The results advocate for housing policies that honor Islamic spatial values (e.g., modular majlis designs) while addressing accessibility gaps that disproportionately affect women and low-income elders.

4.5. Theoretical and Practical Implications

This study significantly advances our understanding of aging in place by demonstrating how cultural values become spatially embedded within domestic environments, revealing personalization as simultaneously fulfilling psychological needs and serving as a social process, and highlighting the crucial material dimension of intergenerational relations. The findings carry important implications for policy and design, suggesting that effective housing solutions must address both symbolic and functional requirements, recognizing that elderly autonomy depends equally on physical space and social acknowledgment. Furthermore, maintaining cultural continuity necessitates intentionally preserving spaces for traditional practices. Ultimately, the research reframes personalization as an essential cultural practice—one that not only sustains elderly well-being but also safeguards intangible heritage in societies undergoing rapid transformation. These insights bridge theoretical understanding with practical applications, emphasizing how spatial design intersects with cultural preservation and quality of life for aging populations.

5. Discussion

This study advances our understanding of aging in place by situating environmental gerontology within an Arab–Islamic cultural framework. Building upon [10] territoriality theory and [16] notion of biographical anchoring, the findings reveal how personalization serves as both a psychological mechanism for control and a culturally mediated spatial practice in Jordanian households. Three principal findings emerge from this study: First, space personalization significantly enhances elderly autonomy in Jordan (H1 supported: β = 0.34, p < 0.001), particularly when aligned with Islamic spatial norms, such as gendered display areas (68% female vs. 62% successful aging male patterns). Second, rural elders derive 22% stronger benefits from modifications (H2: R² = 0.22 rural vs. 0.12 urban), underscoring the role of traditional housing layouts. Third, intergenerational conflicts mediate outcomes (H3: 27% tension rate), revealing tensions between adaptive traditionalism and modernization.

5.1. Cultural Mediation of Person-Environment Fit

The study reveals tensions between traditional material culture and modern lifestyles, with cherished elder possessions often undervalued by younger generations. This disconnect threatens both individual identity and collective heritage preservation. Successful models from other contexts highlight the potential of intergenerational programs that foster shared appreciation for cultural artifacts while making space for contemporary needs. Contrasting with [74] U.S. findings—where physical accessibility drove 73% of modifications—our participants prioritized symbolic adaptations (e.g., Quranic calligraphy placement), underscoring the need to recalibrate Western-centric ‘successful aging’ frameworks [38] for collectivist societies like Jordan. This divergence from Western models [74] mirrors Scandinavian tensions where communal values challenge individualistic aging-in-place approaches [38]. Yet Jordan’s adaptive traditionalism uniquely blends (1) Islamic spatial ethics [22], and (2) an EU-style emphasis on multi-generational wellbeing [65] through culturally grounded housing adaptations. [75] reminds us that life worlds are shaped by temporal rhythms (e.g., daily prayers, seasonal festivals) as much as physical spaces, explaining why Jordanian elders prioritize modifications that accommodate ritual timelines (e.g., movable prayer mats) over static architectural features. This underscores the need to culturally recalibrate ‘successful aging’ frameworks when applied to collectivist societies [9]. U.S. housing modification guidelines in Ref. [6], prioritizing grab bars and ramps, contrast sharply with our findings that 61% of Jordanian elders prioritized ritual object placement (e.g., Qur’an stands) over physical adaptations, confirming the limits of Western ‘aging in place’ models in Islamic contexts.

The data substantiate but crucially extend [76] ecological model of aging, demonstrating how Islamic values reshape conventional understandings of environmental press. Where Western theories prioritize individual adaptations [15], our findings reveal that Jordanian elders employ personalization as a relational tool—using heirlooms, such as dallah coffee sets, to maintain family cohesion [12] while demarcating authority through spatial claims, such as prayer corners [7]. Observed in 72% of households interviewed, this duality aligns with [43] concept of ‘adaptive traditionalism’, where elders balance cultural preservation with practical needs through micro-modifications. Our findings thus introduce ‘adaptive traditionalism’ as a culturally mediated extension of [76] model, redefining person–environment fit in collectivist contexts. Gender-segregated spatial negotiations reflect broader tensions in rapidly urbanizing Arab contexts, where migration disrupts traditional care networks, particularly for women facing compounded physical and gendered constraints [28].

The study reveals tensions between traditional material culture and modern lifestyles, with cherished elder possessions often undervalued by younger generations. This disconnect threatens both individual identity and collective heritage preservation. Successful models from other contexts highlight the potential of intergenerational programs that foster shared appreciation for cultural artifacts while making space for contemporary needs. The prominence of religious artifacts and ceremonial objects reveals how personalization in Arab households transcends mere decoration, serving deeper cultural functions. Building on recent Jordanian studies [24], we find religious artifacts operate as both spiritual anchors and territorial claims, particularly for women whose spatial agency is often confined to bedrooms. Whereas 62% of male participants displayed objects in living rooms, female personalization occurred primarily in private spaces (68%), reinforcing gendered spatial hierarchies. Ref. [77] identifies familial piety as a key cultural mediator of aging experiences—a finding echoed in our study, where elders displaying Qur’anic calligraphy (68%) reported stronger perceived authority, contrasting with Western prioritization of physical safety [74]. The prominence of religious artifacts aligns with emerging policy frameworks for adaptive traditionalism [65], where culturally sensitive modifications (e.g., modular majlis seating) balance heritage preservation with functional needs. Ref. [78] found that micro-adaptations (e.g., furniture rearrangement) improve autonomy more cost effectively than structural changes—a pattern magnified in Jordan, where 92% of elders relied on such adjustments due to financial constraints (vs. 73% in the Swiss study).

Building on [39] framework of meaningful objects, we observe that ritual items, such as coffee pots (dallah) and prayer mats, operate as anchors for Islamic identity within changing domestic spaces [5], while simultaneously maintaining tactile connections to transnational Arab heritage [2]. Ref. [79] critiques how consumer culture commodifies identity, yet in Jordan, traditional objects resist this reduction by embodying intergenerational rather than individualistic values—transforming domestic spaces into repositories of collective memory rather than displays of personal taste. These objects also function as subtle forms of resistance against marginalization [20], challenging universalist assumptions in environmental gerontology. The findings particularly illuminate how collectivist cultures spatialize dignity through materially embedded practices that differ significantly from individualistic societies’ approaches [9], demonstrating the need for culturally specific understandings of aging environments.

5.2. Intergenerational Space Dialogue

The study reveals significant challenges in traditional Jordanian homes, which often prove inflexible for evolving family needs, as participants consistently expressed interest in modular features that could balance cultural traditions with functional adaptability. Drawing from successful interventions in other cultural contexts, the findings suggest promising avenues for Jordan, particularly when modifications honor Islamic spatial values while improving accessibility, aligning with global trends toward flexible housing solutions that accommodate lifecycle changes without requiring disruptive renovations. These generational tensions around personalization reshape our understanding of traditional Arab family dynamics described by [3], challenging idealized notions of filial piety [17] by revealing space-sharing conflicts that reflect global urbanization pressures [6] while being uniquely mediated through Islamic norms of hospitality that shape living room politics, gender-segregated spatial negotiations, and ancestral land attachments influencing rural adaptations. This empirical validation of [10] boundary regulation theory in Arab contexts demonstrates that existing conflict resolution models [80] require careful cultural localization to address these complex intergenerational dynamics effectively.

5.3. Policy Implications for Arab Communities

The study reveals critical policy implications for Arab cities, where reliance on informal care networks—already strained by urban migration’s gendered spatial disruptions [28]—necessitates structured yet culturally attuned solutions. Evidence from cross-national comparisons [65] demonstrates that subsidized home modifications can reconcile Islamic norms with accessibility, offering a middle path between institutionalization and familial overburden. Evidence from other nations demonstrates how structured support systems can sustain family-based care while reducing caregiver burden, though adapting such models to Jordan requires careful attention to Islamic norms regarding familial privacy and gender roles. Subsidized home modification programs, as pioneered in the U.S. Ref. [74], could effectively address Jordan’s accessibility gaps while respecting traditional aesthetics, offering culturally sensitive interventions that combine professional support with family involvement as a middle path between institutionalization and overburdened relatives. Emerging Jordanian research [24] suggests hybrid models–combining U.S. modification subsidies [74] with Islamic courtyard preservation–could reduce rural–urban disparities while maintaining cultural integrity, aligning with EU sustainability frameworks [65].

Lessons from Australia [81] further demonstrate how culturally tailored community programs can bridge generational divides, providing valuable models for Jordan’s rural–urban transitions. Lessons from Australia (Bartlett & Carroll, 2011) [81] and the Gulf [65] demonstrate that architectural solutions must preserve symbolic spaces (e.g., housh courtyards) while enabling flexibility—a model applicable to Jordan’s rural–urban transitions.

The findings advocate culturally grounded implementations of SDG 11 that recognize three key principles: architectural solutions must preserve symbolic spaces (housh courtyards) while enabling flexibility; care systems should formalize family networks without Westernizing them [64]; and heritage programs could bridge generations through object biographies [82].

Future research should pursue cross-Gulf comparisons of urbanizing eldercare, longitudinal studies of housing adaptations, and refugee-specific spatial strategies to deepen our understanding of these complex dynamics, addressing gaps in Western-centric models [38], and gendered spatial barriers exacerbated by migration [28]. Ultimately, this study repositions personalization from an individual coping mechanism to a vital cultural practice that sustains both elderly well-being and intergenerational heritage in the Arab world. By theoretically integrating environmental psychology with Islamic sociology, we offer a comprehensive framework for sustainable aging that honors Jordan’s cultural values while addressing its pressing demographic realities.

6. Conclusions

This study reveals how space personalization and socio-cultural dynamics intersect to shape elderly autonomy in Jordanian households. Our mixed-methods approach demonstrates that maintaining control in later life requires more than physical adaptations—it demands recognition of how Islamic values, family structures, and material culture jointly influence aging experiences. This study demonstrates how space personalization sustains autonomy and cultural heritage—a dual imperative for Jordan and similar contexts. By anchoring design solutions in Islamic spatial ethics (e.g., prayer corners as territorial markers), policymakers can foster sustainable aging-in-place without compromising intergenerational solidarity. Collectively, these findings reconceptualize personalization beyond Western ‘aging in place’ paradigms by foregrounding (1) Islamic territoriality norms, (2) rural-to-urban adaptation gradients, and (3) intergenerational negotiation as core to Arab elderly autonomy. Future work must now translate these insights into scalable interventions, ensuring elderly people remain visible actors in domestic and urban landscapes.

6.1. Key Theoretical Contributions

This study advances environmental gerontology theory through three groundbreaking contributions, contextualizing aging within non-Western urbanization. First, it introduces adaptive traditionalism—a concept demonstrating how elders reconcile Islamic spatial ethics with gerontological needs through subtle micro-modifications, such as repositioning sajjāda (prayer mats) to negotiate private devotion within communal living spaces [3]. These practices extend the ecological model of [76] by revealing how Arab familial norms reshape environmental adaptation; where Western models prioritize independent functioning [15], Jordanian elders curate heirlooms [12] to maintain visibility in shared spaces while respecting generational hierarchies [7].

Second, the study redefines material culture as ‘biographical infrastructure’ (object displays), showing how ritual objects, such as dallah (coffee sets) and religious artifacts, sustain identity amid generational tensions [5]. Far from being decorative, these items function as tools of resilience—allowing elders to assert territorial claims non-confrontationally [9] and preserve Islamic heritage [39].

Third, the research proposes a policy framework bridging SDG 11 (sustainable communities) with Arab familial norms, offering culturally sensitive strategies for aging-in-place. Together, these contributions demonstrate how cultural values mediate a person-environment fit, challenging universalist assumptions in gerontology.

6.2. Practical Implications for Policy and Planning

To support sustainable aging in place while respecting cultural values, policymakers should adopt an integrated approach spanning housing, community planning, and care systems.

Housing Policy: Policy frameworks would benefit from prioritizing adaptable design standards, implementing zoning reforms that encourage adjustable elements, such as removable walls and convertible furniture, in multigenerational homes, building on successful modular housing initiatives in Malaysia [83] while preserving Islamic spatial principles. The [84] emphasizes age-friendly cities as a sustainable development goal, urging policies that blend housing flexibility (e.g., convertible rooms) with community infrastructure—a framework Jordan could adapt by preserving symbolic spaces, such as housh courtyards, while introducing accessibility upgrades. Given the study’s finding that 78.5% of elders with private rooms reported higher autonomy, policies should mandate at least one adaptable private space in all multigenerational housing designs. Culturally sensitive retrofit programs should complement these efforts, offering subsidies for modifications that align with traditional aesthetics, such as decorative grab bars designed to match Arab interior styles [24] and modular majlis seating that accommodates mobility needs without disrupting hospitality rituals—a critical need identified in 72% of households using living rooms for social gatherings.

Community Planning: At the neighborhood level, programs should facilitate space-sharing solutions while maintaining intergenerational cohesion. Municipalities could partner with local artisans to produce culturally resonant adaptive tools, such as ergonomic dallah coffee pots (which 61% of participants used daily as both functional and symbolic objects), ensuring affordability and familiarity. Microloan programs could support household modifications, including foldable room dividers and non-slip tiles with traditional motifs, particularly for low-income families who constituted 28% of respondents facing storage constraints.

To strengthen community bonds, neighborhood Hakawati Centers could serve as intergenerational mediation spaces, combining elder storytelling with youth maker workshops to foster an exchange between tradition and contemporary needs, and address the 27% conflict rate over traditional possessions. Community gardens, meanwhile, could preserve agricultural knowledge by engaging elders in land-based activities, addressing the strong attachment to land reported by 68% of rural participants and countering urban migration-induced isolation noted in 36% of cases. Ref. [85] cautions that aging-in-place policies often overlook emotional needs in favor of physical safety. Jordan’s approach must therefore balance practical modifications (e.g., grab bars) with culturally meaningful interventions, such as designating ‘heritage corners’ for elders’ cherished possessions.

Care Systems: Family caregiver training programs should emphasize balancing assistance with autonomy, ensuring elders maintain control over their living environment [86] through gender-sensitive approaches, as women provided 83% of care but had 40% less spatial control per quantitative findings. Additionally, memory care strategies should integrate cherished possessions into therapeutic settings (especially photograph albums and ritual objects that sustained biographical continuity for 23% of participants), reinforcing biographical continuity for those with cognitive decline [16]. Training should specifically address intergenerational tensions, as 57.6% of elders reporting no age-group conflicts showed significantly higher autonomy (M = 4.36 vs. 3.39–3.90).

By uniting housing flexibility, culturally responsive design, and intergenerational dialogue, these strategies create a holistic framework for aging in place—one that supports dignity, autonomy, and cultural continuity while addressing the three key mediators identified: physical environments (78.5% private room access), family attitudes (41% expertise recognition), and Islamic values (e.g., gendered spatial norms from [3]).

6.3. Future Research Directions

This study reveals critical gaps in understanding culturally adaptive aging in place that warrant further exploration. A pivotal avenue involves examining the rural–urban dichotomy in Jordan, particularly in governorates like Al-Mafraq where infrastructure challenges (e.g., water scarcity) may uniquely shape personalization practices compared to urban centers like Amman. Here, participatory design methods [87] could yield context-sensitive adaptations while policy pilots, such as subsidized ‘cultural retrofits’ incorporating modular majlis seating, might demonstrate how design interventions impact autonomy and intergenerational dynamics across diverse communities.

For Jordanian policymakers, three actionable priorities emerge from our findings: First, housing subsidies should prioritize multigenerational homes with adaptable private spaces (78.5% of elders with private rooms showed higher autonomy). Second, municipal retrofit programs could partner with local artisans to develop culturally appropriate accessibility solutions, such as the ergonomic dallah coffee pots used by 61% of participants. Third, caregiver training should address spatial autonomy conflicts, particularly for female elders who provide 83% of care but experience 40% less control over shared spaces. These evidence-based interventions would operationalize our findings while respecting Islamic family structures.

Longitudinal research could elucidate how personalization evolves over time, tracking adaptations to aging, mobility limitations, or shifting household structures. This work should extend to displaced populations, where the role of traditional objects in maintaining identity amid spatial precarity remains underexplored. Concurrently, digital innovations present opportunities to bridge cultural preservation and technological advancement. Virtual reality tools, for instance, could allow elders to collaboratively test home modifications with family or engage with sensory-rich memory spaces [88]—haptic interfaces might even simulate tactile interactions with heirlooms or prayer objects, offering novel ways to combat isolation.

Together, these priorities call for interdisciplinary collaboration, uniting environmental gerontology, Islamic material culture studies, and urban design to develop scalable solutions that honor cultural traditions while addressing contemporary challenges of aging in place.