Pro-Environmental Attitudes and Behaviors Toward Energy Saving and Transportation

Abstract

The study analyzes pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors of residents in the mountainous regions of Małopolska regarding energy saving and transportation. The main objective was to determine the extent to which environmental awareness, vehicle technical condition, and driving style translate into actual energy-efficient behaviors. The research was conducted using a quantitative method among 423 respondents from six mountain districts of Małopolska, based on a proprietary questionnaire and statistical analysis employing non-parametric tests, correlation coefficients, and principal component analysis. The results indicate that respondents most frequently declare simple pro-environmental actions such as waste segregation and energy saving, while less often engaging in activities requiring higher effort or investment, such as eco-driving or limiting car use. Women exhibit higher environmental sensitivity and greater support for ecological regulations, whereas men tend to focus on the technical aspects of vehicle maintenance. The most pro-environmental attitudes and motivations to switch to low-emission vehicles are observed among individuals aged 25–44. The findings confirm that demographic factors significantly differentiate eco–energy-saving orientations, and that environmentally friendly transport behaviors are closely linked to everyday energy-saving practices.

1. Introduction

Pro-environmental (also referred to as pro-ecological) attitudes, including practices related to transportation and energy conservation, can contribute to the protection of the natural environment. The reasons for engaging in such behaviors may vary and stem both from concern for the environment and from the desire to achieve health, economic (savings), or social benefits (a sense of acceptance) [1].

Pro-ecological behaviors include various actions undertaken in everyday life. These include, among others, waste segregation [2,3] and composting of organic waste [4]. Reducing plastic consumption is also of great importance, for example, by using reusable bags and limiting the consumption of bottled water [5,6,7].

Another group of actions involves saving resources, including water (turning off the tap, taking shorter showers) [2] and electricity (turning off lights, using LED bulbs) [2]. Pro-ecological attitudes also include the use of energy-efficient household appliances [8] and reducing the use of private cars [9,10]. Such behaviors may also include economical driving (eco-driving) [11] and regular vehicle maintenance checks [12]. An important element of everyday environmental care is the use of alternative means of transportation, such as bicycles, public transport, or walking [13].

Pro-ecological attitudes are also reflected in participation in environmental campaigns, such as forest clean-ups or tree planting [14,15]. Such behaviors also include buying local and seasonal products [16,17], reducing meat consumption [18], as well as repairing items instead of throwing them away, and purchasing second-hand products such as clothing or furniture [19,20].

The use of renewable energy sources, such as solar panels [21], is also playing an increasingly important role. Educational activities are equally significant, involving following information related to ecology and encouraging others to adopt pro-ecological attitudes [22,23].

All these initiatives constitute an important element of contemporary ecological culture and sustainable development. Some pro-ecological actions undertaken by residents have a direct impact on reducing energy consumption, while others, although important from the perspective of environmental protection, do not directly contribute to its reduction.

Based on a review of the literature and the results of previous studies, a research gap was identified that constitutes the direct motivation for the present study. In the first step, searches were carried out in the Scopus database by combining keywords relating to pro-environmental behavior and mountain areas (query: “pro-environmental behavior” AND “mountain regions”). The results obtained proved to be very limited, as there were only six publications corresponding to these terms (as of 14 November 2025), most of which focused on issues related to tourism, nature conservation or the environmental specificities of mountain regions, rather than on the everyday energy and transport practices of residents [24,25,26,27,28,29]. Further analysis of publications indexed in Google Scholar confirmed that studies devoted to pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors rarely take into account the specificity of mountain areas (although the literature does contain individual studies in this field concerning various aspects of pro-environmental activities in mountain areas, e.g., pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors of tourists [30,31,32], car use in mountain areas [33], attitudes towards wildlife in protected areas [34], and specific energy-related characteristics of mountain areas [35], among others).

Furthermore, previous studies rarely integrate two perspectives: individual pro-environmental behaviors in the household and practices related to eco-driving and vehicle maintenance, treating them as a single, coherent, and measurable construct. In addition, the research conducted adds value by profiling recipients, which made it possible to determine which groups (e.g., based on gender or age) combine their declared attitudes with actual pro-environmental practices (e.g., the relationship between the attitude “I save energy at home” and the behavior “I drive eco-friendly”).

In light of the above, the present study addresses these gaps by focusing on residents of the mountain districts of the Małopolska region and by integrating, within a single analytical framework, three groups of behaviors: practices related to transport and vehicle maintenance, activities aimed at saving energy in the household and ecological–economic motivations to replace the car with a more energy-efficient one. Therefore, the main objective of this article is to identify and analyze pro-environmental actions undertaken by residents of the mountain districts of the Małopolska region, with particular emphasis on practices related to transportation and energy conservation in these areas.

The specific objective of the study is to determine the extent to which pro-ecological attitudes and practices related to vehicle technical condition and driving style understood as actions promoting energy saving among residents of mountainous areas of Małopolska translate into actual energy-efficient behaviors.

The choice of the mountain districts of Małopolska as the research area results from the specific characteristics of this region, which significantly determine the pro-ecological attitudes and behaviors of its inhabitants. The study area experiences frequent temperature inversions that inhibit air circulation, leading to the formation of fog and smog. This area is also affected by a phenomenon known locally as the halny wind (proper name). In mountain areas, higher fuel consumption in road transport is observed, which is a consequence of the terrain’s topography, significant elevation differences, and greater distances between places of residence and service centers or workplaces [36]. Another important variable indicating the specificity of the area where the research was conducted is the slightly cooler microclimate prevailing there, resulting in a higher demand for thermal energy in households [37]. All this means that the mountainous areas of Małopolska set unfortunate records for air pollution during the heating season [12]. This phenomenon is closely related to the daily energy and transport choices made by residents (e.g., when and how to heat their homes, what means of transport to use to commute).

Mountain areas of Małopolska are also characterized by multigenerational households [38], a traditional family model and the predominance of single-family housing, which affect both the structure of energy consumption and the methods of energy acquisition.

In the studied areas there is no developed heavy industry. The economy is mainly based on small-scale local entrepreneurship and services. Tourism constitutes a separate and important pillar of economic activity (accommodation, gastronomy and tourism-related services), the significance of which increases seasonally [39,40,41].

Under conditions of dispersed single-family housing, lower temperatures and varied terrain, residents bear relatively higher transportation and heating costs, which translates into specific energy consumption patterns [42]. Instead of traditional crafts, now marginal, small service and trade micro-enterprises are more commonly observed, along with small-scale, low-intensity forms of agriculture (meadows and pastures) operating under the influence of seasonal demand fluctuations related to tourism.

It should also be noted that farms located in mountain and foothill areas face higher production costs and achieve lower yields, which nowadays encourages the abandonment of agricultural activity [43]. This socio-economic structure makes sensitivity to weather conditions and market seasonality greater than in urban centers, which has direct consequences for transportation behaviors and energy-saving practices. In addition, the region under study has a large concentration of protected areas, such as national parks and Natura 2000 sites. This limits the possibilities for infrastructure development and at the same time promotes so-called “soft” forms of activity that are environmentally friendly. This situation leads to real conflicts between different development goals and creates an interesting background for studying social acceptance of pro-environmental activities.

2. The Importance of Pro-Ecological Attitudes in the Context of Contemporary Climate and Energy Challenges

2.1. The Concept and Structure of Attitude

The concept of attitude has been shaped primarily within the field of social psychology and plays a key role in analyzing the relationship between individuals’ beliefs, emotions, and behaviors. G. W. Allport defined attitude as a state of mental and neural readiness, shaped by experience, which exerts a directive influence on a person’s responses to specific objects and situations [44]. Contemporary researchers define attitude as a relatively stable disposition to evaluate objects, ideas, or actions (evaluation along an approval–disapproval dimension) [45], combining cognitive, affective, and behavioral components (Figure 1) [45,46]. The cognitive component refers to an individual’s beliefs and knowledge about a given phenomenon, the affective component reflects emotions and feelings toward the object of the attitude, while the behavioral component manifests itself in the readiness to undertake specific actions [46]. The literature emphasizes that the mutual interaction of these three elements shapes the way an individual perceives and responds to social reality [45,46].

In the model proposed by Fishbein and Ajzen, attitude constitutes one of the main determinants of intention, which in turn is a direct predictor of behavior, alongside subjective (social) norms and perceived behavioral control [47,48]. This framework has become the basis for numerous studies on the relationship between attitudes and behaviors, including those in the pro-ecological context.

2.2. Theoretical Approaches to Environmental Attitudes and Pro-Ecological Behavior

In this article, following Meng and Si [49], the term environmental attitude is understood as an individual’s general disposition toward environmental problems, which, according to numerous studies, constitutes an important predictor of pro-environmental behavior: the more positive the attitude, the higher the likelihood of engaging in such actions.

In general terms, environmental attitudes represent a complex way of relating to the natural environment and its problems, combining how an individual understands and evaluates ecological issues and the actions they are genuinely inclined to take toward the environment. In other words, they reflect a personal set of beliefs, feelings and intentions regarding nature and its protection [50]. In the literature, pro-ecological attitudes are defined in various ways: as an expression of ecological awareness [51,52], as a readiness to engage in environmental action [53], and as a habitual pattern of pro-environmental behavior [54,55].

To fully understand how pro-ecological attitudes are formed and why they are (or are not) reflected in individual behavior, it is useful to refer to key theoretical frameworks and empirical findings. The starting point is the concept of the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP), which captures a broad ecological worldview encompassing beliefs about the limits to growth, the fragility of the natural balance, and the rejection of the anthropocentric notion of human “exceptionalism.” NEP is currently one of the most commonly used tools for measuring environmental attitudes [56].

Against this background, the Value–Belief–Norm (VBN) theory organizes the relationships leading from value systems (egoistic, altruistic, and biospheric), through beliefs, awareness of the consequences of actions, and the attribution of responsibility, to personal norms that directly motivate pro-environmental behavior [57,58].

At the core of the VBN theory lies the Norm Activation Model (NAM), which assumes that awareness of the consequences of one’s actions and the sense of responsibility trigger a moral obligation to act [59]. Meanwhile, the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) emphasizes that attitudes toward specific behaviors, social norms, and perceived behavioral control shape intentions, which in turn lead to actual behavior [47].

Finally, the Goal-Framing Theory suggests that whether pro-ecological beliefs translate into real actions depends on which goal frames are activated: normative (“I should/I shouldn’t”), gain (“It’s profitable/It’s not profitable”), or hedonic (“Pleasant/Unpleasant”) [60].

An important role in shaping pro-ecological attitudes and behaviors is also played by identity-related and emotional factors. A stronger sense of connection with nature (Connectedness to Nature) and a well-developed environmental identity (EID) foster more pro-ecological attitudes and actions. This relationship is confirmed by both classical measurement instruments [61] and more recent cross-cultural validations [62], as well as meta-analyses that integrate these findings into a coherent picture of the link between “feeling connected to nature” and pro-ecological behavior [63].

Research on the phenomenon of cultural cognition shows that divergences in attitudes toward climate change do not result from a lack of scientific knowledge, but from a conflict between cognitive and identity-based interests. Individuals with higher levels of scientific competence do not necessarily express greater concern about climate change. On the contrary, such individuals often display stronger polarization, as their beliefs are shaped by the values and views shared within their social group [64].

At the level of analyzing the relationship between attitudes and behaviors, the Campbell Paradigm proves to be a useful framework, according to which the likelihood of undertaking a given action depends on the strength of the attitude and the cost associated with that action [65]. These conclusions are supported by meta-analyses indicating that pro-ecological behaviors are primarily shaped by behavioral intentions, personal norms, and perceived efficacy, whereas knowledge and sense of responsibility play an important but indirect role, supporting the development of pro-ecological norms and behaviors [66,67].

These considerations can be complemented by the practice-based approach, which emphasizes that attitudes and intentions materialize within concrete social practices embedded in specific material and cultural structures. This means that effective behavioral change requires not only the modification of individual beliefs but also a deliberate shaping of the context of action, including infrastructure, social norms, and real opportunities for choice and action [68].

2.3. Environmental Attitudes in the Context of Social Acceptance and Policy Implementation

In 2023, total greenhouse gas emissions in Poland, calculated on a territorial basis (attributing emissions to the locations where they actually occur, including indirect CO₂ emissions and excluding the LULUCF sector, Land Use, Land Use Change and Forestry), amounted to 348.4 Mt CO₂e [69]. On a per capita basis, assuming a population of 37.637 million as of December 31, 2023, this corresponds to approximately 9.26 t CO₂e per person [70].

In this accounting framework, the “Energy” sector bears the greatest weight in the national balance, while direct household emissions (fuel combustion in residential buildings) represent only a partial component of it. At the same time, literature using consumption-based accounting approaches (footprint and MRIO) indicates that household consumption, as the main driver of demand for goods, services and energy across entire supply chains, indirectly accounts for approximately 60–72% of global greenhouse gas (CO₂) emissions [71,72,73].

This does not mean that households directly produce emissions on such a scale; rather, it indicates that through their consumption decisions, they “inherit” emissions generated in the energy, industrial, transport and agricultural sectors. Consequently, responsible choices in the areas of mobility, diet, heating and energy efficiency have a tangible impact on emission reduction, provided that one distinguishes between territorial accounting (emissions occurring within a country’s borders) and consumption-based accounting (emissions attributed to final consumer demand) [71,72,73].

Pro-ecological attitudes are manifested not only in individual actions but also in the acceptance of political instruments necessary to achieve climate and energy goals [74,75,76]. Research indicates that support for measures such as carbon pricing, the expansion of emissions trading systems, energy efficiency standards, or the development of renewable energy sources in residential areas depends on trust in public institutions, as well as on perceptions of distributive justice (who bears the costs and who benefits) and procedural justice (whether the community’s voice has genuinely been considered) [74,77,78,79].

This issue is particularly relevant in the context of the current public debate in Poland, where as of 1 October 2025, a deposit return system (DRS) for beverage containers (including plastic and glass bottles and metal cans) has been introduced [80,81]. The initiative has received mixed reactions, as some commentators and stakeholders have pointed to its shortcomings, emphasizing the risk of significant financial flows accumulating within the system (including from unclaimed deposits), the potential expansion of administrative structures on the operators’ side and limited user-friendliness during the initial implementation phase, all of which could generate indirect burdens for residents [82,83]. At the same time, local governments and the municipal waste management sector have warned that removing the most valuable fractions (PET, cans, glass) from municipal selective collection may reduce revenues from the sale of recyclable materials and increase the costs of waste management systems, potentially leading to higher household fees [84,85,86].

It should therefore be noted that overly complex or burdensome solutions can significantly weaken public trust in the energy transition process, fostering the perception that pro-environmental actions serve merely as a pretext for imposing additional financial burdens [75,87]. When environmental policies are perceived as oppressive, their public acceptance declines, while compensatory mechanisms such as climate dividends or protective tariffs, and transparency in the use of public funds, enhance public support [88,89]. Identity and territorial factors also play an important role: strong attachment to place can trigger NIMBY (“Not In My Backyard”) reactions [90], which hinder participatory processes, whereas their mitigation is supported by sharing local benefits and involving communities in decision-making. Finally, appropriate message framing, emphasizing co-benefits such as improved air quality and public health, as well as highlighting collective efficacy—strengthens prosocial norms, reduces the gap between intention and action, and contributes to the long-term acceptance of the energy transition [91,92,93].

3. The Energy Dimension of Pro-Environmental Attitudes and Behaviors—Barriers and Facilitators

Energy constitutes one of the key dimensions of environmental practices, as it permeates all spheres of social and economic life [94,95]. Decisions concerning its generation and consumption link the everyday micro-decisions of individuals with large-scale climatic effects and social costs [96].

The “energy dimension” is understood here as a set of beliefs, intentions, and habits [91] that influence the level of final energy consumption in households and institutions and, consequently, affect greenhouse gas emissions [96,97] as well as local co-benefits, such as improved air quality, better health, and lower energy bills [98,99].

In the area of pro-environmental behavior, particularly those directly related to energy consumption, one can distinguish between direct actions, referring to the ways energy is used, and indirect actions, encompassing choices and attitudes that influence energy demand in less obvious ways, such as through consumption decisions, transportation choices or the organization of living spaces [100,101].

In the literature, it is generally accepted that energy practices differ in their scope, motivation, and potential environmental impact. One of the fundamental categories consists of curtailment behaviors, which involve minor adjustments to daily habits that do not require financial investment but rely on greater awareness and user discipline. Examples of such practices include lowering heating temperature by a few degrees, reducing water heating time, avoiding standby mode for appliances, or ventilating rooms in a more rational manner [102].

The second category includes efficiency behaviors, which have an investment or modernization character. These refer to decisions such as insulating buildings, replacing heat sources, purchasing appliances with higher energy ratings, or implementing automation systems that control energy use [102].

A third category can be described as operational behaviors, associated with demand flexibility. These include, among others, consciously shifting energy consumption to off-peak hours, using dynamic tariffs, scheduling household appliances, and monitoring usage through smart meters and energy reports [103].

Finally, community behaviors are gaining increasing importance. These concern decisions made within housing cooperatives, associations, or public institutions. They manifest in joint modernization resolutions, the introduction of rules for shared space use, and collective investments in renewable energy sources such as photovoltaic installations [104], heat pumps, or heat recovery systems [105].

Although such actions are often indirect and unfold over time, they gradually shape everyday habits, lifestyles, and perceptions of what constitutes “reasonable” or “responsible” energy use. From a broader perspective, they may become part of a cultural transformation in which environmental concern and the rational management of resources are integrated into everyday social practice.

Household energy decisions are influenced by a range of cognitive, psychological, and structural barriers (Figure 2) that limit the willingness to engage in pro-environmental actions [106,107].

Cognitive barriers include difficulties related to information processing and energy learning. Energy is a good with low “visibility,” which means that users rarely receive clear feedback on their consumption, and bills and tariffs remain non-transparent, making it difficult to assess the effects of actions and to respond to price signals. Research has shown that providing understandable information about energy use increases responsiveness to price incentives [108]. Additionally, the complexity of offers, complicated procedures of support programs, and high cognitive costs lead to decision delays and so-called “choice fatigue,” which fosters passivity and the postponement of investment decisions [109].

Psychological barriers refer to the internal mechanisms that shape behavior. Attachment to thermal comfort, ingrained habits of appliance use, and the absence of clear normative impulses help stabilize existing patterns of energy consumption [110]. Limited trust in institutions and deficits in technical competence [111], as well as fear of financial risk and of making an incorrect investment decision [112], also play an important role. These factors cause individuals, even when aware of potential benefits, to often refrain from undertaking modernization activities.

Structural barriers are external in nature and result from material, organizational, and economic conditions. These include, above all, high initial investment costs, limited access to capital, and uncertainty regarding financial returns [112,113]. The literature also describes issues in landlord–tenant relationships, which under certain circumstances discourage energy saving and thermal modernization [114]. Technical limitations, such as the condition of infrastructure or lack of adaptability, likewise restrict the range of possible changes [115]. Moreover, the dispersion of support instruments, complex procedures, and bureaucracy make organizational barriers as significant as financial ones [116].

The literature emphasizes that effectively reducing household energy consumption requires not only the removal of barriers but also the creation of conditions that facilitate pro-energy decision-making [117]. Among the most frequently mentioned factors are solutions that increase the visibility of energy use and provide users with clear feedback on the effects of their actions. Regular consumption reports, presented in both economic and environmental terms, as well as the possibility of comparing results with similar households, foster greater awareness and a sense of agency [108,118].

Equally important are solutions based on simple default settings and everyday micro-habits that enable energy savings without reducing comfort [119]. Reducing decision-making effort, for example, through automated appliance programs or nighttime temperature adjustments, helps reinforce new behavioral patterns [120]. Studies also emphasize the importance of stable financial support, which makes investments in energy-efficient technologies more accessible to households [121]. Minor technical improvements, such as optimizing heating systems or enhancing building airtightness, combined with modernization efforts like insulation and replacement of heat sources, constitute one of the pillars of an effective energy transition [122].

At the same time, investments in renewable energy sources, including agricultural biogas plants, photovoltaic farms, and wind farms, are gaining growing importance. Their effective planning and siting require consideration of spatial and environmental factors [123,124,125]. Equally essential are transparent and user-friendly procedures that simplify the investment process, particularly through the integration of information, consulting, and financing within a single service framework [126]. Recent advances in hybrid hydrogen-based systems and thermoelectric energy conversion highlight the growing integration of clean energy production and efficient resource management [127,128].

Innovative technologies for energy recovery from waste, such as dual-function bioreactors used for sewage sludge processing, are also becoming more significant, as they support clean production and energy recovery in industry [129,130].

The literature increasingly underscores the role of social and cultural factors: institutional transparency, visible examples of good practices, and local initiatives that strengthen trust and give energy saving the character of a shared community commitment [131].

4. Transport Choices as a Reflection of Pro-Environmental Attitudes and Behaviors

Transport is one of the key areas of pro-environmental action due to its high share in greenhouse gas emissions, significant energy consumption, and numerous local impacts [132,133]. It accounts for approximately one-quarter of global energy-related CO₂ emissions and additionally generates non-exhaust emissions (from tire and brake wear) as well as environmental noise, which the WHO and EEA identify as major urban health threats [134,135,136]. The transport system also shapes the spatial structure of cities, occupying vast areas for road and parking infrastructure, thereby reinforcing car dependency [137].

At the same time, changes in mobility behaviors—including the choice of transport mode, travel frequency and distance, and driving style—can bring substantial co-benefits for both health and the environment, such as improved air quality, reduced emissions, and increased physical activity leading to better health outcomes [138,139]. In this context, “mobility behaviors” refer to individual transport decisions, while “infrastructure and the surrounding environment” define the institutional and spatial frameworks that enable or constrain those decisions [132,140].

In the area of pro-environmental mobility behaviors, a wide range of actions can be identified, encompassing both everyday transport decisions and long-term investment choices with lasting effects [141,142]. At the level of daily practices, the choice of transport mode is of key importance—whether to travel on foot, by bicycle, by public transport, by shared vehicle, or by private car [143,144,145].

Pro-environmental actions also include reducing the number of trips by combining them or replacing travel with telework, planning journeys during off-peak hours, and applying smooth and economical driving techniques that help reduce fuel consumption and exhaust emissions [146,147,148,149,150,151]. An important element is also the responsible use of vehicles, including regular technical inspections, maintaining proper tire pressure, monitoring vehicle condition, and using service stations and car washes equipped to manage waste and wastewater safely [152,153,154].

In the long-term perspective, pro-environmental behaviors are reflected in investments in more sustainable modes of transport, such as bicycles, cargo bikes, long-term public transport passes, and electric or hybrid vehicles [143,155,156,157]. Increasingly important are also digital solutions that support travel planning, energy consumption monitoring, and cost analysis, thereby facilitating the reinforcement of pro-environmental habits in everyday mobility [158,159,160].

5. Materials and Methods

The specific objective of the study is to determine the extent to which pro-environmental attitudes and practices related to vehicle condition and driving style understood as actions that promote energy saving among residents of the mountainous areas of Małopolska translate into actual energy-efficient behaviors.

Men and Women actively using passenger cars from the following districts of the Małopolska region: Tatra, Nowy Targ, Limanowa, Sucha, Nowy Sącz, and Gorlice.

The sample selection was purposeful and random and was carried out at two district vehicle inspection stations (OSKP) located in the mountainous counties of the Małopolska Province. These facilities are supra-local technical diagnostic centers, which are visited by drivers from several neighboring counties, which made it possible to obtain a sample corresponding to the structure of car users in the region. A systematic sampling procedure was used at each station: participation in the study was offered to successive drivers waiting for a mandatory technical inspection of their vehicle, regardless of the time of day or day of the week. This solution combined the advantages of controlled access to the population (location selection) with randomness at the individual level, while ensuring consistency in recruitment at both points.

The sample size (N = 423) complies with the standards adopted in research on consumer and environmental behavior. In the literature on the subject, analyses based on a similar or smaller empirical scale are relatively common, especially in the case of surveys conducted in specific population segments or geographical regions [161,162]. Examples include studies on pro-environmental transport and energy behaviors, which used samples of 300–500 respondents [163,164]. For this reason, the sample size is within methodologically acceptable limits and guarantees sufficient analytical power in the non-parametric and correlational analyses used in the study.

The survey questionnaire consisted of five thematic sections: demographic data (gender, age), pro-environmental attitudes and beliefs, energy-saving practices, vehicle maintenance practices, driving style and readiness to engage in ecological actions.

From the full set of variables, those were selected for analysis that allowed for the identification of relationships between environmental awareness and energy-saving behaviors in the context of transport, taking into account demographic factors differentiating these attitudes. The following research questions were posed:

• What are the pro-environmental attitudes of residents of the mountainous regions of Małopolska toward transport and energy-saving practices, and which social and demographic factors differentiate these attitudes?
• What proportion of residents engage in energy-saving practices?
• Which demographic characteristics differentiate pro-environmental and energy-saving attitudes and practices?

To address these questions and achieve the research objective, an appropriate analytical framework was developed. The data analysis process was carried out in eight stages. In the first stage, the sample and variable distribution were characterized using descriptive statistics. Frequencies, means, and standard deviations were calculated in accordance with the classical principles of quantitative survey data analysis [165]. Subsequently, using tests of dependence and difference, relationships between pro-environmental attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors were examined with the use of Pearson’s and Spearman’s correlation coefficients, as well as the χ² test of independence with measures of association strength: Phi and Cramer’s V coefficients. The choice of these methods was justified by the type and measurement scale of the variables [166].

In the next step, the analysis was deepened by examining the influence of demographic variables on pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors, which made it possible to identify groups with varying levels of environmental awareness. To obtain a consistent dimension of attitudes, it was decided to construct synthetic indicators. In order to ensure consistency between the theoretical framework and the set of empirical variables, the manner in which the main constructs derived from the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) and the Values, Beliefs, and Norms (VBN) model were operationalized in the study was clarified. Therefore, “Attitude” is understood as a declarative assessment of pro-environmental actions and the degree of approval of energy-saving practices; it corresponded to the questionnaire items concerning readiness to use sustainable transport, energy saving, and preference for low-emission vehicles. “Personal norm” is reflected in questions relating to environmental motivation and a sense of moral obligation towards environmental protection, included in the module on ecological and economic motivation for vehicle change. On the other hand, “perceived behavioral control” is reflected in items relating to the ability and skills to implement energy-saving behaviors, such as maintaining a vehicle in good technical condition, applying eco-driving principles, or using alternative forms of mobility. The elements described correspond to three constructed sub-indicators, which together form a synthetic dimension of eco-energy-saving orientation.

Three partial indicators were created as follows:

• Sustainable transport, comprising nine items related to modes of travel and vehicle maintenance, such as: keeping the vehicle in good condition to reduce emissions and protect the environment; maintaining the vehicle to increase its efficiency (lower fuel consumption/reduced maintenance costs); limiting the use of a private car; driving economically (eco-driving); using a bicycle, public transport, or walking; maintaining proper tire pressure; reducing driving speed on highways; using public transport more frequently; carpooling; and using car-sharing services.
• Energy-saving activity, consisting of three items related to household energy-saving practices such as saving electricity (turning off lights, using LEDs); using energy-efficient household appliances; and using renewable energy sources (e.g., solar panels).
• Ecological and economic motivation to change a car, including five items assessing readiness to replace a vehicle due to: the desire to own a more environmentally friendly car (hybrid/electric); high maintenance costs of the current car; frequent breakdowns or poor condition of the current vehicle; the intention to reduce exhaust emissions or care for the environment; and the wish to lower emissions for tax or regulatory reasons.

The construction of synthetic indicators was an original, expert-based procedure. Each indicator was calculated as the arithmetic mean of binary items (0–1), which allowed for the unification of the scale and the transformation of nominal data into quantitative variables [167]. The internal reliability of the set of items was assessed using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient (α = 0.606), commonly applied to evaluate scale consistency in social research [168,169].

Subsequently, a principal component analysis (PCA) was conducted to reduce dimensionality and confirm the unidimensional structure of the constructs [170,171]. This procedure produced a single component with an eigenvalue of 1.806, explaining 60.2% of the variance, which justified combining the indicators into one dimension.

Based on the PCA results, a synthetic indicator (synthetic variable) was created, defined as the eco–energy-saving orientation, constructed from the arithmetic mean of sustainable transport, energy-saving activity, and ecological and economic motivation to change a car. It ranges from 0 to 1 and represents the intensity of respondents’ pro-environmental attitudes and energy-saving behaviors.

Next, the synthetic variable was analyzed for differences based on gender and age. Since the distribution was non-normal (Shapiro–Wilk and Kolmogorov–Smirnov tests, p < 0.05), nonparametric tests were applied: the Mann–Whitney U test (for the gender variable) and the Kruskal–Wallis test (for the age variable), along with post hoc comparisons and Bonferroni correction [172].

For the presentation of results, a mirrored bar chart (for gender) and a bar chart based on mean ranks (for age) were used. The use of mean ranks instead of raw values is recommended in nonparametric tests, as ranks form the basis of calculations in the Kruskal–Wallis test [173].

The applied procedures were appropriate to the nature of the data (nominal and ordinal variables) and to the objectives of the study, namely, identifying the common dimension of energy-saving and pro-environmental attitudes and determining their demographic determinants. Descriptive statistics and chi² tests made it possible to identify general relationships, while index analysis and nonparametric tests enabled the identification of the structure and differentiation of energy-saving orientations in a manner robust to violations of the assumptions of classical parametric tests [174,175].

The application of PCA and Cronbach’s alpha ensured the validity and internal consistency of the synthetic indicator [167]. The use of nonparametric tests (Mann–Whitney and Kruskal–Wallis) was justified by the non-normal distribution of the data and the nature of the measurement scales (ordinal and binary). The entire analytical procedure, combining classical dependency tests with multivariate techniques, made it possible to obtain reliable conclusions regarding the energy-saving and pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors of residents in the mountainous regions of Małopolska.

The statistical analysis was conducted using PS IMAGO PRO 10.0 (Predictive Solutions Sp. z o.o., Kraków, Poland) based on IBM SPSS Statistics 29 (IBM Corp., Armonk, NY, USA).

6. Results

6.1. Characteristics of the Research Sample

The study was conducted from early June to mid-August 2025. A total of 423 respondents participated (39.5% women and 60.5% men), all of whom owned cars and were active drivers. The age distribution of the respondents was as follows: 48 were under 25 years old, 215 were between 25 and 44, 116 were between 45 and 64, and 44 were 65 years old or older. The age analysis (mean = 2.37) indicates that the majority of respondents belonged to the 25–44 age group.

The Shapiro–Wilk normality test showed that the data did not meet the assumption of normal distribution (nonparametric data); therefore, nonparametric tests were applied in the subsequent analysis.

6.2. Environmental Awareness and the Importance of Vehicle Technical Condition

To assess environmental awareness and the importance that respondents attribute to the technical condition of vehicles and its impact on the environment, a set of descriptive indicators was analyzed, covering their opinions and declarations regarding technical inspections and vehicle use (

Table 1. Descriptive statistics for selected variables regarding respondents’ attitudes towards the technical condition of vehicles and environmental protection.

	N Valid	N Missing	Mean	Median	Std. Deviation	Variance	Skewness	Std. Error of Skewness	Kurtosis	Std. Error of Kurtosis	Range	Minimum	Maximum
Assessment of the impact of mandatory technical inspections on environmental protection	422	1	1.983	2	1.078	1.161	0.937	0.119	0.289	0.237	5	0	5
Position on the ban on entry into city centers of vehicles that emit excessive pollutants	422	1	2.73	2	1.35	1.822	0.396	0.119	−0.94	0.237	5	0	5
Assessment of the general technical condition of vehicles travelling on Polish roads (from the point of view of environmental protection)	422	1	2.4	2	0.7348	0.54	−0.32	0.119	−0.0907	0.237	4	0	4
Assessment of the impact of environmental care on vehicle maintenance decisions (e.g., filter replacement, fuel quality, driving style)	422	1	2.391	2	1.192	1.422	0.653	0.119	−0.286	0.237	5	0	5
Assessment of the positive impact of the vehicle’s technical condition on environmental protection	422	1	2.033	2	1.083	1.172	1.152	0.119	0.978	0.237	5	0	5
Do you check the technical condition of your vehicle also between mandatory technical inspections?	423	0	1.378	1	0.626	0.392	1.312	0.119	0.77	0.237	3	0	3
How important is environmental protection to you?	423	0	1.934	2	0.995	0.991	1.219	0.119	1.274	0.237	4	1	5
Which statement best describes your driving style?	423	0	1.652	1	0.829	0.687	1.3	0.119	1.343	0.237	4	0	4
How important, in your opinion, is the good technical condition of road transport?	423	0	1.158	1	0.397	0.157	1.976	0.119	3.771	0.237	3	0	3
Which statement best describes your driving style? (duplicate column)	423	0	1.929	2	0.873	0.762	1.382	0.119	2.696	0.237	5	0	5

).

The descriptive statistics analysis of selected variables (Table 1) allows for an assessment of respondents’ attitudes toward issues related to the technical condition of vehicles, mandatory inspections, and the importance of these actions for environmental protection. A five-point Likert scale was used in the study, where a value of 1 indicated the highest rating (“very important”, “strongly agree”) and 5 the lowest rating (“completely unimportant”, “strongly disagree”).

The results indicate that respondents generally have a positive perception of the importance of vehicle maintenance and technical aspects for environmental protection. The mean rating of the impact of mandatory technical inspections on the environment was 1.98, while the mean rating of the positive influence of a vehicle’s technical condition was 2.03. This suggests that most respondents agree that regular technical inspections and proper vehicle use contribute to environmental protection. Similar conclusions are presented by Kochanek et al. [12], who point out that exhaust gas analysis forms the basis of sustainable road transport development and is a key element in assessing the effectiveness of measures aimed at meeting emission standards in road transport.

The mean value of 2.39 for the importance of ecological considerations in operational decisions suggests that environmental factors are important to respondents, although they do not constitute a decisive criterion for choice or behavior.

The declared responsibility of respondents regarding vehicle maintenance can also be assessed positively [176,177]. Most respondents monitor the technical condition of their cars even between mandatory inspections (mean = 1.38, median = 1), indicating awareness of the importance of proper maintenance for both safety and environmental protection. At the same time, the mean rating of the importance of environmental protection (1.93) confirms that for most participants, this is a significant or very significant issue. Similar tendencies are observed regarding driving style (mean = 1.65), suggesting that respondents strive to maintain driving habits consistent with eco-driving principles.

Opinions are somewhat more diverse regarding regulatory measures. In the case of restrictions on entering city centers for vehicles with excessive emissions (mean = 2.73), moderate support for such actions was observed. This result may indicate general acceptance of pro-environmental initiatives, but also a need for their social justification and balance with drivers’ interests.

The distributions of most variables show asymmetry towards low values (1–2), which confirms the predominance of positive assessments. The standard deviation values (0.6–1.3) indicate moderate variability in responses, with overall consistency of opinion. In summary, respondents demonstrate a high level of awareness of the importance of the technical condition of vehicles and technical inspections for the environment, as well as a generally positive attitude towards pro-environmental activities and a declared commitment to responsible vehicle maintenance.

6.3. Pro-Environmental Behaviors of Residents in Mountainous Areas

The analysis also examined the scope and nature of pro-environmental practices declared by residents of the studied regions, encompassing both everyday habits and more conscious forms of ecological engagement (Figure 3).

The results of the descriptive analysis of respondents’ pro-environmental behaviors indicate which pro-environmental actions they reported undertaking (dichotomous scale: 1—“yes,” 0—“no”) and reveal varying levels of ecological engagement within the studied group. The most frequently declared behavior was waste segregation (90% of responses), confirming that this is a socially well-established and widely accepted practice. Actions of an individual and low-cost nature, such as saving electricity (51%), reducing plastic use (48%), saving water (43%), and composting organic waste (43%), were reported with moderate frequency. This indicates a relatively high level of environmental awareness in the area of everyday household habits.

Second-hand shopping (19%), repairing items instead of discarding them (28%), and reducing meat consumption (8%) occurred relatively rarely, suggesting that pro-environmental consumer decisions are not yet widespread.

An even lower level of engagement was observed for civic and educational actions. Participation in environmental campaigns (5%), following information about ecology (3%), and encouraging others to take pro-environmental actions (1%) represent marginal behaviors. This indicates that the ecological activity of most respondents is limited to simple household actions, while social engagement and proactive attitudes remain minimal.

Only 4% of respondents declared that they do not undertake any pro-environmental actions, which suggests that awareness of the need to protect the environment is present among the surveyed population, although it is still manifested to a limited extent.

6.4. Environmental Behaviors Related to Transportation

The analysis also examined the scope and nature of pro-environmental practices declared by residents of the studied regions, encompassing both everyday habits and more conscious forms of ecological engagement (Figure 4).

Figure 4 presents the frequency of declared pro-environmental behaviors related to transport among the surveyed respondents. The horizontal axis illustrates the percentage of individuals who reported engaging in each specific activity.

The most frequently declared behavior was regular checking of the vehicle’s technical condition (approximately 33%). This can be interpreted as an expression of concern for safety and, indirectly, for the environment, as maintaining a vehicle in good technical condition helps reduce exhaust emissions and fuel consumption.

Respondents were much less likely to indicate that they practice eco-driving, with 15% answering “yes.” This means that only a small proportion of respondents consciously apply the principles of efficient driving, even though it is one of the simplest pro-environmental behaviors in the area of transportation.

A similar share (14%) declared that they use a bicycle, public transport, or walk instead of using a car. This indicates a moderate level of interest in alternative forms of mobility that help reduce CO₂ emissions.

The least common behavior was limiting the use of private cars—only 9% of respondents reported doing so. This result suggests that giving up car use in favor of other means of transport remains a major barrier for most people, possibly due to convenience, time constraints, or insufficient transport infrastructure.

In summary, the results indicate a predominance of individual and low-investment behaviors over actions requiring long-term commitment or social cooperation. This means that respondents’ pro-environmental attitudes are more conservative than transformative. These findings may point to the need for strengthening environmental education and motivating collective forms of engagement that extend beyond household habits.

6.5. Differentiation of Pro-Environmental Attitudes by Gender

The next step in the analysis was to determine whether there were statistically significant relationships between respondents’ gender and their pro-environmental attitudes and practices, including the perceived importance of maintaining a vehicle in good technical condition, motivations related to vehicle care, ecological actions undertaken, and opinions on environmental regulations (e.g., restrictions on entry for high-emission vehicles). The analysis was conducted using the Chi-square (χ²) test of independence (

Table 2. Gender and pro-ecological attitudes—test Chi².

Area	χ2	df	p	Proposal
The importance of keeping your vehicle in good condition	18.7	1	0.000	Women significantly more often than men declare that the technical condition of the vehicle is very important.
Reasons for maintaining a vehicle (safety, regulations, ecology, economy)	od 80.9 do 806.4	1–5	0.000	Gender differentiates motivations: women more often point to safety and responsibility, men—economy and efficiency.
Technical inspection of the vehicle between tests	219.9	1	0.000	Men are more likely to check the technical condition of the vehicle themselves.
The importance of environmental protection	80.91	1	0.000	Women attach greater importance to environmental protection.
Ecological activities (e.g., energy saving, waste segregation, plastic reduction)	49.70–476.0	1–3	0.000	Women are more likely to engage in ecological activities of everyday life (segregation, local shopping, limiting meat consumption), while men are more likely to engage in technical activities (eco-driving, vehicle inspection).
Acceptance of regulations (e.g., vehicle entry ban)	346.8–406.2	1	0.000	Women are significantly more likely to support regulations restricting the movement of excessively emitting vehicles.
Factors harmful to the environment (emissions, noise, soil pollution, car production)	145.2–382.5	1–5	0.000	Women are more likely to perceive a wide range of environmental hazards, not only exhaust emissions, but also noise, resource consumption and leaks.

), which allows assessment of whether there is a significant association between two nominal variables (in this case: gender × other categorical variables). A significance level of α = 0.05 was adopted, and the test assumptions were met, meaning that in all cases the expected cell counts were not lower than 5.

The results indicate numerous statistically significant differences between women and men in both the declared importance of environmental protection and specific pro-environmental behaviors (χ² = 18.73–806.38; p < 0.001). Women were more likely to attribute high importance to ecological aspects, report active forms of engagement (e.g., waste segregation, reducing plastic use), and express stronger support for regulatory measures (e.g., bans on high-emission vehicles entering city centers). Men, on the other hand, were more likely to emphasize technical and operational motivations for vehicle maintenance and to regularly check their vehicle’s technical condition.

The results confirm that gender is a significant factor differentiating pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors among drivers in the mountainous regions of Małopolska.

Gender significantly differentiates pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors. Women display greater ecological sensitivity, report more frequent adoption of pro-environmental practices, and show higher acceptance of protective regulations. Men, on the other hand, more often engage in technical activities such as independently checking vehicle condition, practicing economical driving, or performing vehicle maintenance, which can be interpreted as the technical dimension of ecological behavior. No significant gender differences were observed for universal activities such as waste segregation or water saving, which are socially established behaviors independent of gender.

It is worth noting that the high χ² values (up to 800+) and very low p-values (<0.001) indicate strong, non-random relationships.

The cross-tabulation analyses made it possible to identify correlations between variables related to pro-energy behaviors and attitudes (motivation to replace a vehicle with a more environmentally friendly one). The following relationship was examined: whether individuals declaring electricity-saving behavior differ in their motivation to replace their car with a more ecological one, depending on the type of engine they own. The analysis showed that 49.4% of respondents do not save energy, and 48.6% of them have no motivation to change their car, whereas 50.6% of respondents save energy, and 51.4% of them are motivated to change their car.

6.6. Relationship Between the Type of Engine and Ecological Motivation

This section analyzes whether the type of vehicle engine is associated with the level of drivers’ ecological motivation, understood as their willingness to replace their current car with a more environmentally friendly one (for example, a hybrid or electric vehicle). The analysis aims to determine whether vehicle users differ in their pro-environmental attitudes depending on the type of engine they use (diesel, gasoline, LPG, hybrid, or electric). The results are presented in

Table 3. The type of drive, motivation to change your car to an electric one and saving electricity (turning off the lights).

Drive	Approach to Energy Saving	Comments
Diesel (D)	Energy-saving: 58.9% unmotivated, 47.4% motivated to switch to an electric car	Moderate difference—ecological motivation appears more often among savers.
	Energy savers: 41.1% unmotivated, 52.6% motivated to switch to an electric car
Electric (E)	The majority (85.7%) declare they want to save energy; all of them are also motivated to switch to an electric car.	Strong confirmation of the pro-energy attitude, but small numbers (only 7 people).
Hybrid (H)	The majority (83.3%) save energy and are motivated to switch to an electric car.	Consistent profile—pro-ecological user.
LPG Gas	68.2% of them save energy in total; 60% of them declare motivation to switch to an electric car.	Positive correlation, although moderate.
Petrol (P)	Almost equal proportions (51.8%) save energy and are motivated to switch to an electric car.	There is no obvious difference, rather a neutral profile.

, which shows the relationships between engine type, declared energy-saving behaviors, and motivation to replace the vehicle with a more ecological one.

The analysis of the relationship between the type of vehicle engine and the motivation to replace it with a more environmentally friendly one (e.g., hybrid or electric) revealed clear differences among user groups (Table 3). Among diesel (D) vehicle owners, individuals declaring energy-saving behaviors (e.g., turning off lights, using LED bulbs) were more likely to report motivation to switch to a more ecological car (52.6%) than those who did not engage in such behaviors (47.4%). A similar trend was observed among LPG vehicle users, where 60% of those saving energy expressed the intention of replacing their car with a more environmentally friendly one.

The highest levels of ecological motivation were found among owners of electric (E) and hybrid (H) vehicles. In both groups, the majority of respondents not only save energy in their daily lives but also express a desire to maintain or further enhance the ecological character of their vehicle use (85.7% and 83.3%, respectively). This result indicates a strong coherence between pro-energy behaviors in the household sphere and pro-environmental attitudes in the field of mobility.

A different pattern was observed among users of gasoline-powered (P) vehicles, where responses were more evenly distributed, with approximately half of the respondents reporting both saving energy and being motivated to replace their car. This may reflect a neutral or pragmatic approach to ecological issues, in which economic and functional considerations prevail.

In summary, the results confirm a positive relationship between energy-saving behaviors in everyday life and the motivation to choose environmentally friendly means of transport. This relationship is strongest among users of hybrid and electric vehicles, suggesting that the adoption of low-emission technologies may be part of a broader pro-environmental lifestyle.

Additionally, the relationship between age and motivation to switch to an electric car as well as energy-saving behavior was analyzed, showing that there is a connection between age and motivation to adopt a more ecological vehicle, although likely a moderate one (to be confirmed by the χ² test).

6.7. Age and Energy-Saving and Pro-Environmental Behaviors

The analysis also included a comparison of pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors by age of respondents. This made it possible to identify which age groups most frequently engage in energy-saving activities and are the most inclined to choose low-emission transport solutions (

Table 4. Age, energy saving and motivation to change to a more fuel-efficient car.

Age Group	Energy Saving (%)	Motivation to Change Your Car to a More Ecological or Fuel-Efficient one (%)	Proposal
<25 years	31.7	42.9	Low level of awareness and motivation to change the car
25–44 years	59.8	61.3	The most pro-ecological group
45–64 years	42.6	43.5	Moderate attitude
65 years and more	54.5	45.5	Savings without the motivation to change the car, ecological, economical
Test	χ2	df	p (Asymp. Sig.)
Age	181.454	3	0.000
Motivation to change your car to a more ecological or fuel-efficient one	107.255	1	0.000

).

To illustrate these findings, Figure 5 presents the relationship between age and eco-energy-saving orientation, showing that both energy-saving behaviors and transport-related motivations follow a non-linear (inverted U-shaped) pattern.

To illustrate the relationship between age and eco-energy efficiency orientation (energy saving and motivation to own an eco-friendly and fuel-efficient car), a graph based on average rankings for each age group is presented. A non-linear pattern of inverse U-shaped dependence is visible: the highest intensity of pro-ecological orientation is observed in the 25–44 age group, while it is lower among the youngest and oldest age groups, although energy saving increases slightly in the 65+ age group. This may be due to the fact that this age group is the economically weakest group in Poland (pensioners and disability pensioners) and therefore tries to save costly energy. This profile corresponds to the findings in the literature indicating a change in the importance of environmental values over the life cycle [172,173]. In terms of planned behavior theory, it can be interpreted as the effect of differences in perceived behavioral control and available resources, which in middle adulthood promote a greater willingness to take pro-environmental actions. From the perspective of VBN theory, this non-linearity may result from the different dynamics of personal norms and environmental motivations in different stages of life.

The lowest levels of energy awareness and ecological motivation were found among the youngest respondents (Group 1), where only 31.7% declared saving energy and 42.9% expressed willingness to switch to a more environmentally friendly car. The highest values for both variables were recorded in Group 2 (younger adults), with 59.8% of respondents saving energy and 61.3% showing motivation to own an ecological vehicle. Group 3 displayed a moderate attitude (42.6% and 43.5%), while Group 4 showed a relatively high level of energy-saving behavior (54.5%) but lower ecological motivation (45.5%), which may suggest that this group’s actions are driven more by economic than by environmental reasons.

The results indicate that age is a significant factor differentiating both energy-saving attitudes and ecological motivation. The strongest consistency between declared energy-saving behavior and pro-environmental transport motivation was found among younger adults, which may be attributed to their higher environmental awareness and greater openness to new technologies. With increasing age, these attitudes become more diversified, and among older individuals, energy-saving behaviors tend to be motivated primarily by economic rather than ideological factors.

6.8. Gender and Energy-Saving and Pro-Environmental Behaviors

The analysis of the relationship between gender and energy-saving and pro-environmental behaviors allows for the identification of differences in how women and men engage in ecological activities. The literature indicates that women are more often guided by normative motivations (such as responsibility, concern for the environment, and safety), while men tend to emphasize the technical and economic aspects of vehicle use. The results are presented in

Table 5. Gender, energy saving and economical driving style.

Gender	Saving Energy	I Don’t Drive Eco	I Drive Eco
Woman	No	34.9%	42.9%
	Yes	65.1%	57.1%
Men	No	64.3%	25.6%
	Yes	35.7%	74.4%
Total	No (0)	52.4%	31.3%
	Yes (1)	47.6%	68.8%

.

Additional analysis of the relationship between electricity-saving behavior and the application of eco-driving principles revealed a significant association between these attitudes. Respondents who reported saving energy were much more likely to declare that they drive economically (68.8%) than those who do not engage in energy-saving activities (31.3%). These results indicate that pro-economic behaviors are consistent and tend to transfer across different areas of life, from household management to transportation (Table 5).

The gender-based analysis showed that this relationship is particularly strong among men, 74.4% of whom reported driving economically when they also declared saving energy, compared to 25.6% who did not save energy. Among women, the relationship was weaker, but the general trend of more frequent eco-driving among energy-saving individuals remained visible.

The findings suggest that both ecological and economic factors shape convergent behavior patterns and that an energy-conscious lifestyle promotes the adoption of more sustainable practices in transport. The correlation coefficient (r = 0.151) indicates a weak but positive linear relationship, with p = 0.002 < 0.01, meaning the correlation is statistically significant at the 0.01 level. Thus, there is a very low probability (less than 1%) that the result is random. This indicates that as declarations of energy saving increase, the likelihood of applying eco-driving principles also rises.

In the sample studied (N = 423), a positive but slight correlation was found between declared electricity savings in the household and the use of eco-driving principles: r = 0.151, p = 0.002. This correlation was also confirmed by the χ² independence test (significance < 0.01), which indicates consistency in pro-energy practices between the home and transport spheres.

Subgroup analyses showed that women are significantly more likely to accept regulatory solutions and declare “daily” pro-environmental practices, while men are more likely to implement technical measures (self-monitoring of vehicle condition, eco-driving). The relationship between “saving and eco-driving” proved to be stronger among men (e.g., 74.4% of men who save declare eco-driving vs. 25.6% who do not save), which is consistent with the thesis of the moderating role of gender.

Age differentiates both pro-energy attitudes and behaviors: for energy saving χ² (3, N = 423) = 181.454, p < 0.001; for motivation to switch to a more environmentally friendly/energy-efficient vehicle χ² (1, N = 423) = 107.255, p < 0.001. The relationship is nonlinear (inverted U), with the highest declarations in the 25–44 age group.

Users of hybrid and electric vehicles show the highest consistency between pro-environmental attitudes and pro-energy practices; however, the interpretation of the results for EVs should be treated with caution due to the small size of this group (low n).

The results suggest that interventions and campaigns should integrate the component of household habits (energy saving) with transport competencies (eco-driving, technical maintenance), differentiating the message according to gender (regulations and daily habits vs. technical practices) and addressing the 25–44 age group as the key driver of change.

6.9. Synthetic Indicators

The synthetic indicator defined as “Energy-sustainable transport” (

Table 6. Energy-sustainable transport.

Index Value	Percentage of Respondents	Interpretation (Behavioral Involvement)
0.0000	15.8%	lack of sustainable behavior in transport
0.1111–0.3333	69.2% (24.6% + 25.8% + 19.4%)	1–2 behavior z 5
0.4444–0.5556	14.8%	2–3 behavior
0.6667+	0.8%	4–5 behavior

) was constructed as the arithmetic mean of five binary variables describing pro-environmental and economic transport behaviors (0—absent, 1—present). The indicator values range from 0 to 0.89.

The distribution analysis shows that most respondents (69.2%) obtained values between 0.11 and 0.33, which indicates a low level of sustainability in transport behavior. Only 0.8% of respondents achieved values above 0.66, indicating a high level of commitment to energy-sustainable transport.

The distribution of the index is strongly right-skewed, confirming the dominance of attitudes with a low level of sustainability.

The dominant level of low sustainability is observed: almost 70% of respondents declare only one to two pro-environmental transport behaviors out of five possible ones. Approximately 15.8% do not exhibit any such behavior, meaning their attitudes are completely unsustainable in this regard. Only 1% of respondents can be considered highly environmentally friendly, declaring four or more actions. The distribution is strongly right-skewed (concentrated at low values), which means that most respondents are on the low end of the index.

The next step in the analysis was to determine the level of activity of mountain residents in reducing energy consumption in households. For this purpose, a synthetic indicator, “Energy saving activity,” was constructed, which reflects the number of types of energy-saving activities undertaken by respondents (e.g., turning off lights, using LED bulbs, reducing electricity consumption).

A detailed breakdown of the values of this indicator is presented in

Table 7. The activity of mountain residents in saving Energy.

Index Value	Number of People	Participation (%)	Interpretation
0.0000	176	41.60%	lack of energy-saving behavior
0.3333	104	24.60%	1 type of energy-saving behavior
0.6667	102	24.10%	2 types of energy-saving behavior
1.0000	41	9.70%	3 types of energy-saving behavior

, which shows the frequency of occurrence of individual levels of energy-saving activity in the sample studied.

To complete the picture of pro-environmental behavior, an analysis of motivational factors related to vehicle replacement was also conducted. On this basis, an indicator of “Economic and environmental motivation to change cars” was developed, which reflects the strength of the influence of environmental and economic factors on respondents’ purchasing decisions.

The distribution of this indicator’s values is presented in

Table 8. Economic and environmental motivation to change your car.

Indicator Level	Number of People	Participation (%)	Interpretation
0	115	27.20	lack of motivation
0.2	153	36.20	very low motivation
0.4	104	24.60	low/moderate motivation
0.6	48	11.30	moderate/high
0.8	2	0.50	high motivation
1	1	0.20	full motivation

, which shows the degree of drivers’ environmental commitment in the context of decisions to replace their cars with more energy-efficient and environmentally friendly ones.

Environmental attitudes when replacing a car are not well established. Most respondents are not guided by environmental considerations (economics, functionality, or prestige are likely to dominate). The observed distribution may indicate a low level of internalization of environmental values in the context of purchasing decisions regarding means of transport. High environmental motivation (0.8–1.0) is a marginal phenomenon (approx. 1%), which confirms that in this social group, environmental factors are more declarative than actually influencing market behavior.

The synthetic indicator “Economic and environmental motivation to change cars” was created as the average of five binary variables reflecting the impact of economic and ecological factors on the decision to replace a vehicle. In a population of 423 respondents, the values of the indicator range from 0 to 1, with a strongly right-skewed distribution.

As many as 63.4% of respondents (268 people) show no or very low ecological motivation (0–0.2), 24.6% (104 people) show moderate motivation (0.4), and only 11.3% (48 people) show average motivation (0.6). High levels of motivation (0.8–1.0) were marginal (0.7%).

The results indicate a low degree of influence of ecological attitudes on purchasing decisions related to individual transport.

6.10. Correlations Between Pro-Eco-Energy-Saving Indicators

It was also decided to check whether energy-efficient people are also environmentally friendly in terms of transport and eco-motivation. Spearman’s rank correlation coefficient (ρ) was used to determine the relationship between pro-eco and energy-efficient indicators. Examining the strength and direction of the relationship between the three synthetic indicators (

Table 9. The importance of pro-eco-energy attitudes—Spearman.

Variable	Sustainable Transport	Energy Reduction Activity	Eco Motivation to Change Your Car
Sustainable transport	1	0.387 (p < 0.001)	0.406 (p < 0.001)
Energy Reduction Activity	0.387 (p < 0.001)	1	0.351 (p < 0.001)
Economic and environmental motivation to change your car	0.406 (p < 0.001)	0.351 (p < 0.001)	1

):

• Sustainable transport,
• Active energy reduction,
• Eco-energy saving motivation to change cars.

The analysis revealed significant, positive, and moderate correlations between all indicators examined (Table 9). The strongest correlation was found between sustainable transport and ecological motivation to change cars (ρ = 0.406; p < 0.001), a slightly weaker correlation between sustainable transport and energy reduction activities (ρ = 0.387; p < 0.001), and between energy reduction activities and eco-motivation (ρ = 0.351; p < 0.001).

These results confirm the consistency of pro-environmental attitudes among respondents, while also indicating that different forms of environmental behavior coexist but are not entirely consistent with each other.

6.11. Internal Consistency of the Construct

In the next step, it was decided to check whether all three indicators describe one common construct (pro-eco-energy attitude) using Cronbach’s alpha analysis. In order to assess the consistency of indicators describing pro-eco-energy attitudes, reliability analysis was performed using Cronbach’s alpha method.

This result suggests that the indicators sustainable transport, energy conservation activities, and ecological motivation to change cars can be considered components of a common construct, namely the general pro-ecological orientation of the respondents, although they represent slightly different aspects of this phenomenon.

6.12. One-Dimensionality of the Construct—Principal Component Analysis

In order to verify the uni-dimensionality of the construct describing pro-eco-energy attitudes, a factor analysis was performed using the principal component analysis method.

In accordance with the eigenvalue criterion (Kaiser > 1), one factor was identified, which explains 60.19% of the total variance.

Detailed results of the factor loading analysis are presented in

Table 10. Confirmation of the uni-dimensionality of the construct—Analiza Principal Component Analysis—PCA.

Component Matrix
Sustainable transport	0.808
Energy Reduction Activity	0.763
Eco-saving motivation to change your car	0.755

, which shows the strength of the relationship between individual indicators and this common component.

Indicators such as sustainable transport (load = 0.808), energy conservation activity (0.763), and eco-efficiency motivation to change cars (0.755) load strongly on the common component.

The results confirm that the variables studied describe a single common dimension, which can be interpreted as a general pro-ecological and energy-saving orientation, i.e., pro-eco-energy. Due to the fact that the individual components were mostly focused on economics and the conservation of energy resources such as fuel and electricity, a new indicator was defined as energy efficiency.

The indicator prepared in this way allowed for the analysis of gender differences in eco-energy-saving behaviors.

6.13. Gender Differences in Eco-Energy-Saving Behaviors

Due to the lack of normality of the data distribution (Shapiro–Wilk test: p < 0.05), the nonparametric Mann–Whitney test was used. The results showed significant differences between women and men in terms of energy savings (U = 14,643.0, Z = −5.48, p < 0.001). Women (Mean Rank = 252.32) obtained higher ranks than men (Mean Rank = 185.70), which means that they more often exhibit energy-saving behaviors. The effect size (r = 0.27) indicates a moderate difference. The result is consistent with previous studies confirming stronger pro-environmental attitudes among women.

Calculating the effect size using the formula: r = Z/√N = (−5.484)/√423 = 0.27, we obtain r = 0.27, which is a moderate effect according to Cohen.

In order to visualize the differences between women and men in terms of energy-saving behaviors, Figure 6 was created, which is a mirror image of the mean ranks from the Mann–Whitney test.

According to the results of the Mann–Whitney test (U = 14,643.0, Z = −5.48, p < 0.001), women (Mean Rank = 252.32, N = 167) obtained significantly higher ranks than men (Mean Rank = 185.70, N = 256). This means that women more often declare behaviors related to reducing energy consumption, which confirms a greater tendency toward practical pro-environmental actions in this group.

6.14. Age Diversity in Eco-Energy Efficiency

In order to examine the relationship between the age of respondents and their energy-saving behaviors, the nonparametric Kruskal–Wallis test was used (

Table 11. Differences in eco-energy efficiency depending on age.

Age Group	N	Mean Rank	Application
under 25	48	144.75	lowest energy savings
25–44	215	230.24	the highest level of savings
45–64	116	199.74	medium level
65 and older	44	228.56	high level

).

The results revealed significant differences between age groups, H(3) = 21.33, p < 0.001. The lowest level of energy-saving behavior was observed among the youngest respondents under 25 years old (Mean Rank = 144.75), a moderate level in the 45–64 age group, and the highest levels among respondents aged 25–44 (Mean Rank = 230.24) and 65 and older (Mean Rank = 228.56). These findings suggest that the tendency to save energy increases with age, which may be associated with both higher environmental awareness and greater economic experience among older individuals. The results showed significant differences between age groups, H(3) = 21.33, p < 0.001.

The effect size calculated for the Kruskal–Wallis test using the formula: η2 = (H − k + 1)/(n − k) = (21.327 – 4 + 1)/(423 − 1) = 0.043 indicates a small to moderate effect size (approximately 4.3% of variance explained by age).

An additional Mann–Whitney post hoc test for pairs of age groups with Bonferroni correction confirmed that age significantly differentiates the level of eco-energy-saving behaviors (H(3) = 21.33, p < 0.001).

In order to determine in detail between which age groups there are significant differences in eco-energy-saving behaviors, an additional Mann–Whitney post hoc test with Bonferroni correction was performed. The results of the analysis are presented in

Table 12. Comparison of age groups in relation to eco-energy efficiency—Mann–Whitney post hoc analysis x Bonferroni correction.

Comparison (Age Groups)	p-Value	Significance (Bonferroni α′ = 0.0083)	Mean Rank	Direction of Difference	Strength of the Effects	Interpretation
1–2	0.000	significant	89.36 < 141.53	2 > 1	0.270	less than 25 years < 25–44 years
1–3	0.004	significant	65.99 < 89.33	3 > 1	0.220	younger < 45–64 years
1–4	0.002	significant	38.40 < 55.34	4 > 1	0.320	less than 25 years < 65 years and more
2–3	0.022	insignificant	174.81 > 149.67	2 > 3	0.130	no differences (similar level)
2–4	0.967	insignificant	129.91 ≈ 130.42	2 ≈ 4	0.003	no differences
3–4	0.219	insignificant	77.73 < 87.80	4 > 3	0.100	no differences

.

To better illustrate the differences between age groups in terms of eco–energy-saving behaviors, Figure 7 presents the mean ranks obtained by each age group.

As shown in Table 12 and Figure 7, significant differences were found between the youngest respondents (under 25 years old) and all older age groups. No significant differences were observed among groups over the age of 25. This indicates that pro-environmental behaviors, including energy-saving practices, tend to increase with age and reach a stable level in adulthood.

6.15. Justification of the Chosen Methods and Summary of Procedures

The applied procedures were appropriate for the nature of the data (nominal and ordinal variables) and the objectives of the study, which aimed to identify a common dimension of energy-saving and pro-environmental attitudes and to determine its demographic determinants.

Descriptive statistics and Chi-square tests made it possible to identify general relationships, while the use of indicator analysis and nonparametric tests allowed for the identification of the structure and variation of energy-saving orientation in a way that is resistant to violations of the assumptions of classical parametric tests.

The application of the PCA method and Cronbach’s alpha ensured the validity and internal consistency of the synthetic indicator. The choice of nonparametric tests (Mann–Whitney and Kruskal–Wallis) was justified by the non-normal distribution of the data and the measurement scales (ordinal and binary). The entire analytical procedure, combining classical dependency tests with multivariate techniques, made it possible to obtain reliable conclusions regarding the energy-saving and pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors of residents in the mountainous regions of Małopolska.

7. Discussion and Future Research

The results provided new information on the relationship between environmental awareness, transport behavior, and energy-saving practices among residents of mountainous areas in southern Poland. They indicate that pro-environmental attitudes do not always translate into practical actions. The most frequently declared activities were simple, low-cost ones, such as waste sorting and energy saving, while behaviors requiring greater effort, investment, or lifestyle changes, such as eco-driving, reducing car use, or participating in social initiatives, were much less common.

Gender and age proved to be significant factors differentiating pro-environmental orientation. Women showed greater environmental sensitivity and were more likely to support pro-environmental regulations, while men tended to focus on technical and economic aspects (e.g., keeping their vehicles in good condition). The most pro-environmental group were respondents aged 25–44, which can be linked to both greater financial and technological capabilities and generational differences in environmental awareness.

The synthetic energy-saving orientation index developed in the study showed acceptable internal consistency and a one-dimensional structure, confirming that components such as transport behavior, energy conservation activities, and environmental motivation form a coherent construct describing an individual’s pro-environmental orientation. These results are consistent with the assumptions of the Theory of Planned Behavior [47] and the Environmental Value–Belief–Norm Theory [100], according to which decisions regarding transportation and energy consumption are part of a broader pattern of environmental behavior conditioned by personal values, beliefs, and norms.

The results also confirmed the existence of the so-called “attitude–behavior gap” [178]. While pro-environmental intentions and attitudes translate into actions with a low threshold of commitment (e.g., vehicle technical inspection, reducing energy consumption), in areas requiring investment or lifestyle changes (e.g., purchasing an electric vehicle), there is a significant discrepancy between declarations and practice. This may be due to structural barriers such as limited availability of public transport, terrain, or insufficient infrastructure supporting low-carbon mobility.

Gender and age differences in environmental attitudes are consistent with previous findings [179,180,181]. The greater involvement of women can be explained by social role modeling and an empathetic concern for the common good [100,182], while the increase in energy-saving orientation with age can be linked to a growing sense of responsibility and life experience [183]. These results indicate that educational and communication activities should be differentiated—economic and technological arguments may be more effective for men, while appeals to ethical and social values may be more effective for women. In the case of younger groups, the practical benefits and individual usefulness of pro-environmental actions should be emphasized in order to break down the perception barrier and increase the sense of agency. From a practical perspective, the results confirm that there’s a lot of potential for implementing policies that support sustainable transport and energy efficiency in mountain regions. Demographic differences justify the segmentation of educational and communication strategies, and the developed synthetic energy efficiency orientation index can be a useful diagnostic tool for local government units and non-governmental organizations, enabling them to monitor changes in attitudes towards energy and transport. In public policy, it is particularly desirable to integrate economic aspects (energy savings) with normative aspects (pro-environmental attitudes) through financial incentive systems, loyalty programs, and the promotion of low-carbon forms of mobility.

However, the limitations of the study should be emphasized. The declarative nature of the data and its reliance on respondents’ self-assessment may lead to social desirability bias and errors in the assessment of actual behavior. In addition, the binary nature of some of the variables limited the precision of the measurement. The results should be interpreted taking into account the fact that the respondents were recruited at two district vehicle inspection stations. These facilities serve drivers from several mountainous counties, which allows them to be treated as points with a supra-local reach. Although the systematic sampling procedure used reduces the risk of selection bias, the specific nature of the recruitment locations may affect the sample structure. This limitation indicates the advisability of expanding future research to include additional data collection channels. This limitation does not undermine the validity of the results obtained but indicates the advisability of expanding future research to include additional data collection channels, which would allow for a more complete picture of the diversity of the driver population in the region.

The set of statistical techniques used in the article, including dependency tests, synthetic indicators, reliability measures, and principal component analysis, was selected based on the research objective, which was to identify the structure of energy-efficient households and their basic demographic characteristics. More complex multidimensional modeling tools (e.g., multiple regression, hierarchical models, or structural equation modeling) were not used because the scope of the research project primarily covered the construction and validation of a synthetic eco-energy-saving orientation indicator, rather than a detailed analysis of causal relationships. At the same time, it should be emphasized that these techniques are a natural extension of the issue at hand. Future research plans to use regression and structural models, which will allow for a more precise determination of the determinants of pro-environmental behavior and the relationships between the various components of energy orientation.

Future research should also deepen the analysis of the relationship between attitudes and actual behaviors through the use of longitudinal, experimental, or observational methods. The inclusion of psychological variables such as ecological identity, sense of agency, trust in public institutions, or emotional responses to environmental threats may increase the explanatory power of models of pro-environmental behavior. It is also worth using behavioral data, e.g., from energy meters or vehicle telemetry systems, which would allow for the verification of declarative data. Another promising direction is to analyze the impact of digitalization and new forms of mobility, such as vehicle sharing, carpooling, and dynamic energy tariffs, on the formation of pro-environmental behavior patterns. These phenomena may become an important element of the transition to a sustainable, low-carbon lifestyle.

8. Conclusions

The conducted research enabled a multidimensional analysis of pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors among residents of the mountainous regions of Małopolska, with particular emphasis on energy-saving aspects in individual transport. The applied indicator-based approach and statistical verification using nonparametric methods made it possible to capture subtle intergroup differences and relationships between attitudes, beliefs, and practices.

Firstly, the study confirmed that the pro-environmental and energy-saving orientation of residents in mountainous regions is not a homogeneous phenomenon but one influenced by demographic factors. Both gender and age proved to be significant predictors of pro-environmental and energy-efficient behaviors. Women were more likely than men to declare actions aimed at reducing energy consumption and showed greater readiness for pro-environmental change. Conversely, younger individuals (under 25 years old) exhibited a lower level of energy-saving orientation compared with older groups, indicating that ecological awareness and energy-saving practices tend to develop with age and life experience.

Secondly, by applying multivariate methods (PCA), it was possible to construct a coherent synthetic indicator of “eco–energy-saving orientation,” integrating three behavioral dimensions: sustainable transport, activity in reducing energy consumption, and motivation to replace a vehicle with a more economical and ecological one. After confirming its reliability and uni-dimensionality, this indicator serves as a useful tool for further comparative analyses and for diagnosing pro-environmental attitudes in a local context.

Thirdly, the study showed that the greatest potential for improving energy efficiency in transport lies among younger drivers and individuals with lower motivation to make economic and ecological decisions (e.g., purchasing energy-efficient vehicles). This suggests the need to intensify educational and informational campaigns targeting younger vehicle users, promoting sustainable transport and a culture of energy saving.

Fourthly, from a methodological perspective, the applied research procedure—combining classical dependency tests (χ², correlations), reliability analyses (Cronbach’s α), dimensionality reduction (PCA), and nonparametric tests (Mann–Whitney, Kruskal–Wallis)—proved to be an effective method for identifying attitude structures and their demographic determinants. It enabled a transition from the analysis of individual behaviors to a more holistic understanding of pro-environmental orientation, consistent with a systemic approach [148,149].

Ultimately, the findings confirm that pro-environmental orientation in individual transport can be regarded as an integrated indicator of energy-related attitudes and practices, combining elements of awareness, motivation, and action.

In light of the analyses conducted, it can be concluded that the eco-energy-saving orientation of residents of mountainous areas in Małopolska is multidimensional and subject to significant demographic differences. These results confirm the findings of earlier studies, but at the same time reveal several important relationships that have been less frequently described in the literature. This applies primarily to the non-linear profile of age dependence and the marked gap between pro-environmental declarations and behaviors requiring greater commitment. The results point to the need for more precise differentiation of public interventions and educational activities, as well as the validity of developing analytical models that take into account a broader set of psychological and contextual variables. In this sense, the study not only confirms but also complements previous findings on energy-related behaviors in individual transport.

The research conducted allows recommendations to be formulated for decision-makers and institutions responsible for shaping regional and national policies in the area of energy transition and mobility. The results indicate the validity of designing integrated policies covering both the transport sector and energy systems, with particular emphasis on social and spatial conditions.

Empirical analyses indicate the need to differentiate the message and communication tools depending on the profile of the audience. In the case of women, socio-environmental messages that emphasize the positive impact of actions on health, family, and the local community may prove more effective. In the case of men, technical instruments such as checklists, workshop tools for self-assessment of the technical condition of the vehicle, and telemetric systems for monitoring fuel consumption, driving style, and operating parameters (e.g., eco-driving applications) may yield better results.

From an educational perspective, it also seems crucial to include short operational modules in driving schools and automotive technical colleges covering the principles of eco-driving, route planning, tire pressure checks, and smooth braking. The introduction of these measures could change drivers’ habits.

In mountainous areas, mobility infrastructure should also be developed, including parking spaces with access to tire pressure checking and optimization devices, service stations, and bicycle rental points. It is also advisable to strengthen the public transport network during the tourist season, especially connections between car parks located at the entrances to valleys and main tourist attractions.