Search Results (8)

In this article, we analyse durational variation for inherently long consonants in Italian. Productions by 40 speakers of four regional varieties were elicited via a read-aloud task containing target words with inherently long consonants in the post-consonantal vs. intervocalic position. The analysis of acoustic durations revealed variation. Overall, we found that /ts/, /dz/ and /ʎ/ were considerably longer intervocalically than post-consonantally, although by smaller ratios than those reported in the literature for contrastive geminates; the effect was smaller for /ʃ/ and barely detectable for /ɲ/. We also detected a trend to lengthen /dz/ and /ʃ/ after a morphemic boundary. In terms of regional variation, north-eastern speakers were found to diverge from the others, with shorter durations and less consistent durational patterns. Additionally, we verified the existence of lengthening induced by double letters for /ts/ (vizi—vizzi) and /dz/ (Gaza—gazza), and only found it for /dz/, particularly for north-eastern speakers. We argue that this may originally have been an orthographic effect due to the acquisition of Italian at school via the written form by past generations, which has been lost for /ts/ but preserved for /dz/ under the influence of loanwords spelled with <z> and pronounced as short intervocalically. Full article

It is well known that a listener’s native phonological background has an impact on how speech sounds are perceived. Native speakers can distinguish sounds that serve a contrastive function in their language better than sounds that are not contrastive. However, the role of allophony in speech perception is understudied, especially among heritage speakers. This paper highlights a study that directly tests the influence of the allophonic/phonemic distinction on perception by Spanish heritage speakers, comparing their results to those of late bilingual and monolingual speakers of Spanish and English in the US. Building on an earlier study, the unique contribution of this paper is a study of the perceptual pattern shown by heritage speakers of Spanish and a comparison of bilingual and monolingual speakers of English and Spanish. The participants completed a similarity rating task with stimuli containing VCV sequences with the intervocalic consonants [d], [ð], and [ɾ]. The heritage speakers, who are early sequential bilinguals of Spanish and English, showed a perceptual pattern that is more like monolingual Spanish listeners than monolingual English listeners, but still intermediate between the two monolingual groups. Specifically, they perceived [d]/[ɾ] like the L1 Spanish participants, treating them as very different sounds. They perceived the pair [d]/[ð], which is contrastive in English but allophonic in Spanish, like the L1 Spanish participants, as fairly similar sounds. Finally, heritage speakers perceived [ɾ]/[ð], contrastive in both languages, as very different sounds, identical to all other participant groups. The results underscore both the importance of surface oppositions, suggesting the need to reconsider the traditional definition of contrast, as well as the importance of considering level and age of exposure to the second language when studying the perception of sounds by bilingual speakers. Full article

Italian has a length contrast in its series of voiced and voiceless obstruents while also presenting phonetic differences across regional varieties. Northern varieties of the language, including Veneto Italian (VI), are described as maintaining the voicing contrast but, in some cases, not the length contrast. In central and southern varieties, the opposite trend may occur. For instance, Roman Italian (RI) is reported to optionally pre-voice intervocalic voiceless singleton obstruents whilst also maintaining the length contrast for this consonant class. This study looks at the acoustic realization of selected obstruents in VI and RI and investigates (a) prevoicing patterns and (b) the effects and interactions of regional variety, gemination, and (phonological and phonetic) voicing on consonant (C) and preceding-vowel (V) durations, as well as the ratio between the two (C/V), with a focus on that particular measure. An acoustic phonetic analysis is conducted on 3703 tokens from six speakers from each variety, producing eight repetitions of 40 real CV́C(C)V and CVC(C)V́CV words embedded in carrier sentences, with /p, pp, t, tt, k, kk, b, bb, d, dd, ɡ, ɡɡ, f, ff, v, vv, t∫, tt∫, dʒ, ddʒ/ as the target intervocalic consonants. The results show that both VI and RI speakers produce geminates, yielding high C/V ratios in both varieties, although there are cross-regional differences in the realization of singletons. On the one hand, RI speakers tend to pre-voice voiceless singletons and produce overall shorter C durations and lower C/V ratios for these consonants. On the other hand, VI speakers produce longer C durations and higher C/V ratios for all voiceless singletons, triggering some overlap between the C length categories, which results in partial degemination through singleton lengthening, although only for voiceless obstruents. The implications of a trading relationship between phonetic voicing and duration of obstruents in Italian gemination are discussed. Full article

In this study, we investigate the multifaceted realizations of the /R/ consonant in Québec French (QF) by combining sociolinguistic and phonological approaches. First, from a sociophonetic point of view, we utilize a mixed-effects multinomial logistic regression model to analyze the impact of various variables on the distribution of /R/ variants. Our analysis of location, birth year and gender reveals that each variable and its interactions significantly influence the distribution of /R/ variants. We identify three distinct speaker groups based on their preferences for these variants: those favoring apical variants, those using uvular trills, and those employing neither apical nor uvular trills (mostly using fricatives and their approximantized or vocalized variants). From a phonological point of view, we show that the use of the /R/ variants among the three groups correlates with syllabic position, with weaker variants displayed in so-called “weakening” contexts, such as coda and intervocalic onset. Our results thus show that the apparent diversity of /R/ realizations in QF actually follows a pattern from both a sociolinguistic and a formal phonological point of view. Full article

In Brazilian Veneto (a heritage variety of Veneto spoken in several areas of Brazil), a stem alternation targets the plurals of masculine nominals ending in a consonant. While nominals with a word-final rhotic or nasal are pluralized by adding the masculine plural suffix $/-\mathrm{i}/ ([\mathrm{b}\mathrm{i}\text{'}\stackrel{{\displaystyle ̑}}{\mathrm{t}\int }\mathrm{e}\mathrm{r}]\to [\mathrm{b}\mathrm{i}\text{'}\stackrel{{\displaystyle ̑}}{\mathrm{t}\int }\mathrm{e}\mathrm{r}\mathrm{i}]$ ‘glass’), pluralization in nominals with a final lateral involves deletion of the consonant (e.g., $[\mathrm{n}\mathrm{i}\text{'}\mathrm{s}\mathrm{o}\mathrm{l}]\to [\mathrm{n}\mathrm{i}\text{'}\mathrm{s}\mathrm{o}\mathrm{i}]$ ‘bedsheet’). I argue that these differences stem from word-final laterals having a distinct representation from rhotics and nasals: while the latter are represented as codas, the former are represented as onsets of empty-headed syllables. Based on a corpus analysis, I show that (a) speakers’ productions of these plurals are stable, and (b) other patterns of pluralization (namely, in monosyllables and words with final stress on a CV syllable) are consistent with the proposal. In addition, the behaviour of laterals with respect to resyllabification, metaphony and intervocalic consonant deletion further suggest that laterals are represented as onsets word-finally. Full article

Propelled by existing research on stop consonant variability in Spanish, this pilot study provides a preliminary acoustic analysis of stop consonant lenition exhibited by speakers of six different varieties of Spanish in Latin America and Spain to explore the gradient acoustic variability in the production of /ptk/ and /bdɡ/ among speakers of different Spanish varieties. Using the acoustic correlate of relative intensity, this analysis considers the effect of various linguistic factors (phoneme, lexical stress, point of articulation, sonority) as well as the extralinguistic factor of Spanish variety on the production of stop consonants in initial, intervocalic position. Results display a higher degree of weakening among speakers of Peninsular and Insular varieties of Spanish compared with those of Latin-American varieties such as Colombian, Mexican, and Peruvian. These exploratory data support the gradient nature of consonant lenition and provide a baseline for future research on stop consonant variability across the Spanish-speaking world. Full article

The purpose of this study is to characterize the intelligibility of a corpus of Vowel–Consonant–Vowel (VCV) stimuli recorded in five languages (English, French, German, Italian and Portuguese) in order to identify a subset of stimuli for screening individuals of unknown language during speech-in-noise tests. The intelligibility of VCV stimuli was estimated by combining the psychometric functions derived from the Short-Time Objective Intelligibility (STOI) measure with those derived from listening tests. To compensate for the potential increase in speech recognition effort in non-native listeners, stimuli were selected based on three criteria: (i) higher intelligibility; (ii) lower variability of intelligibility; and (iii) shallower psychometric function. The observed intelligibility estimates show that the three criteria for application in multilingual settings were fulfilled by the set of VCVs in English (average intelligibility from 1% to 8% higher; SRT from 4.01 to 2.04 dB SNR lower; average variability up to four times lower; slope from 0.35 to 0.68%/dB SNR lower). Further research is needed to characterize the intelligibility of these stimuli in a large sample of non-native listeners with varying degrees of hearing loss and to determine the possible effects of hearing loss and native language on VCV recognition. Full article

The SUN-test (Speech Understanding in Noise) is a speech-innoise test to screen adults and older adults for hearing disability. The SUN-test consists in a short list of intervocalic consonants (VCV, vowel-consonant-vowel) in noise that are presented in a three-alternatives forced choice (3AFC) paradigm by means of a touch-screen interface. Based on the number of stimuli correctly identified, the tested subject gets one of three possible test outcomes: no listening difficulties, a hearing check would be advisable, or a hearing check is recommended. This paper reviews the main results obtained with the SUNtest in the Italian language in a population of nearly 1,300 adults and older adults with varying degrees of audiometric thresholds and audiometric configurations, tested both in low and in high ambient noise settings. Results obtained in the tested population revealed that the outcomes of the SUN-test were in line with the outcomes of pure-tone testing, and that the test performance was similar both in low and in high ambient noise (up to 65 dB A). Results obtained with the SUNtest were not biased by the age of the subject because the performance of younger and older subjects in the test was similar. The mean duration of the SUN-test was nearly 40 s/ear, and was lower than 1 minute per ear even in subjects older than 80 years so that both ears could be tested, on average, in 2 minutes. The SUN-test was considered easy or slightly difficult by nearly 90% of subjects; test duration was judged short or fair by nearly 95% of subjects, and the overall evaluation of the test was pleasant, or neutral, in more than 90% of subjects. Overall, results of this study indicated that the SUN-test might be feasible for application in adult hearing screening. The test is fast, easy, self convincing, and reflects differences in hearing sensitivity between the tested subjects. The outcomes of the SUN-test were not influenced by the noise level in the test room (up to 65 dB A) indicating that the test, as such, might be feasible to screen adults and older adults both in clinical and in non clinical settings, such as convenient care clinics, hearing aid providers, or pharmacies, where the ambient noise is, typically, not controlled. Full article