Search Results (50)

This study analyzes the political speeches of Brazilian federal representatives from the Liberal Party (PL), the primary platform for Bolsonarism, to identify patterns and features of conspiracy theories. Two core concepts are used: conspiracy theories as a worldview that addresses unpredictability and complexity of life in contemporary society, and Bolsonarism as a fundamentally conspiracist worldview grounded in reactionary authoritarianism and populism. Analyzing speeches delivered between 2019 and 2024, our inductive methodology identified both epistemological (logic) and narrative (rhetoric) elements. These individual elements organically integrated to form a pervasive, overarching conspiracy theory that we term “The Grand Collusion”. This theory was strategically deployed to support electoral campaigns and structure political opposition to the Lula government. “The Grand Collusion” alleges a vast alliance between the top echelons of the Judiciary (led by STF Minister Alexandre de Moraes) and the Brazilian Left (led by Lula), with assistance from major media and multilateral organizations. Its alleged objectives include rigging the 2022 elections and orchestrating the systematic persecution and censorship of Right-wing politicians and conservative citizens. Full article

Since the 1990s, but especially in the early 21st century, a new family of right-wing populist parties has become a stable feature of Western European party systems. These parties, linked by several studies to new cleavages related to globalization processes and values changes which have happened since the late 20th century, are also marked by a new use of religion. In their worldview, this latter is indeed mainly an identity and civilization marker, related to the belonging, rather than believing or behaving, dimension. As a consequence, while they promote Christian symbols in the public sphere and are actively engaged in debates related to morality politics and multicultural society, they also contribute to processes of banalization and culturalization of faith, and to the delegitimization of religious leaders and institutions. For this reason, the scholarly community is divided about their role as promoters of religion, or, rather, as (maybe unintentional) agents of secularization. This article will try to contribute to this discussion by analyzing the Italian case. Italy is indeed an interesting laboratory for the study of right-wing populism, with the development over the past few decades of two state-wide parties belonging to the right-wing populist family, the League and Brothers of Italy, both currently part of the Meloni cabinet. The article will analyze the historical roots of the parties and their developments, their manifestos, their policy proposals, and their relations with religious institutions and symbols to reflect on the two parties’ uses of religion for political aims, and their meaning in relation to the above-mentioned theoretical debates. Full article

In psychology, small sample sizes are a frequent challenge—particularly when studying specific expert populations or using complex and cost-intensive methods like human scoring of creative answers—as they reduce statistical power, bias results, and limit generalizability. They also hinder the use of frequentist confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), which depends on larger samples for reliable estimation. Problems such as non-convergence, inadmissible parameters, and poor model fit are more likely. In contrast, Bayesian methods offer a robust alternative, being less sensitive to sample size and allowing the integration of prior knowledge through parameter priors. In the present study, we introduce small-sample-size structural equation modeling to creativity research by investigating the relationship between creative fluency and nested creative cleverness with right-wing authoritarianism, starting with a sample size of N = 198. We compare the stability of results in frequentist and Bayesian SEM while gradually reducing the sample by n = 25. We find that common frequentist fit indexes degrade below N = 100, while Bayesian multivariate Rhat values indicate stable convergence down to N = 50. Standard errors for fluency loadings inflate 40–50% faster in frequentist SEM compared to Bayesian estimation, and regression coefficients linking RWA to cleverness remain significant across all reductions. Based on these findings, we discuss (1) the critical role of Bayesian priors in stabilizing small-sample SEM, (2) the robustness of the RWA-cleverness relationship despite sample constraints, and (3) practical guidelines for minimum sample sizes in bifactor modeling. Full article

In recent years, Christian language and symbols have played an increasingly prominent role in right-wing populist rhetoric across many western countries. The form of religious expression in right-wing populist rhetoric corresponds to the kind of religiousness that characterizes the contextual factors under which rhetorical communication occurs. In making this case, this article analyzes salient themes found in speeches, interviews, and manifesto content to uncover dynamic similarities and dissimilarities between right-wing populist parties in two religiously different contexts: the Alternative für Deutschland (“Alternative for Germany”) and Fratelli d’Italia (“Brothers of Italy”). First, I discuss how the vertical and horizontal tensions within the populist framework combine with notions of civilizational identity and show the extent to which positive references to Christianity are combined with negative references to Islam. Next, I demonstrate how these parties differ in their treatment of the transcendent and doctrinal qualities of religious commitment. Lastly, I show the ways in which religion is used to help brighten symbolic boundaries, as well as the functions served by the dramatic and emotional elements that are embedded in the process of boundary formation. In light of the respective contextual factors that mediate the nature of religious expression, I discuss how understanding the social logic of this rhetoric can grant valuable insight into what has become such a critical feature of populism’s social character. Full article

In recent decades, honeybee populations have declined, dramatically owing to destructive honey harvesting practices and the loss of foraging grounds and nesting sites. Among them, Apis laboriosa Smith, 1871 (Hymenoptera, Apidae), an important pollinator species found in the Himalayan region, holds significant economic and ecological value. However, conservation efforts and intraspecific taxonomic studies regarding it have been rather limited, and thus its full geographic range remains elusive. This study is the first to research A. laboriosa in Sichuan. Through a systematic study integrating morphological feature analysis and genomic data, the following conclusions are drawn. Whole-genome resequencing data analysis reveals that the Sichuan population forms a new monophyletic group (Bootstraps = 100). In the past ten thousand years, the population sizes of A. laboriosa in four different regions of China have been decreasing rapidly. Measures should be taken to protect them across the entire distribution range, especially the populations in Tibet and Sichuan, due to their relatively large genetic differences and low intra-population genetic diversity. Based on the significant difference analysis, the following four wing vein morphological features with extremely significant differences were identified: the width of the right forewing (FB), the cubital index a/b (Ci), the forewing vein angle (E9), and the forewing vein angle (K19). These findings are expected to offer a valuable reference for future A. laboriosa conservation endeavors, particularly in protecting populations with a high level of genetic differentiation. Full article

This reflective essay presents some examples of overcoming challenges that can face academic researchers who study young people and far-right populism using qualitative methods. Misogyny and mistrust of elites are common features of far-right populism. Therefore, a challenge lies in the markers of age, gender and institutional status of the researchers themselves, which might prevent rapport from developing between an interviewer and interviewee. Moreover, there is the challenge of the digital generation to be faced in any such investigation. Young people today inhabit a fast-moving world of social media engagement which can be difficult for anyone older to comprehend. Suitably selected young people can assist research endeavours in the role of cultural brokers. Using examples of lived research experience, the author invites reader reflection on attuning research approaches to the lifeworlds of young people, especially young men, who engage with far-right populism. Full article

The rise of radical right-wing parties in Europe brings new dynamics and challenges to western liberal democratic models, particularly in how these parties construct narratives around minorities, often framing them as threats to national identity and security. Given the historical background of populist governments in Italy and Portugal being, until recently, an exception in the context of populism in Europe, the comparison between these two countries offers an opportunity to analyse the dynamics and impacts of radical right-wing populism in both countries. The present research aims to address the scarcity of studies on social representations of minorities in Portugal and Italy. To achieve this goal, we conducted a survey (N = 1796) in Portugal and Italy. Using the free word association technique, based on Abric’s Structural Approach to Social Representations Theory, we analyse responses regarding social representations of minorities. Our findings reveal that, while respondents in both nations acknowledge discrimination, the Italian sample includes a wider range of negative terms, such as “violent”—whereas the Portuguese sample largely portrays minorities in positive terms, favouring their inclusion. Respondents in both countries recognise the existence of discrimination against minorities in society, yet the evocation of terms such as “violent”, “profiteers”, and “repugnant” reflects considerable influence from exclusionary and marginalising narratives. Full article

After his questionable re-election in 2018, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro Moros (NMM) began a campaign to attract the attention of evangelical leaders, apostles, prophets, pastors, and church members to secure their votes for the 2024 campaign. The main reason for this move was the surprising growth of the evangelical population in the country, which reached almost 30% by the end of 2023. Several independent churches and denominations accepted NMM’s invitation to meet and participate in government programs specifically targeted at evangelical churches. Despite allegations of human rights abuses, corruption, and violations of the Venezuelan constitution, some evangelicals created a narrative about NMM as the “protector of families” and as God’s chosen one to usher in a new era of prosperity for the nation. Through acts of “identificational” repentance staged at the Miraflores Palace, a contrite NMM received prophetic declarations and prayers from apostles and pastors, and the country was cleansed of curses and satanic influences. This article seeks to document, analyze, and situate these discourses in relation to contemporary theological trends, as an important case of evangelical alignment with left-wing politics in Latin America. Moreover, the article also seeks to show how these events relate to the evolution of Venezuelan evangelical involvement in national politics, particularly under 25 years of socialist governments of Hugo Chávez Frías and Nicolás Maduro Moros. Full article

The endorsement from Christian circles in facilitating the rise of radical right-wing populism in Brazil and the United States, as well as the support and alliance of the Polish Catholic Church with the Law and Justice (PiS) government, are widely acknowledged. Embedded within the intricate fabric of multifaceted factors contributing to the surge of right-wing populism, the Culture War assumes a pivotal yet often underestimated role. Manifesting as a profound confrontation, the Culture War signifies an existential clash between contrasting perspectives concerning socio-cultural values grounded in religious scripture. The research employs a qualitative methodology and a singular case study focused on Portugal, owing to the nation’s enduring relationship with Catholicism. Portugal emerges as indisputably one of the most religious countries in the Western world, akin to Poland. The research question aims to understand the support or relationship from the Portuguese Catholic Church (PCC) and Christian (social) movements to the populist right-wing Chega (lit. ‘Enough!’), slightly departing from their traditional center-right support for PSD and CDS in the Culture War. The results show that the support extended to Chega by the PCC and the Portuguese Episcopal Conference is non-existent in a formal manner. Despite this fact and the lack of formal backing for Chega, some Christian social movements have shown their approval or support for Chega, as the party has some roots in the movement sector, but not as strongly as the Front Nationale. Further research is suggested in order to attain deeper conclusions from both the Portuguese Catholic Church and Christian social movements using other methods for a deeper understanding, such as semi-structured interviews and participant observation of events. Full article

The clothing industry has experienced global and sustained growth in the last decades due, among other factors, to the decentralisation of production in this sector and its consequent lowering of prices, but also to the effect of the unceasing demand that fashion generates. Simultaneously, the number of people employed in the textile sector has been growing in economically developing countries under precarious labour conditions. The objective of this study is to analyse the level of knowledge and awareness of the Spanish population about the working conditions in clothing manufacturing at production sites. To achieve this, we applied statistical analysis to data collected from a sample (n = 3000) of Spanish fashion consumers. The main results show a society with a high degree of concern for labour conditions in the textile sector, as well as for the environmental repercussions triggered by this type of production. Considering the differences based on socio-demographic variables, we find that women, older consumers, and respondents with higher education show a greater degree of concern about the working conditions in the clothing industry. Along the same lines, respondents who are ideologically left wing present a higher degree of concern than respondents from the extreme right. Full article

(1) Background: Populist radical right-wing parties and politicians have used conspiracy theories to perpetuate the antagonism between an evil elite conspiring against the good and unknowing people. Yet, less is known about whether and to what extent radical right-wing populism at the individual level is associated with different conspiracy beliefs. This analysis explores how the main components of radical right-wing populism—populist, nativist, and authoritarian attitudes—relate to both a general conspiracy mentality and specific conspiracy theories prevalent in political discourse. (2) Methods: Using data from an original 2023 online survey conducted in Austria, a stronghold of the populist radical right, this study includes new questions on immigration, COVID-19, and climate change, as well as a conspiracy mentality scale. (3) Results: The analyses reveal that all the main components are positively associated with different conspiracy beliefs, albeit to varying degrees. Across models, the strongest predictor is populism, followed by nativism and authoritarianism. Nativism varies the most across different conspiracy beliefs and is particularly associated with the belief in conspiracy theories related to immigration and climate change. (4) Conclusions: The results highlight the prevalence of radical right-wing populist attitudes across various conspiracy beliefs, reflecting how populist radical right-wing actors leverage conspiracy theories in their political discourse. Full article

This study explores the role of populist leaders as gatekeepers on social media, seeking to understand how André Ventura, president of Chega!, uses news to legitimize his political discourse. The methodology involved collecting 90 tweets containing legacy media news features, posted by Ventura on the social media platform X. These tweets cover key political events such as the resignation of Portugal’s Prime Minister, the dissolution of the Portuguese Parliament, and European elections. Quantitative analysis using Voyant Tools identified key terms related to Ventura’s ideological stance, while Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) examined how these terms support his political narrative. The findings reveal a strategic use of news to promote themes like nationalism, immigration control, corruption and social dichotomy between “us” and “them”. Ventura’s tweets leverage news headlines to enhance his persuasive appeal, acting as heuristic shortcuts to reinforce his political messages. This study highlights the relevance of understanding social media’s role in promoting populism and suggests avenues for future research, including comparative analyses of other populist leaders and the impact of these narratives on voter behavior and perceptions. Full article

In this article, I develop a critique of Chantal Mouffe’s leftist populism and its construction of ‘the people’ against an opposed ‘them’, from a perspective informed by the thought of Didier Eribon. I draw on both his public interventions and his theoretical work, employing his concepts of return, society as verdict, and his two principles of critical thinking to question the desirability of crafting ‘the people’ in the first place. I contend that Eribon’s critique renders Mouffe’s proposal problematic on three accounts. First, her approach is too politically volatile; its instability leaves it devoid of a critical analysis of the differences between concrete social positions, struggles, and subjectivities within ‘the people’. Consequently, the political becomes merely a function of the social. Yet, the social and its determining power remain mostly unaddressed by her framework. Second, its simplistic opposition of an overly generalised ‘the people’ against ‘the oligarchy’ is susceptible to right-wing populist appropriations. Third, for a shot at hegemony and a general appeal, it eclipses plurality and dissensus within ‘the people’. In contrast, Eribon encourages a connection between the social and the political by suggesting that a self-critical analysis be mutually intertwined with social analysis. Instead of merely mobilising affects, they must be critically interrogated. Instead of summoning ‘the people’, a return to their respective genesis must be attempted. Unless both principles of critical thinking, the insights of return, and societal verdicts are deployed to come to terms with the social determinisms at hand, the ‘people’s’ mobilisation against an opposed ‘them’ risks sacrificing pluralism and equality alike and neglecting the criteria of the desirability of specific changes in favour of a “whatever it costs” attempt at hegemony. Full article

This article examines how and under what conditions Italy’s civil society organizations (CSOs) have resorted to transnational activism and to what extent these efforts translate into impactful political advocacy. The analysis focuses on the action strategies of these civil society actors that have come under considerable pressure through the resurgence of populist–nationalist actors in the domestic arena. Developing an actor-centred perspective from below, this article draws on a series of 27 interviews conducted with these organizations’ representatives working primarily on issues related to migration and refugees in Italy. The empirical study examines some key initiatives that see domestic CSOs as protagonists in the transnational realm and explicates their motivations, approaches, and experiences. Conceptually, the article distinguishes between the vertical and horizontal Europeanization of CSOs. While there are notable opportunities for CSOs to engage in Brussels-centred governance and policy making, the effectiveness of horizontal Europeanization in the form of cross-border networking is—at first sight paradoxically—limited by the EU’s system of multi-level governance. The central argument about Europeanizing civil society activism is that these processes are primarily driven by a pragmatic pursuit of solutions to concrete political challenges that could not be properly addressed in an increasingly hostile domestic environment. Full article

While the doctors’ role in immunization is essential, their lack of knowledge or vaccine hesitancy may affect their ability to communicate effectively and educate patients about vaccination, vaccine hesitancy, and vaccine conspiracy theories. This, in turn, may hinder health policy aimed at fighting infectious diseases. Vaccine hesitancy is prevalent not only among the general population but also among healthcare workers; thus, this study is aimed at assessing future doctors’ attitudes towards anti-vax conspiracy theories. A total of 441 medical students at Poznan University of Medical Sciences completed a web-based survey designed to explore their attitudes toward the six most prevalent anti-vaccine conspiracy theories. The survey showed that although over 97% of future doctors support vaccinations as an effective form of fighting infectious diseases, and 80% did not believe in any anti-vax conspiracy theory, a significant fraction of 20% of medical students either believed in at least one such theory or were unsure. It has also shown that male and younger students who had not received a flu vaccination and defined themselves as politically right-wing or conservative and religious were more likely to believe in anti-vax conspiracy theories. Our data suggest that, in order to overcome medical students’ ambivalent attitudes towards anti-vax conspiracy theories, they should receive more education about the importance of vaccination in preventing disease and about effective ways to combat vaccine hesitancy and anti-vax conspiracy theories. Full article