4.2.1. National and Regional Comparison: Energy Self-Sufficiency and Innovation Sovereignty
The political economy of energy transitions—encompassing the distributional conflicts, institutional barriers and power asymmetries that shape clean energy outcomes—has emerged as a critical analytical lens. Newell [
5] introduces the concept of ‘trasformismo’ to describe gradual, incomplete transitions that reproduce existing power structures rather than fundamentally transforming them. This perspective moves beyond technical and economic efficiency, examining how political structures, interest coalitions and governance arrangements determine which interests are served by changes to the energy system.
The three northeastern provinces exhibit a ‘layered divergence’ pattern that complicates monolithic narratives of ‘northeastern decline.” All three share three ‘northeastern syndromes’ relative to national averages: (1) higher university dominance (
Section 3.4.1), reflecting the legacy of the planned economy in terms of state-academy innovation; (2) lower internationalization (no PCT applications in Jilin, and minimal ones in Liaoning and Heilongjiang), indicating innovation loops that are oriented inwards; and (3) specialization in cold climates (F24D/F24H shares exceeding national averages). These shared traits embody a ‘state-academy’ innovation model that is characteristic of China’s heavy industrial base.
Despite these commonalities,
Section 3.7 reveals distinct governance trajectories that are obscured by national-level averages. Andrews-Speed [
21] emphasizes that China’s energy governance is characterized by persistent ‘implementation gaps’ between national targets and local outcomes, driven by the tension between centralized policy design and decentralized execution authority. Zhang and Andrews-Speed [
22] further demonstrate that China’s low-carbon transition is “erratic,” with policy instruments producing cyclical rather than linear outcomes. This directly resonates with our Logistic model’s identification of policy-driven inflection points and subsequent saturation. These findings are consistent with our observation that identical policy instruments (e.g., Five-Year Plans and renewable energy subsidies) can produce different regional outcomes, depending on the local industrial structure and political coalitions.
Compared to national clean energy patent trends, Jilin Province exhibits three distinguishing features that illuminate the political economy of energy innovation.
Higher University Dominance: The university share (46.8%) far exceeds the national average (approximately 35%), reflecting Jilin’s strong higher education base and weak enterprise R&D. This structure embodies the ‘state-academy’ innovation model that is characteristic of China’s planned-economy legacy, in which technological self-sufficiency was pursued through public research institutions rather than market-driven enterprise R&D. In the context of accelerating deglobalization and technology decoupling, this model has both advantages (rapid mobilization for strategic technologies) and disadvantages (weak commercialization pathways and high invalidation rates).
Lower Internationalization: No PCT applications were identified in the dataset, despite a national PCT ratio of 2.3% for clean energy patents. This absence suggests a ‘domestic innovation loop’ that restricts global competitiveness, though it could align with the goal of strategic autonomy. As Western nations restrict technology transfers and China pursues a ‘dual circulation’ development model, Jilin’s inward orientation could be viewed as a transitional phase toward indigenous innovation ecosystems, provided that deficits in quality and maintenance are addressed.
Colder Climate Specialization: The high proportion of F24D (heating systems, 10.6%) and F24H (heat pumps, 7.1%) exceeds national averages (4.1% and 3.2%, respectively) and reflects climate-driven technological adaptation.
These national-level comparisons reveal that Jilin’s clean energy innovation profile is shaped not only by resource endowment and market forces, but also by politically determined governance structures. Recent quantitative assessments confirm that China’s energy transition exhibits significant regional heterogeneity, with the northeastern region lagging behind the eastern coastal region in transition efficiency [
39]. This macro-level pattern corroborates our finding that identical national policy signals produce different regional outcomes, depending on the local industrial structure and governance capacity.
4.2.2. International Comparison: Crisis, Resilience, and the Nordic Paradox
Jilin Province reveals both shared challenges and divergent governance trajectories compared to cold-climate regions internationally, such as the Nordic countries, Canada and Alaska [
40,
41,
42]. Coenen, Hansen, and Rekers [
24] argue that green economy innovation requires ‘institutional entrepreneurship’, which involves the deliberate creation of new rules, norms, and organizational forms that bridge existing institutional logic. The Nordic experience exemplifies such entrepreneurship, whereas China’s northeastern provinces remain constrained by institutional inertia from the era of the planned economy.
Global Innovation Context: Beyond the Nordic and Canadian comparators, the International Energy Agency’s (IEA) dedicated assessment of China’s clean energy innovation ecosystem provides an essential global context [
43]. While China has become a dominant player in energy patenting, IEA notes that the geographic concentration of innovation capacity within a handful of coastal and central provinces—Beijing, Shanghai, Guangdong, and Jiangsu—creates a “dual-track” innovation landscape. Jilin’s patent density (2.4 per 10,000 people) is much lower than that of these leading regions, placing Northeast China in the “second tier” of China’s innovation hierarchy. This global benchmarking reinforces our finding that Jilin’s challenges are not merely regional developmental delays, but rather reflect the structural features of a nationally segmented innovation system.
Similar Technology Priorities, Divergent Innovation Governance: Heating and thermal storage technologies dominate across all high-latitude regions, consistent with structural heating demand. However, Jilin’s patent density (2.4 patents per 10,000 people) is lower than in Finland (8.7) and Norway (6.3), though comparable to that in Canada’s prairie provinces (2.1–3.5). More critically, Jilin’s university-to-research-institution patent ratio (12.0) far exceeds Nordic averages (0.6–0.8), where enterprises dominate clean energy innovation. This disparity reflects fundamentally different political and economic models. While Nordic countries used energy crises (the 1970s oil shocks and the 1990s nuclear phase-outs) to develop enterprise-led innovation ecosystems through market mechanisms and public–private partnerships, Jilin’s innovation system remains anchored in state-university partnerships with limited enterprise absorption capacity.
Crisis as a Turning Point for Innovation: The Nordic experience shows that energy crises can act as a turning point in the structure of a society when accompanied by reforms to governance. For example, Finland’s economic crisis in the 1990s triggered enterprise restructuring and R&D commercialization, while Norway’s oil wealth was channeled into sovereign wealth funds that financed long-term energy R&D. Jilin’s current position, with its approaching logistic saturation, declining growth rates and severe maintenance deficits, presents a comparable crisis juncture. The 43.5% invalidation rate and Jilin University alone accounts for 24.3% suggest that the innovation system requires structural reform. The question is whether current policy frameworks can replicate the Nordic crisis-to-resilience transition or if institutional inertia will perpetuate the current pattern of quantity-driven, poor-quality innovation.
Energy Self-Sufficiency and Technological Sovereignty: Nordic countries achieved energy self-sufficiency through decades of sustained investment in indigenous R&D and deliberate technology import substitution. Jilin’s western cities, which hold 45% of wind and solar resources yet generate only 5.8% of patents, exemplify the ‘resource without technology’ paradox. In an increasingly geopoliticized world of energy technology access, this paradox represents a strategic vulnerability. The proposed ‘3+3+3’ framework’s emphasis on spatial rebalancing and cross-domain fusion directly addresses this vulnerability by seeking to transform resource endowment into innovation capacity.
The Nordic comparison also highlights the differences between the provinces in Northeast China more clearly. Liaoning’s enterprise-mediated diversification resembles Finland’s restructuring after 1990, when coastal market exposure enabled enterprise-led recovery. Jilin’s university-dominated economy is similar to Norway’s in the early phase of its state-owned enterprise dependency, though without Norway’s sovereign wealth mechanism to channel resource rents into long-term research and development (R&D). In contrast, Heilongjiang’s volatility lacks a Nordic analogue, representing a distinctive ‘resource-rich but innovation-poor’ path where resource rents have failed to translate into innovation capacity.
This tripartite comparison suggests that old industrial bases cannot adopt uniform transition templates. The OECD’s latest framework for measuring science and innovation for sustainable growth provides a methodological complement to our diagnostic approach [
44]. It emphasizes that innovation policy evaluation must move beyond aggregate patent counts toward “impact coupling” metrics that link research and development (R&D) outputs to decarbonization outcomes. The OECD’s proposed “innovation-for-sustainability” indicators, including clean energy R&D specialization indices and technology transfer readiness scores, offer a template for implementing our proposed Governance Accountability Framework (
Section 4.3.2).
4.2.3. Political Determinants of Innovation Governance in Jilin
The preceding cross-provincial and international comparisons highlight that the challenges Jilin faces in clean energy innovation are fundamentally political, not merely technical or economic. Five interrelated political factors influence the province’s trajectory of innovation.
Firstly, the relationship between central and local fiscal and administrative bodies creates structural constraints on regional innovation autonomy. Under China’s fiscal decentralization framework, Jilin’s provincial government retains limited local tax revenue, which constrains its capacity to fund long-term R&D initiatives independently. This fiscal dependence is evident in Jilin’s patent portfolio, with 59.4% of patents concentrated in Changchun reflecting not only agglomeration economies but also the capital city’s privileged access to central government transfer payments and national development zone designations. In contrast, prefectural governments in western Jilin lack the fiscal resources and administrative authority to establish competitive innovation subsidy programs, perpetuating the resource–patent mismatch documented in
Section 3.3. The political logic is clear: innovation resources flow to jurisdictions where administrative hierarchies align with fiscal concentration, rather than to those with the greatest renewable resource endowments.
Secondly, incentives for cadre evaluation and promotion produce different regional outcomes depending on the industrial structure [
20]. Zhou’s analysis of incentives and political control in Chinese state-owned enterprises [
45] provides a microfoundation for understanding these dynamics. He demonstrates that target-based evaluation systems systematically distort the allocation of resources toward measurable, short-term outputs (e.g., patent counts and project completions) rather than intangible, long-term capabilities (e.g., technology transfer and commercialization networks). This mechanism is particularly harmful in systems dominated by universities, where academic metrics (e.g., publications and patents filed) take precedence over market metrics (e.g., patents maintained and licensing revenues).
In Jilin, the university dominance of 46.8% and the invalidation rate of 43.5% (see
Section 3.6) reflect quantity gaming in academic institutions, where project completion metrics dominate and patent maintenance is deprioritized. In contrast, Liaoning’s broader applicant diversification (
Section 3.7.5) and its higher enterprise patent share (~35% vs. Jilin’s ~9%) suggest that exposure to the coastal market has partially mitigated quantity-driven biases, enabling enterprise-mediated quality control. It should be noted that direct invalidation rate data for Liaoning are unavailable; this inference is based on applicant structure rather than legal status validation. Meanwhile, Heilongjiang’s volatile applicant dynamics (
Figure 12)—peaking in 2016, followed by fluctuations—indicate a different cadre response involving short-term investment in resource sector technologies (e.g., thermal management) during boom cycles, followed by abandonment during bust cycles. These three patterns—academic quantity gaming (Jilin), enterprise-mediated diversification (Liaoning, inferred from applicant structure), and resource cyclical volatility (Heilongjiang)—demonstrate that cadre incentives interact with industrial structure to produce region-specific governance pathologies, challenging the effectiveness of one-size-fits-all reform prescriptions.
Thirdly, the legacy of the planned economy creates institutional inertia that restricts the transition toward market-driven innovation governance. Jilin’s innovation structure, in which a single university accounts for 24.3% of all patents, is not just an educational outcome but also a political legacy of the socialist industrialization era. During this period, state-owned enterprises and research institutes were vertically integrated under central planning. Three decades after enterprise reform, the state–academy–enterprise interface in Jilin is characterized by the following: (a) weak technology transfer mechanisms between universities and local enterprises, as evidenced by the lack of significant patent licensing revenues from Jilin University to Jilin-based companies; (b) a prevalence of ‘defensive patenting’ (registering patents to safeguard academic freedom or to fulfil project milestones) rather than ‘offensive patenting’ (developing strategic patent portfolios to gain a competitive advantage); and (c) limited enterprise R&D capacity, as demonstrated by the marginal share of enterprise-led patents among the top 10 applicants (
Section 3.4.2). This institutional inertia is politically sustained because state-owned universities and research institutes remain core constituents of the provincial political establishment, and reforms that would reduce their patenting dominance face bureaucratic resistance.
Fourthly, the phenomenon of ‘policy layering’ further compounds the complexity of governance. Since 2016, Jilin has received overlapping policy directives from various central ministries, including the National Energy Administration’s renewable energy targets, the Ministry of Science and Technology’s innovation-driven development strategy, the Ministry of Ecology and Environment’s carbon neutrality roadmap and the Ministry of Finance’s clean heating subsidies. Each policy stream carries its own performance indicators, funding channels and reporting requirements, yet none of these are fully coordinated with each other at the provincial level. This ‘policy cacophony’ creates implementation gaps: for instance, western Jilin cities receive renewable energy investment subsidies from the National Energy Administration but lack the corresponding innovation capacity-building funds under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Science and Technology. This perpetuates the resource–patent mismatch. Resolving this fragmentation requires horizontal coordination between provincial-level line departments and vertical negotiation with central ministries—a deeply political process that existing ‘3+3+3’ governance proposals do not adequately address.
Fifthly, the fragmentation of interprovincial governance prevents the synergistic exploitation of complementary assets.
Section 3.7 reveals that the three provinces constitute functionally differentiated innovation systems. Liaoning has enterprise capacity in cross-sectoral fusion (G06Q, F25B); Jilin has automotive electrification depth (B60L-H02J integration); and Heilongjiang has thermal management specialization (F24D, F24H). However, current governance structures, such as competition for central subsidies, duplicative R&D investments and the absence of cross-provincial patent licensing platforms, perpetuate competitive fragmentation rather than collaborative advantage. This ‘northeastern innovation paradox’—complementary assets with antagonistic governance—represents a distinctive political failure that uniform national policies cannot resolve. While the ‘3+3+3’ framework’s provincial-level focus is necessary, it must be supplemented by regional coordination mechanisms that leverage interprovincial diversity as a collective asset rather than a competitive liability.
Together, these political factors help to explain why the 43.5% invalidation rate and the concentration of 24.3% of patents in a single university are not merely temporary setbacks that can be resolved through technical adjustments, but rather are symptoms of a governance system that is shaped by China’s unique political economy. Therefore, any effective reform strategy must engage directly with these political realities rather than treating them as external constraints.
Based on these empirical findings and political analysis, the next section will propose the ‘3+3+3’ strategic framework that addresses these governance challenges directly.