Search Results (60)

Disinformation refers to false or misleading information created with the deliberate intention to deceive and cause individual or societal harm. It is typically distinguished from misinformation, which involves falsehoods shared without deceptive intent, and from malinformation, which uses accurate information in misleading or harmful ways. Terms often used interchangeably in public debate—such as fake news, propaganda, and conspiracy theories—describe related but distinct phenomena with differing aims and methods. The term derives from the Soviet concept of dezinformatsiya, originally associated with covert influence operations and strategic deception. Over time, however, its meaning has expanded to encompass a wide range of manipulative practices enacted by both state and non-state actors. Disinformation can take textual, visual, and multimodal forms, including fabricated images and AI-generated content such as deepfakes. Motivations vary and may include political influence, economic gain, ideological mobilisation, or efforts to stigmatise specific groups. Although these practices have long historical precedents, digital and platformised communication environments have amplified their scale, speed, and persuasive potential. This entry provides a narrative overview and conceptual synthesis structured around four dimensions: the history of disinformation, the supply and diffusion mechanisms, the psychological, social, and narrative drivers, and the interventions designed to mitigate its impact. Full article

In the context of early modern Catholic global missions, the Jesuit strategies for proselytizing Protestant heretics within Europe exhibited operational mechanisms distinct from those employed in overseas non-Christian populations. Focusing on the seventeenth-century Jesuit drama Pietas Victrix, this article examines the process by which drama was forged into an ideological weapon serving the project of constructing legitimacy during the Catholic Counter-Reformation. Research demonstrates that Jesuit drama transcended the purely esthetic sphere of literature and art, becoming a propaganda tool that integrated Tridentine dogma, anti-Protestant polemics, and the sacralizing narratives of the Habsburg dynasty. In the play, the Jesuit Nicolaus von Avancini (1611–1686) converts abstract politico-theological ideas into tangible political loyalty through narrative strategies and the coordinated use of multiple art forms, mobilizing sensory spectacle and the affective force of total work of art within the Habsburg court—the empire’s core political arena—to reconfigure confessional identity, contest ideological leadership, and accumulate crucial social legitimacy for both the Habsburgs and the Society of Jesus. This paper contends that Jesuit drama, exemplified by Pietas Victrix, represents a missionary form rooted in Thomistic theology yet highly politicized. By situating the play within the context of the Catholic Counter-Reformation, it demonstrates how drama was forged into a potent ideological weapon for legitimacy contestation. This study provides a case for interpreting how the Jesuits utilized cultural media to participate in power construction and self-representation, thereby refining our understanding of the mechanisms of cultural politics in early modern Europe. Full article

This article reimagines Hispanidad as a flexible cultural repertoire rather than a fixed ideology, examining how Francoism, after 1945, staged official doctrine as public spectacle that then served as “evidence” of its own legitimacy. Through a combined lens of political theology (Schmitt on decision and secularization) and media theory (Benjamin on the aestheticization of politics; Agamben on glory and acclamation), it analyzes Juan de Orduña’s Alba de América (1951) and its paratexts to show how National-Catholic principles—unity of faith and language, providential destiny, and obedience-based authority—were translated into affect through narrative voice, emblematic staging, liturgical music, and choreographed acclamation. Although the film underperformed commercially, it thrived institutionally, excerpted in newsreels and rebroadcast annually on October 12 as a ritual object of state culture. The article argues that spectacle in Francoist Spain functioned not only as propaganda but also as a mechanism for stabilizing power by shaping collective memory and everyday habits, revealing how aesthetic form can naturalize political authority and offering a model for analyzing the everyday workings of power across media and regimes. Full article

This article presents a scoping review of the academic literature published between 2021 and 2024 on the intersection of generative artificial intelligence (AI) and disinformation. Drawing from 64 peer-reviewed studies, the review examines the current research landscape and identifies six key thematic areas: political disinformation and propaganda; scientific disinformation; fact-checking; journalism and the media; media literacy and education; and deepfakes. The findings reveal that generative AI plays a dual role: it enables the rapid creation and targeted dissemination of synthetic content but also offers new opportunities for detection, verification, and public education. Beyond summarizing research trends, this review highlights the broader societal and practical implications of generative AI in the context of information disorder. It outlines how AI tools are already reshaping journalism, challenging scientific communication, and transforming strategies for media literacy and fact-checking. The analysis also identifies key policy and governance challenges, particularly the need for coordinated responses from governments, platforms, educators, and civil society actors. By offering a structured overview of the field, the article enhances our understanding of how generative AI can both exacerbate and help mitigate disinformation, and proposes directions for research, regulation, and public engagement. Full article

Sport in Spain during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco (1939–1975) underwent significant evolution across three distinct political phases: autarky, the technocratic stage, and late Francoism. Each of these periods was characterized by different approaches and uses of sport within the regime’s political structure. In the early years, sport was primarily employed as a tool for propaganda and social control, aligning with the authoritarian values of the state. Subsequently, with the rise of technocrats in the 1960s, reforms were implemented to promote the structural development of the sports system, fostering its modernization and the creation of specialized institutions. Finally, in the late Francoist period, sport became an instrument for international projection, as Spain increased its participation in international competitions and hosted sporting events. This entry analyzes the primary governmental initiatives for the organization and promotion of sport during the Franco regime, with particular attention to the administrative roles played by figures such as José Antonio Elola-Olaso and Juan Antonio Samaranch in the evolving structure of the Spanish sports system. Through an analysis based on documentary sources, it provides a comprehensive overview of Francoist sports policies, their objectives, and their impact on Spanish society. In this regard, sport under Franco’s rule was not only a means of political control but also laid the foundation for the later professionalization and globalization of Spanish sport. Full article

Between 1008 and 1016, for several times Emperor Zhenzong (968–1022, r. 997–1022) distributed Zhicao (Ganoderma Lucidum), acquired during the Fengshan 封禪 rituals. These grand-scale activities from central to local levels were completely different from the previous management of auspicious omens and calamities. Zhicao, serving as an auspicious symbol in the Confucian system of auspicious omens and calamities, underwent an elevation in status through its integration with the concept of longevity in Daoism. It began to play important roles in the political propaganda of Tang (618–907) and Song (960–1276) dynasties. On the one hand, the distribution was influenced by the political initiatives of Emperor Gaozong (628–683, r. 649–683) after his Fengshan ceremony, with the reason lying in the subtle influence of the Buddhist concept of sacred relics. By integrating the political propaganda of Three Teachings, Emperor Zhenzong reinforced the regime’s legitimacy and enhanced the personal authority of the monarch. Full article

While digital religion and digital protest can ideally serve the common good, religious nationalist and fundamentalist movements have exploited these tools to disrupt the social fabric and create dangerous political outcomes. This paper examines how religious communicators within Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) and Alternative for Germany (AfD) perceive and enact their responsibility within digital spaces, leveraging the power of “networked communities” and the collective identity of the digital “crowd” to advance their agendas of religious fundamentalism and political conservatism. Bypassing traditional media, groups like the AfD and TLP exploit digital religion to build communities, spread propaganda that merges religion with national identity, frame political issues as religious mandates, and mobilize collective action. Campbell’s concept of the “networked community” demonstrates how digital technologies form decentralized, fluid, and global religious communities, distinct from traditional, geographically bound ones. Both the TLP and AfD have tapped into this new digital religious space, shaping and mobilizing political and religious identities across virtual borders. Gerbaudo’s idea of the “digital crowd” complements this by examining how collective action in the digital age reshapes mass mobilization, with social media transforming how political movements operate in the 21st century. Although the AfD’s platform is not overtly religious, the party strategically invokes ethno-Christian identity, framing opposition to Islam and Muslim immigration as a defense of German cultural and Christian values. Similarly, the TLP promotes religious nationalism by advocating for Pakistan’s Islamic identity against secularism and liberalism and calling for strict enforcement of blasphemy laws. Recognizing digital spaces as tools co-opted by religious nationalist movements, this paper explores how communicators in these movements understand their responsibility for the social and long term consequences of their messages. Using Luhmann’s systems theory—where communication is central to social systems—this paper analyzes how the TLP and AfD leverage individuals’ need for purpose and belonging to mobilize them digitally. By crafting emotionally charged experiences, these movements extend their influence beyond virtual spaces and into the broader public sphere. Finally, this paper will reflect on the theological implications of these dynamics both on and offline. How do religious communicators in digital spaces reconcile their theological frameworks with the social impact of their communication? Can digital religious communities be harnessed to foster social cohesion and inclusivity instead of exacerbating social divisions? Through this lens, the paper seeks to deepen our understanding of the intersection between digital religion, political mobilization, and theological responsibility in the digital age. Full article

This study examines the increasing Muslim presence in Western Europe, driven by migration, fertility rates, and religious conversion according to recent demographic research. Triggering events such as the 9/11 attacks in 2001 and the 7/7 London bombings in 2005, marked as milestones, worsened by the global media and propaganda, have significantly fueled Islamophobia across the region. Countries in Western Europe, like Spain, the Netherlands, France, Germany, and the United Kingdom, are selected focus areas to reflect social change and overlapping responses to the shifts. This study investigates the connection between rising anti-immigrant sentiment toward Muslims and the media’s role in shaping Islamophobia by negatively depicting Islam as a religion of war or terror. By analyzing the European Islamophobia Reports from 2015 to 2023, this study examines how Muslims are portrayed both as immigrants and through their symbolic societal presence. The study critically analyzes anti-Islam propaganda and the life experiences of Muslim communities by implementing qualitative methods through a literature review. The findings of this study reveal a paradox between Europe’s advocacy for diversity and the realities shaped by political and global dynamics, which hinder efforts toward inclusion. These insights could inform media policies to promote more balanced representations of Muslims and guide societal initiatives aimed at reducing prejudice and fostering greater inclusivity in Western Europe. Full article

This article critically examines the star persona of Lola Flores, an iconic Spanish flamenco artist, within the historical and political context of Francoist Spain (1939–1975). It argues that Flores’s carefully constructed star image not only persisted into post-Franco Spain but also served as a covert vehicle for the continued propagation of National-Falangist Catholic ideology. The article primarily focuses on two major productions: the book Lola en carne viva. Memorias de Lola Flores (1990) and the television series El coraje de vivir (1994). Both portray a linear and cohesive version of her life from childhood to her later years, carefully curated to defend and rehabilitate her image. While many view Flores as a self-made artist, the article argues that her star persona was a deliberate construct—shaped by Suevia Films, a major Francoist-era film studio, and media narratives that aligned her with traditional gender roles, Catholic values, and Spanish nationalism. Despite emerging in post-Franco Spain, Flores’s narrative does not mark a rupture from the ideological frameworks of the past. Instead, it repackages Francoist values—particularly those surrounding patriarchal gender norms, suffering, and the glorification of sacrifice—to ensure her continued relevance. Suevia Films (1951) played a significant role in shaping her star persona as a symbol of Spanish folklore, aligning her with Francoist ideals of nation, Catholic morality, and submissive femininity. Her image was used to promote Spain internationally as a welcoming and culturally rich destination. Her persona fit within Franco’s broader strategy of using flamenco and folklore to attract foreign tourism while maintaining tight ideological control over entertainment. Flores’s life is framed as a rags-to-riches story, which reinforces Social Spencerist ideology (a social Darwinist perspective) that hard work and endurance lead to success, rather than acknowledging systemic oppression under Francoism. Her personal struggles—poverty, romantic disappointments, accusations of collaboration with the Franco regime, and tax evasion—are framed as necessary trials that strengthen her character. This aligns with the Catholic ideal of redemptive suffering, reinforcing her status as the mater dolorosa (Sorrowful Mother) figure. This article highlights the contradictions in Flores’s gender performance—while she embodied passion and sensuality in flamenco, her offstage identity conformed to the submissive, self-sacrificing woman idealized by the Francoist Sección Femenina (SF). Even in her personal life, Flores’s narrative aligns with Francoist values—her father’s bar, La Fe de Pedro Flores, symbolizes the fusion of religion, nationalism, and traditional masculinity. Tico Medina plays a key role by framing Lola en carne viva as an “authentic” and unfiltered account. His portrayal is highly constructed, acting as her “defense lawyer” to counter criticisms. Flores’s autobiography is monologic—it suppresses alternative perspectives, ensuring that her version of events remains dominant and unquestioned. Rather than acknowledging structural oppression, the narrative glorifies suffering as a path to resilience, aligning with both Catholic doctrine and Francoist propaganda. The article ultimately deconstructs Lola Flores’s autobiographical myth, demonstrating that her public persona—both onstage and offstage—was a strategic construction that perpetuated Francoist ideals well beyond the dictatorship. While her image has been celebrated as a symbol of Spanish cultural identity, it also functioned as a tool for maintaining patriarchal and nationalist ideologies under the guise of entertainment. Full article

This study aims to examine how religion in Türkiye, beyond having social value, has been instrumentalized by political parties into a power dynamic and explore the role of the media in this process. Adopting an inductive approach, the study first examines how the boundaries between religion and politics have changed over the years, despite the Republic of Türkiye being constitutionally defined as a secular state, using a qualitative historical method. Then, in order to explore the current reflections of this transformation, focus is placed on the most recent presidential election, held in 2023. News reports about a widely circulated photograph of opposition presidential candidate Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu “stepping/standing” on a prayer rug, used by Muslims for worship, during his campaign are analyzed using the critical discourse analysis (CDA) method. The findings reveal that religion has become a significant component of political strategies and propaganda tools in Türkiye. Religious values and symbols function as powerful instruments, shaping societal perceptions through political discourse. As a hegemonic apparatus, the media reproduces religious discourse in line with ideological tendencies and mediatizes religion as a political tool. Full article

During the early Republican years in China, through the publication of several prominent Western individuals’ view with respect to the Confucian religion in materials like Kong jiao lun 孔教论 (On the Confucian Religion) and 孔教会杂志 (The Confucian Association Monthly), Chen Huanchang, the director of the Confucian Association, appeared to have successfully enlisted the support for the Association from some renowned Western figures in China, including Timothy Richard, Gilbert Reid, Hermann Graf Keyserling, Hiram Stevens Maxim, and Reginald Fleming Johnston. Notwithstanding the Confucian Association’s propaganda, Timothy Richard and Gilbert Reid’s patronage of the Confucian Association in fact stemmed from their concept of “uniting all religions”. The praises heaped on Confucius by Hermann Graf Keyserling and Hiram Stevens Maxim were totally unrelated to the Confucian Association but were cleverly packaged by Chen Huanchang as an ideal resource through his ingenious translation. Reginald Fleming Johnston’s laudatory remarks with respect to the Confucian Association were inevitably motivated by his political speculation. The superficial respect for Confucius among Westerners in China belied more complex and nuanced attitudes towards making the Confucian religion the state religion of China. Such attitudes reveal the multiple facets of Confucianism in the early Republican era in response to some of the challenges posed by modernization. Full article

This research seeks to elucidate the influence of Facebook advertising content on voting decisions and public perceptions of candidates during the 2023 Imbabura elections, exploring both how citizens perceive such content and how it affects their voting behavior. A case study approach was employed, integrating content analysis through Atlas.ti and the application of factor analysis to survey interpretation. The findings revealed that specific content, such as memes, exerts a notable influence on the younger electorate. This influence is reinforced by communication strategies that emphasize the frequency and repetition of this content, although no direct correlation with key demographic variables was found. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that a communication strategy devoid of value content reduces social networks to mere information channels, akin to open television. In conclusion, the study emphasizes the necessity of digital communication strategies that prioritize the creation of valuable content for audiences, with the aim of fostering a more discerning and engaged electorate. Full article

Vaccine hesitancy presents a significant challenge to public health, particularly in culturally diverse regions, such as South Tyrol, Italy. This article examines the interplay between political influences, conspiracy theories, and vaccine hesitancy in South Tyrol, an autonomous province characterised by its linguistic diversity and historical scepticism toward central authority. This study aimed to identify the important drivers of vaccine hesitancy and propose targeted strategies to enhance vaccine acceptance. Peer-reviewed and grey literature was examined to explore the sociocultural factors, political dynamics, and conspiracy narratives influencing vaccine hesitancy in South Tyrol. The analysis incorporated publicly available materials, including propaganda from anti-vaccine organisations, and regional public health data to contextualise the findings. Vaccine hesitancy in South Tyrol was influenced by historical tensions with the central government, cultural alignment with Austrian healthcare practices, and politically motivated opposition to vaccination. Conspiracy theories disseminated by local organisations and political entities exploit concerns regarding governmental overreach and personal autonomy. These dynamics are compounded by the selective misrepresentation of scientific discourse, which further polarises public opinion. Addressing vaccine hesitancy in South Tyrol requires culturally sensitive communication, community engagement through trusted local figures, transparency in health policies, and the proactive monitoring of misinformation. These strategies can mitigate mistrust and promote vaccine acceptance in regions with similar sociopolitical complexities. Full article

Intended to destroy the aristocratic leadership of the Huguenots, the massacre of St. Bartholomew galvanized instead the opposition to a monarchy seen now not only as tyrannical, but also treacherous. The Huguenots started exploring various ways to check and even depose a hostile monarch, in the so-called monarchomach treatises. But the massacre also led to the formation of a faction of moderate Catholic aristocrats, “les malcontents”, who cooperated with the Huguenots against a monarchy that, in their opinion, had committed a major breach of trust. Both the Huguenots and the malcontents proposed their own constitutional theories, aimed at limiting the power of the monarchy: the former argued in favor of a form of popular sovereignty, which would have turned the king into something akin to a first magistrate of his kingdom, while the latter put forward ideas that preserved the king as the undisputable head of the political pyramid, but argued in favor of the right to revolt, in the name of the same king, for the sake of the “public good”. The aim of this paper is to examine both the differences and the common ground between these two political models, as they are reflected in the propaganda issued by the Huguenots and the leaders of the malcontents during the 1570s. Full article

The death of Russian dissident Alexey Navalny in a far-northern colony after three years of imprisonment was declared a martyrdom by the Russian opposition, reflecting the sentiments of a part of Russian society. This unexpected reference to martyr narrative by a largely secular and anti-clerical opposition has set a significant precedent when religious discourse is instrumentalized not only by official propaganda but also by its critics. The authors posit that the construction of a martyr narrative is deeply political, being a part of contemporary ideological war. This article argues that Alexey Navalny’s death and its subsequent sacralization by opposition figures represent a significant moment in contemporary Russian politics. By adopting religious narratives and symbols, the opposition not only mobilizes support but also challenges the regime’s monopoly on ideological and religious discourse. However, this strategic use of martyrdom carries inherent contradictions, reflecting the opposition’s ambivalent relationship with religion and the Russian Orthodox Church. Full article