Sign in to use this feature.

Years

Between: -

Subjects

remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline

Journals

remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline

Article Types

Countries / Regions

remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline
remove_circle_outline

Search Results (382)

Search Parameters:
Keywords = democratic politics

Order results
Result details
Results per page
Select all
Export citation of selected articles as:
21 pages, 826 KiB  
Article
Socio-Economic and Environmental Trade-Offs of Sustainable Energy Transition in Kentucky
by Sydney Oluoch, Nirmal Pandit and Cecelia Harner
Sustainability 2025, 17(15), 7133; https://doi.org/10.3390/su17157133 - 6 Aug 2025
Abstract
A just and sustainable energy transition in historically coal-dependent regions like Kentucky requires more than the adoption of new technologies and market-based solutions. This study uses a stated preferences approach to evaluate public support for various attributes of energy transition programs, revealing broad [...] Read more.
A just and sustainable energy transition in historically coal-dependent regions like Kentucky requires more than the adoption of new technologies and market-based solutions. This study uses a stated preferences approach to evaluate public support for various attributes of energy transition programs, revealing broad backing for moving away from coal, as indicated by a negative willingness to pay (WTP) for the status quo (–USD 4.63). Key findings show strong bipartisan support for solar energy, with Democrats showing the highest WTP at USD 8.29, followed closely by Independents/Others at USD 8.22, and Republicans at USD 8.08. Wind energy also garnered support, particularly among Republicans (USD 4.04), who may view it as more industry-compatible and less ideologically polarizing. Job creation was a dominant priority across political affiliations, especially for Independents (USD 9.07), indicating a preference for tangible, near-term economic benefits. Similarly, preserving cultural values tied to coal received support among Independents/Others (USD 4.98), emphasizing the importance of place-based identity in shaping preferences. In contrast, social support programs (e.g., job retraining) and certain post-mining land uses (e.g., recreation and conservation) were less favored, possibly due to their abstract nature, delayed benefits, and political framing. Findings from Kentucky offer insights for other coal-reliant states like Wyoming, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois. Ultimately, equitable transitions must integrate local voices, address cultural and economic realities, and ensure community-driven planning and investment. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Energy, Environmental Policy and Sustainable Development)
16 pages, 235 KiB  
Article
Populist Radical Right: Illiberal Erosion or Liberal Decay? Assessing Theoretical Explanations in the Wake of the 2024 European Parliament Election
by Alfonso A. López-Rodríguez and Jesus M. Benitez-Baleato
Societies 2025, 15(8), 211; https://doi.org/10.3390/soc15080211 - 30 Jul 2025
Viewed by 445
Abstract
This article identifies the structural factors underlying the rise of the Populist Radical Right (PRR) in Europe and evaluates its implications for liberal democracies. Our research finds that the emergence of the PRR is driven by the decay of democratic institutions resulting from [...] Read more.
This article identifies the structural factors underlying the rise of the Populist Radical Right (PRR) in Europe and evaluates its implications for liberal democracies. Our research finds that the emergence of the PRR is driven by the decay of democratic institutions resulting from the neoliberal globalization that was catalyzed by the collapse of the Soviet Union. We argue that the electoral success of the PRR lies in its capacity to use emotionally charged, single-issue narratives that resonate with the political demands of orphaned electorates, who engage in protest voting to express their frustrated expectations. Far from being an ephemeral phenomenon, we show that the PRR reflects structural transformations of the liberal political architecture, and is capable to further eroding democratic institutions by procedurally adopting liberal norms as a means to undermine them. A critical reassessment of the liberal perspective is necessary to address the dysfunctions of democratic institutions. Full article
12 pages, 474 KiB  
Article
The Role of Gubernatorial Affiliation, Risk Perception, and Trust in COVID-19 Vaccine Hesitancy in the United States
by Ammina Kothari, Stephanie A. Godleski and Gerit Pfuhl
COVID 2025, 5(8), 118; https://doi.org/10.3390/covid5080118 - 28 Jul 2025
Viewed by 156
Abstract
Background/Objectives: Vaccine hesitancy is becoming an increasing concern, leading to preventable outbreaks of infectious diseases. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States served as an intriguing case study for exploring how risk perception and trust in health authorities, including scientists, are influenced by [...] Read more.
Background/Objectives: Vaccine hesitancy is becoming an increasing concern, leading to preventable outbreaks of infectious diseases. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States served as an intriguing case study for exploring how risk perception and trust in health authorities, including scientists, are influenced by government policies and how these factors affect vaccine hesitancy. Methods: We conducted a secondary analysis using the MIT COVID-19 Survey dataset to investigate whether risk perception and trust differ between states governed by Democratic or Republican governors. Results: Our analysis (n = 6119) found that participants did not vary significantly by state political affiliation in terms of their sociodemographic factors (such as age, gender, self-rated health, education, and whether they live in a city, town, or rural area), their perceived risk for the community, or their ability to control whether they become infected. However, there was a difference in the perceived risk of infection, which was higher in states governed by Republicans. Trust also varied by gubernatorial affiliation, with higher levels of trust reported among residents of Democratic-leaning states. We also found a strong mediation effect of trust on vaccine hesitancy, but this was not the case for risk perception. Conclusion: Therefore, it appears that vaccine acceptance relies on trust in health authorities, which is influenced by governmental policies. State officials should work with local health officials to build trust and increase timely responses to public health crises. Full article
(This article belongs to the Section COVID Public Health and Epidemiology)
Show Figures

Figure 1

33 pages, 433 KiB  
Article
The Price of Poverty: Inequality and the Strategic Use of Clientelism in Divided Democracies
by Andrés Cendales, Hugo Guerrero-Sierra and Jhon James Mora
Economies 2025, 13(7), 205; https://doi.org/10.3390/economies13070205 - 17 Jul 2025
Viewed by 1068
Abstract
This article investigates the political cost of poverty in democracies marked by deep social divisions. We develop a probabilistic voting model that incorporates clientelism as a strategic tool employed by elite political parties to secure electoral support from non-elite voters. Unlike models based [...] Read more.
This article investigates the political cost of poverty in democracies marked by deep social divisions. We develop a probabilistic voting model that incorporates clientelism as a strategic tool employed by elite political parties to secure electoral support from non-elite voters. Unlike models based on ideological proximity, our framework conceptualizes party competition as structured by the socioeconomic composition of their constituencies. We demonstrate that in contexts of high inequality and widespread poverty, elite parties face structural incentives to deploy clientelistic strategies rather than universalistic policy agendas. Our model predicts that clientelistic expenditures by elite parties increase proportionally with both inequality (GINI index) and poverty levels, rendering clientelism a rational and cost-effective mechanism of political control. Empirical evidence from a cross-national panel (2013–2019) confirms the theoretical predictions: an increase of the 1 percent in the GINI index increase a 1.3 percent in the clientelism, even after accounting for endogeneity and dynamic effects. These findings suggest that in divided democracies, poverty is not merely a condition to be alleviated, but a political resource that elites strategically exploit. Consequently, clientelism persists not as a cultural residue or institutional failure, but as a rational response to inequality-driven constraints within democratic competition. Full article
33 pages, 617 KiB  
Article
Discourse of Military-Assisted Urban Regeneration in Colombo: Political and Elite Influences on Displacing Underserved Communities in Postwar Sri Lanka
by Janak Ranaweera, Sandeep Agrawal and Rob Shields
Real Estate 2025, 2(3), 11; https://doi.org/10.3390/realestate2030011 - 17 Jul 2025
Viewed by 204
Abstract
This study examines the political and elite motives behind Colombo’s ‘world-class city’ initiative and its impact on public housing in underserved communities. Informed by interviews with high-ranking government officials, including urban planning experts and military officers, this study examines how President Rajapaksa’s elite-driven [...] Read more.
This study examines the political and elite motives behind Colombo’s ‘world-class city’ initiative and its impact on public housing in underserved communities. Informed by interviews with high-ranking government officials, including urban planning experts and military officers, this study examines how President Rajapaksa’s elite-driven postwar Sri Lankan government leveraged military capacities within the neoliberal developmental framework to transform Colombo’s urban space for political and economic goals, often at the expense of marginalized communities. Applying a contextual discourse analysis model, which views discourse as a constellation of arguments within a specific context, we critically analyzed interview discussions to clarify the rationale behind the militarized approach to public housing while highlighting its contradictions, including the displacement of underserved communities and the ethical concerns associated with compulsory relocation. The findings suggest that Colombo’s postwar public housing program was utilized to consolidate authoritarian control and promote speculative urban transformation, treating public housing as a secondary aspect of broader political and economic agendas. Anchored in militarized urban governance, these elite-driven strategies failed to achieve their anticipated economic objectives and deepened socio-spatial inequalities, raising serious concerns about exclusionary and undemocratic planning practices. The paper recommends that future urban planning strike a balance between economic objectives and principles of spatial justice, inclusion, and participatory governance, promoting democratic and socially equitable urban development. Full article
Show Figures

Figure 1

23 pages, 870 KiB  
Article
The Political Economy of CO2 Emissions: Investigating the Role of Associational and Organizational Freedoms in Environmental Quality
by Umut Uzar
Sustainability 2025, 17(14), 6265; https://doi.org/10.3390/su17146265 - 8 Jul 2025
Viewed by 377
Abstract
The historical peak in CO2 emissions has intensified global environmental concerns, urging the identification of key determinants. While economic drivers are well-documented, political dimensions—especially democracy and institutional quality—are increasingly emphasized. However, the role of freedom of association and organization (AOF), a core [...] Read more.
The historical peak in CO2 emissions has intensified global environmental concerns, urging the identification of key determinants. While economic drivers are well-documented, political dimensions—especially democracy and institutional quality—are increasingly emphasized. However, the role of freedom of association and organization (AOF), a core democratic element, remains largely unexamined in this context. This study fills this gap by analyzing the impact of AOF on CO2 emissions in the top 20 emitter countries from 2006 to 2022. The selection of these countries enables a focused assessment of the world’s primary polluters, ensuring high policy relevance. Using second-generation panel estimators, the Augmented Mean Group and the Common Correlated Effects Mean Group estimators, the analysis accounts for heterogeneity and cross-sectional dependence. Robustness is tested using the CS-ARDL method, confirming the stability of results. Empirical findings show that higher levels of AOF significantly reduce CO2 emissions. Income and energy consumption increase emissions, while the effect of trade openness is statistically insignificant. These results suggest that strengthening associational freedoms can offer a dual benefit: advancing democratic norms and achieving environmental goals. Full article
Show Figures

Figure 1

19 pages, 274 KiB  
Article
Political Discourse and Theological Challenges of Korean Conservative Christianity
by Minseok Kim
Religions 2025, 16(7), 879; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16070879 - 8 Jul 2025
Viewed by 1088
Abstract
This paper examines the political discourse of South Korean conservative Christianity, focusing on its alignment with far-right ideologies that undermine both democratic norms and the theological integrity of faith. Triggered by recent constitutional crises involving former President Suk-yeol Yoon, far-right Protestant groups have [...] Read more.
This paper examines the political discourse of South Korean conservative Christianity, focusing on its alignment with far-right ideologies that undermine both democratic norms and the theological integrity of faith. Triggered by recent constitutional crises involving former President Suk-yeol Yoon, far-right Protestant groups have engaged in mobilisations marked by hate speech, disinformation, and theological politicisation. Drawing upon Heinrich Bedford-Strohm’s model of public theology, the study critiques this trend and argues for a reconfiguration of Christian public engagement toward justice, inclusion, and rational dialogue. It further explores the blurred boundaries between conservative and far-right Christian movements, the distortion of the public sphere, and the impact of digital misinformation. Ultimately, the paper proposes a theological and ethical roadmap for restoring the credibility of Christianity in South Korea’s pluralistic democracy. Full article
10 pages, 1006 KiB  
Article
U.S. Federal and State Medicaid Spending: Health Policy Patterns by Political Party Leadership and Census Demographics
by Jamaji C. Nwanaji-Enwerem and Pamaji Nwanaji-Enwerem
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2025, 22(7), 1074; https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22071074 - 4 Jul 2025
Viewed by 549
Abstract
Medicaid is a vital public health program, serving over 70 million Americans from many backgrounds. Understanding how Medicaid spending varies by political leadership and demographic factors can inform policy discussions and advocacy efforts. We conducted a cross-sectional descriptive analysis of state Medicaid spending [...] Read more.
Medicaid is a vital public health program, serving over 70 million Americans from many backgrounds. Understanding how Medicaid spending varies by political leadership and demographic factors can inform policy discussions and advocacy efforts. We conducted a cross-sectional descriptive analysis of state Medicaid spending using publicly available data. Our findings show that individuals identifying as White comprise the largest single racial group of Medicaid beneficiaries both nationally and in most states. While the 2020 Census Diversity Index correlated strongly with total Medicaid spending, no significant association was found with per enrollee spending or the federal share of Medicaid funding. States led by Democrats had higher total Medicaid spending when compared to Republican-led states. However, Republican-led states received a larger proportion of federal Medicaid funding. Among political leadership levels, Senate representation showed the strongest relationship with Medicaid spending trends compared to gubernatorial leadership and presidential voting history. In conclusion, we demonstrate that Medicaid spending impacts all racial groups and both major political parties. However, funding structures and political representation reflect distinct spending patterns. Given the evolving demographic and political landscape, ongoing policy discussions should ensure that Medicaid remains a public health program that remains effective at safeguarding human health. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Health Economics Perspectives on Health Promotion and Health Equity)
Show Figures

Figure 1

19 pages, 1289 KiB  
Article
Upholding the Right to Health in Contexts of Displacement: A Whole-of-Route Policy Analysis in South Africa, Kenya, Somalia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo
by Rebecca Walker, Jo Vearey, Ahmed Said Bile and Genèse Lobukulu Lolimo
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2025, 22(7), 1042; https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22071042 - 30 Jun 2025
Viewed by 508
Abstract
The Sustainable Development Goals commit states to Universal Health Coverage (UHC) for all; yet displaced populations—including asylum seekers, refugees, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and undocumented migrants—remain systematically excluded from national health systems across southern and eastern Africa. This paper applies a whole-of-route, rights-based [...] Read more.
The Sustainable Development Goals commit states to Universal Health Coverage (UHC) for all; yet displaced populations—including asylum seekers, refugees, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and undocumented migrants—remain systematically excluded from national health systems across southern and eastern Africa. This paper applies a whole-of-route, rights-based framework to examine how legal status, policy implementation, and structural governance shape healthcare access for displaced populations across South Africa, Kenya, Somalia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Drawing on 70 key informant interviews and policy analysis conducted between 2020 and 2025, the study finds that despite formal commitments to health equity, access remains constrained by restrictive legal regimes, administrative discretion, and fragmented service delivery models. Critical gaps persist in migration-sensitive planning, gender-responsive care, and mental health integration. The findings highlight the limitations of rights-based rhetoric in the absence of legal coherence, intersectoral coordination, and political will. To realise UHC in displacement contexts, health systems must move beyond citizen-centric models and embed migration-aware, inclusive, and sustainable approaches across all stages of displacement. Without such structural reforms, displaced populations will remain at the margins of national health agendas—and the promise of health for all will remain unmet. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue SDG 3 in Sub-Saharan Africa: Emerging Public Health Issues)
Show Figures

Figure 1

36 pages, 401 KiB  
Article
The Democracy-Promotion Metanarrative as a Set of Frames: Is There an Indigenous Counter-Narrative?
by Hajer Ben Hadj Salem
Religions 2025, 16(7), 850; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16070850 - 27 Jun 2025
Viewed by 477
Abstract
The Tunisian uprisings projected an elusive surrealistic scene that was an aberration in a part of the world where Islamic ideology had been considered the only rallying force and a midwife for regime change. However, this sense of exceptionalism was short-lived, as the [...] Read more.
The Tunisian uprisings projected an elusive surrealistic scene that was an aberration in a part of the world where Islamic ideology had been considered the only rallying force and a midwife for regime change. However, this sense of exceptionalism was short-lived, as the religiously zealous Islamist expats and their militant executive wings infiltrated the power vacuum to resume their suspended Islamization project of the 1980s. Brandishing electoral “legitimacy”, they attempted to reframe the bourgeoning indigenous democratization project, rooted in an evolving Tunisian intellectual and cultural heritage, along the neocolonial ideological underpinnings of the “Arab Spring” metanarrative, which proffers the thesis that democracy can be promoted in the Muslim world through so-called “Moderate Muslims”. This paper challenges this dominant narrative by offering a counter-narrative about the political transition in Tunisia. It takes stock of the multidisciplinary conceptual and analytical frameworks elaborated upon in postcolonial theory, social movement theory, cognitive neuroscience theories, and digital communication theories. It draws heavily on socio-narrative translation theory. The corpus analyzed in this work consists of disparate yet corroborating narratives cutting across modes, genres, and cultural and linguistic boundaries, and is grounded in insider participant observation. This work opens an alternative inquiry into how the processes of cross-cultural knowledge production and the power dynamics they sustain have helped shape the course of the transition since 2011. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Transitions of Islam and Democracy: Thinking Political Theology)
19 pages, 256 KiB  
Article
Do Mini-Publics Answer Environmental Demands by Youth? Promises and Perceptions of ‘Voice’ in Four European Cities
by Laura Bullon-Cassis, Christine Lutringer, Maria Mexi and Yanina Welp
Societies 2025, 15(7), 176; https://doi.org/10.3390/soc15070176 - 24 Jun 2025
Viewed by 310
Abstract
This study examines how climate citizens’ assemblies (CCAs) influence youth engagement, both in practice and in shaping perceptions of political “voice”, drawing on Albert O. Hirschman’s “Exit, Voice, and Loyalty” framework. Through qualitative analysis of 71 interviews, participatory workshops, and observational data across [...] Read more.
This study examines how climate citizens’ assemblies (CCAs) influence youth engagement, both in practice and in shaping perceptions of political “voice”, drawing on Albert O. Hirschman’s “Exit, Voice, and Loyalty” framework. Through qualitative analysis of 71 interviews, participatory workshops, and observational data across four cities—Barcelona, Bologna, Geneva, and Paris—it explores whether CCAs address youth climate activists’ demands, enable meaningful participation, and yield policy outcomes aligned with their claims. Findings reveal divergent perceptions: in Bologna, co-design with activists tended to foster trust, while Barcelona saw disillusionment due to unmet expectations. Geneva’s embedded deliberative processes strengthened institutional loyalty, whereas Paris faced skepticism as activists turned to civil disobedience. Overall, CCAs’ effectiveness hinges on inclusivity, follow-through, and communication; when perceived as tokenistic, they risk reinforcing disengagement (“exit”). The study underscores the need for embedded, responsive democratic innovations to sustain youth participation amid climate crises. Full article
18 pages, 441 KiB  
Article
Rescaling and Transforming: “Umbrella Agreements,” Planning Deals, and the Israeli Planning Regime
by Sharon Eshel, Oren Yiftachel and Talia Margalit
Land 2025, 14(6), 1295; https://doi.org/10.3390/land14061295 - 17 Jun 2025
Viewed by 675
Abstract
This paper analyzes “Umbrella Agreements,” a policy tool implemented by the Israeli government across 32 municipalities over the past decade. Introduced in response to a deepening housing crisis, these agreements offered funding for local infrastructure in exchange for municipal consent to large-scale residential [...] Read more.
This paper analyzes “Umbrella Agreements,” a policy tool implemented by the Israeli government across 32 municipalities over the past decade. Introduced in response to a deepening housing crisis, these agreements offered funding for local infrastructure in exchange for municipal consent to large-scale residential development on (mostly) state- managed land. We argue that umbrella agreements rescale the neoliberal mechanism of “planning deals” from the urban to the state (national) scale, expanding their logic to new contexts, and fundamentally transforming the Israeli planning regime. While prevailing theories of neoliberalism emphasize decentralization and privatization through “free market” mechanisms, the Israeli process is characterized by strong state control over land and a concentration of planning powers at the national level as a pre-condition for private housing development. Our analysis yields three main findings. First, upscaling planning deals erodes the state’s regulatory powers while increasing its interest as a direct beneficiary of the capitalist order. Second, these agreements subject market logic to greater political control. Third, this transformation has seriously undermined the democratic and professional characters of the planning system, leading to regressive social consequences. Full article
(This article belongs to the Section Land Socio-Economic and Political Issues)
Show Figures

Figure 1

26 pages, 398 KiB  
Article
The Impact of Student Loan Debt on Civic Engagement: Evidence from the College and Beyond II Dataset
by Osasohan Agbonlahor
Educ. Sci. 2025, 15(6), 764; https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci15060764 - 17 Jun 2025
Viewed by 511
Abstract
This study examines the relationship between student loan debt and civic engagement among college graduates, with particular attention to differential effects by field of study. Drawing on data from the College and Beyond II dataset, this research analyzes how varying levels of debt [...] Read more.
This study examines the relationship between student loan debt and civic engagement among college graduates, with particular attention to differential effects by field of study. Drawing on data from the College and Beyond II dataset, this research analyzes how varying levels of debt burden impact political and community participation among 1673 graduates, including 1059 liberal arts majors and 614 graduates from professional, STEM, and other fields. Employing OLS regression models with multiple measures of debt burden and distinct dimensions of civic engagement, this study finds that both medium and high levels of student loan debt (USD 201–500 monthly and >USD 500 monthly) are associated with significantly higher political engagement—a pattern that aligns with relative deprivation theory’s proposition that financial strain may motivate political action aimed at systemic change. This relationship is particularly pronounced among liberal arts graduates, who demonstrate stronger positive associations between debt and civic participation than their peers from other fields. Debt-to-income ratio analysis reveals a potential “sweet spot” at 10–15% of income, where debt appears to optimize civic engagement without overwhelming resources. These findings suggest that liberal arts education may fundamentally alter how graduates respond to financial constraints, potentially by providing analytical frameworks for understanding debt as a systemic issue and civic skills that facilitate participation despite economic pressures. The results challenge assumptions about debt’s uniformly negative civic consequences and highlight the importance of educational context in mediating economic effects on democratic participation. Full article
Show Figures

Figure 1

18 pages, 248 KiB  
Article
Engineering Diplomacy for Water Sustainability: From Global Indicators to Local Solutions
by Shafiqul Islam
Sustainability 2025, 17(12), 5539; https://doi.org/10.3390/su17125539 - 16 Jun 2025
Viewed by 590
Abstract
Sustainable Development Goal 6.4 aims to improve water-use efficiency and reduce water scarcity, yet its implementation is hampered by ambiguities in definitions, limitations in metrics, and misalignments between global indicators and local realities. This paper introduces the Engineering Diplomacy Framework (EDF) as a [...] Read more.
Sustainable Development Goal 6.4 aims to improve water-use efficiency and reduce water scarcity, yet its implementation is hampered by ambiguities in definitions, limitations in metrics, and misalignments between global indicators and local realities. This paper introduces the Engineering Diplomacy Framework (EDF) as a principled yet pragmatic approach to address these implementation challenges. Building on the Water Diplomacy Framework, EDF integrates engineering reasoning with diplomatic negotiation to reconcile quantitative indicators with contested social values and institutional complexity. We analyze SDG 6.4 using three metaphorical heuristics—“What is one plus one?”, “Where do we put the X?”, and “How do we divide 17 camels?”—to diagnose key gaps in current monitoring frameworks and uncover context-sensitive paths to action. Through comparative analysis of Singapore, Denmark, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Jordan, we show how EDF helps identify locally meaningful interventions where standardized metrics fall short. We conclude by outlining actionable steps for operationalizing EDF principles in SDG implementation, emphasizing the need to move beyond measurement toward negotiated, adaptive, and equitable solutions to achieve water sustainability goals. This manuscript introduces a novel decision-making framework—Engineering Diplomacy—that explicitly addresses ambiguity and contested values in the implementation of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It offers actionable pathways toward more context-sensitive and politically feasible water governance. Full article
17 pages, 433 KiB  
Article
Political Communication and the Hype Cycle: Tracing Its Evolution Across the Digital Era
by Yaron Ariel and Vered Elishar
Journal. Media 2025, 6(2), 87; https://doi.org/10.3390/journalmedia6020087 - 12 Jun 2025
Viewed by 1239
Abstract
This study applies the technology hype cycle model to explore the interplay between political communication and digital technology from the mid-1990s to the present. It identifies four stages that reflect the hype cycle’s trajectory: initial optimism about the Internet’s democratic potential, subsequent disillusionment [...] Read more.
This study applies the technology hype cycle model to explore the interplay between political communication and digital technology from the mid-1990s to the present. It identifies four stages that reflect the hype cycle’s trajectory: initial optimism about the Internet’s democratic potential, subsequent disillusionment as limitations surfaced, renewed enthusiasm with the emergence of social media, and a current measured understanding of associated risks. The evolution of the digital political landscape is elucidated by synthesizing scholarly literature and documented historical accounts to trace key innovations and their impact on integrating the Internet and social media into political communication strategies. The findings highlight the critical need for enhanced media literacy and careful evaluation of technologies to uphold democratic ideals. This research contributes to the literature by providing a comprehensive perspective on the dynamic relationships between politics, communication, and emerging digital platforms, offering valuable insights for both practitioners and scholars. Full article
Show Figures

Figure 1

Back to TopTop