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39 pages, 3352 KB

Open AccessArticle

Mapping Financial Contagion in Emerging Markets: The Role of the VIX and Geopolitical Risk in BRICS Plus Spillovers

by Chourouk Kasraoui, Naif Alsagr, Ahmed Jeribi and Sahbi Farhani

Int. J. Financial Stud. 2025, 13(4), 228; https://doi.org/10.3390/ijfs13040228 - 2 Dec 2025

Viewed by 1114

Using a time-frequency and quantile connectedness approach, our study examines the complex return spillovers dynamics between BRICS Plus stock markets, the volatility index (VIX), and the global geopolitical risk index (GPRD). By employing advanced models such as TVP-VAR, quantile connectedness, and spectral decomposition, [...] Read more.

Using a time-frequency and quantile connectedness approach, our study examines the complex return spillovers dynamics between BRICS Plus stock markets, the volatility index (VIX), and the global geopolitical risk index (GPRD). By employing advanced models such as TVP-VAR, quantile connectedness, and spectral decomposition, we demonstrate how these markets interact across different market conditions and periods. Our results indicate that the VIX consistently acts as the dominant net transmitter of shocks, especially during periods of heightened uncertainty such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian-Ukraine conflict, and the Trump-era U.S.-China trade tensions. In contrast, the GPRD functions predominantly as a net receiver of shocks, indicating its potential role as a hedge during geopolitical crises. BRICS Plus markets exhibit heterogeneous behavior: Brazil, South Africa, and Russia frequently emerge as net transmitters, while China, India, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE primarily act as net receivers. Spillovers are strongest at the extremes of the return distribution and are mainly driven by short-term dynamics, underscoring the importance of high-frequency reactions over persistent long-term effects. These findings highlight the asymmetric, nonlinear, and state-dependent nature of global financial contagion, offering important insights for risk management, asset allocation, and macroprudential policy design in emerging market contexts. Full article

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19 pages, 11353 KB

Open AccessArticle

Election Satire: The Evolution of The Daily Show as a Cultural Artifact Reflecting Democratic Processes

by Najla Lilya Jaballah

Journal. Media 2025, 6(1), 18; https://doi.org/10.3390/journalmedia6010018 - 28 Jan 2025

Cited by 2 | Viewed by 6279

Abstract

The Trump era marked a turning point for political satire, where The Daily Show’s coverage of the last two election cycles reveals a dynamic interplay between satire, ideology, and democratic processes. This study examines how The Daily Show has progressively altered its [...] Read more.

The Trump era marked a turning point for political satire, where The Daily Show’s coverage of the last two election cycles reveals a dynamic interplay between satire, ideology, and democratic processes. This study examines how The Daily Show has progressively altered its satirical voice and multimodal strategies to capture the changing landscape of U.S. presidential elections, spotlighting the different eras of Trevor Noah in 2020 and Jon Stewart in 2024. It decodes how news satire along with visuals reflect political and cultural moments, and the way social and political representations are depicted in this show. To achieve these aims, a Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis (MCDA) approach is used to analyze the semiotic and multimodal features of four episodes of The Daily Show, ranging from Noah’s pandemic-era coverage of the 2020 elections to Stewart’s live studio format in 2024. This article reveals both hosts’ role in social and political representation by different means of satirical and multimodal techniques. It highlights how The Daily Show has remained a cultural touchstone, adapting its style and substance to meet the demands of its time. Full article

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20 pages, 2929 KB

Open AccessArticle

American Civil Religion in the Era of Trump

by Sean F. Everton

Religions 2023, 14(5), 633; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14050633 - 9 May 2023

Cited by 3 | Viewed by 6408

Abstract

In 1967, Robert Bellah argued that America’s “founding myth”, what he called American civil religion, helps bind American society together by providing its citizens with a sense of origin, direction, and meaning. For evidence, Bellah primarily turned to the inaugural speeches of American [...] Read more.

In 1967, Robert Bellah argued that America’s “founding myth”, what he called American civil religion, helps bind American society together by providing its citizens with a sense of origin, direction, and meaning. For evidence, Bellah primarily turned to the inaugural speeches of American presidents. This paper draws on semantic network analysis to empirically examine the inaugural addresses of Presidents Trump and Biden, looking for evidence of what some would consider aspects of American civil religion. As some believe American civil religion to be no more than a thinly veiled form of nationalism, it also considers the importance of words associated with nationalism. It finds that both Trump and Biden employed the language of nationalism and American civil religion in their respective addresses, and while it found no differences in their use of nationalist discourse, it did find that American civil religion figures more prominently in Biden’s address than in Trump’s. Full article

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16 pages, 282 KB

Open AccessArticle

The Influence of the Trump Era on Sustaining Whiteness through Imperialist Reclamation on College Campuses: How Undocumented Students Experience the Normalization of Racist Nativism

by Darsella Vigil and Susana M. Muñoz

Educ. Sci. 2023, 13(2), 171; https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci13020171 - 7 Feb 2023

Cited by 8 | Viewed by 3712

Abstract

On 5 September 2017, the Trump administration decided to rescind the Deferred Action for Childhood Action (DACA) policy, impacting over 800,000 recipients, and more colleges and universities witnessed a heightened sense of emboldened racism in college environments. This paper draws from focus groups [...] Read more.

On 5 September 2017, the Trump administration decided to rescind the Deferred Action for Childhood Action (DACA) policy, impacting over 800,000 recipients, and more colleges and universities witnessed a heightened sense of emboldened racism in college environments. This paper draws from focus groups with undocumented college students on how the Trump era influenced campus climate. We found that imperialist reclamation of whiteness acts targeting undocumented students was commonplace on college campuses, ultimately impacting students’ behavior and academic engagement in and outside the classroom. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Toward More Inclusive and Equitable College and University Environments)

21 pages, 308 KB

Open AccessArticle

The Interlocking Processes Constraining the Struggle for Sanctuary in the Trump Era: The Case of La Puente, CA

by Gilda L. Ochoa

Soc. Sci. 2021, 10(5), 155; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050155 - 28 Apr 2021

Cited by 4 | Viewed by 4835

Abstract

By 10 January 2017, activists in the predominately Latina/o working class city of La Puente, California had lobbied the council to declare the city a sanctuary supporting immigrants, people of color, Muslims, LGBTQ people, and people with disabilities. The same community members urged [...] Read more.

By 10 January 2017, activists in the predominately Latina/o working class city of La Puente, California had lobbied the council to declare the city a sanctuary supporting immigrants, people of color, Muslims, LGBTQ people, and people with disabilities. The same community members urged the school district to declare itself a sanctuary. While community members rejoiced in pushing elected officials to pass these inclusive resolutions, there were multiple roadblocks reducing the potential for more substantive change. Drawing on city council and school board meetings, resolutions and my own involvement in this sanctuary struggle, I focus on a continuum of three overlapping and interlocking manifestations of white supremacist heteronormative patriarchy: neoliberal diversity discourses, institutionalized policies, and a re-emergence of high-profiled white supremacist activities. Together, these dynamics minimized, contained and absorbed community activism and possibilities of change. They reinforced the status quo by maintaining limits on who belongs and sustaining intersecting hierarchies of race, immigration status, gender, and sexuality. This extended case adds to the scant scholarship on the current sanctuary struggles, including among immigration scholars. It also illustrates how the state co-opts and marginalizes movement language, ideas, and people, providing a cautionary tale about the forces that restrict more transformative change. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Immigration and White Supremacy in the 21st Century)

18 pages, 317 KB

Open AccessArticle

‘Policing Is a Profession of the Heart’: Evangelicalism and Modern American Policing

by Aaron Griffith

Religions 2021, 12(3), 194; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12030194 - 16 Mar 2021

Cited by 4 | Viewed by 9434

Abstract

Though several powerful explorations of modern evangelical influence in American politics and culture have appeared in recent years (many of which illumine the seeming complications of evangelical influence in the Trump era), there is more work that needs to be done on the [...] Read more.

Though several powerful explorations of modern evangelical influence in American politics and culture have appeared in recent years (many of which illumine the seeming complications of evangelical influence in the Trump era), there is more work that needs to be done on the matter of evangelical understandings of and influence in American law enforcement. This article explores evangelical interest and influence in modern American policing. Drawing upon complementary interpretations of the “antistatist statist” nature of modern evangelicalism and the carceral state, this article offers a short history of modern evangelical understandings of law enforcement and an exploration of contemporary evangelical ministry to police officers. It argues that, in their entries into debates about law enforcement’s purpose in American life, evangelicals frame policing as both a divinely sanctioned activity and a site of sentimental engagement. Both frames expand the power and reach of policing, limiting evangelicals’ abilities to see and correct problems within the profession. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Evangelicalism: New Directions in Scholarship)

13 pages, 233 KB

Open AccessArticle

Seeing Sanctuary: Separation and Accompaniment

by David Hernández

Genealogy 2020, 4(4), 103; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4040103 - 19 Oct 2020

Cited by 1 | Viewed by 3387

Abstract

“Seeing Sanctuary” explores the practice and labeling of immigrant sanctuaries in the Trump era of migration enforcement and family separation. The essay utilizes the case of a class visit to a migrant sanctuary in Amherst, Massachusetts, and explores the challenges, rewards, and sense [...] Read more.

“Seeing Sanctuary” explores the practice and labeling of immigrant sanctuaries in the Trump era of migration enforcement and family separation. The essay utilizes the case of a class visit to a migrant sanctuary in Amherst, Massachusetts, and explores the challenges, rewards, and sense of futility from this flawed but necessary form of accompaniment. In March of 2018, my “History of Deportation” class visited Lucio Pérez, a Guatemalan migrant and nineteen-year resident of Massachusetts, who resides in sanctuary at the First Congregational Church. At this writing, in August 2020, thirty-five months since he entered the church, Pérez is still in sanctuary. Facing deportation in October 2017, Pérez sought refuge, five months prior to our class visit. The essay, drawing from the public narrative of Pérez, distinguishes the open defiance of Pérez’s sanctuary from the broader “sanctuary city” efforts at non-compliance with federal enforcement schemes. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Immigrant Detention/Deportation and Family Separations)

21 pages, 306 KB

Open AccessArticle

Transnational Advocacy Networks of Migrants and Asylum Seekers’ Human Rights: The San Diego—Tijuana Border in the Trump Era

by Philippe Stoesslé, Valeria Alejandra Patiño Díaz and Yetzi Rosales Martínez

Soc. Sci. 2020, 9(8), 144; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci9080144 - 14 Aug 2020

Cited by 2 | Viewed by 7328

Abstract

How do advocacy organizations from the San Diego—Tijuana area contest and resist Trump’s immigration policies? What resources and tactics do they use to externalize their demands at the local and international levels? Based on semi-structured interviews with eight advocacy organizations—with a local, binational, [...] Read more.

How do advocacy organizations from the San Diego—Tijuana area contest and resist Trump’s immigration policies? What resources and tactics do they use to externalize their demands at the local and international levels? Based on semi-structured interviews with eight advocacy organizations—with a local, binational, and international presence—that have mobilized to externalize their demands on different local and international arenas, this research aims to answer these questions by applying the transnational advocacy networks literature to the mentioned case study. Our main findings show that transnational relations between advocacy organizations represent a counterbalance to Trump’s immigration policies. Some organizations have adapted to react to a set of new policies implemented by the administration, and, at the same time, they have diffused information, values, and ideas as part of their resistance tactics. Through transnational advocacy networks, local organizations have accomplished international relevance, turning into key players of advocacy in the region. These networks demonstrate that, despite Trump’s restricting immigration policies, transnational channels between these actors remain open for collective action. Full article

(This article belongs to the Section International Migration)

16 pages, 936 KB

Open AccessArticle

The Obama Effect on Perceived Mobility

by Christel Kesler and Amber Churchwell

Societies 2020, 10(2), 46; https://doi.org/10.3390/soc10020046 - 23 Jun 2020

Cited by 3 | Viewed by 5020

Abstract

Using American General Social Survey data from 1994 to 2018, this paper examines how Americans of different racial backgrounds perceive their past intergenerational mobility and their, and their children’s, prospects for future mobility, before, during, and after Barack Obama’s presidency. We find that [...] Read more.

Using American General Social Survey data from 1994 to 2018, this paper examines how Americans of different racial backgrounds perceive their past intergenerational mobility and their, and their children’s, prospects for future mobility, before, during, and after Barack Obama’s presidency. We find that White Americans are generally less positive than Black and Latinx Americans about mobility, especially their children’s mobility prospects. However, racial gaps in optimism widened considerably during the Obama presidency, due to a significant decline in White respondents’ perceived mobility. A more detailed analysis of White respondents’ views by levels of racial resentment and political partisanship shows that the Obama-era dip among White respondents is concentrated among those who are racially resentful and among Republican voters, two groups that substantially overlap. For these two groups, perceived future prospects for their and their children’s mobility increased again during the Trump administration. Black and Latinx respondents’ perceptions of mobility are stable across all earlier presidential administrations, but decline somewhat with the Trump presidency. Full article

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27 pages, 1821 KB

Open AccessArticle

Perceptual Knots and Black Identity Politics: Linked Fate, American Heritage, and Support for Trump Era Immigration Policy

by Niambi M. Carter and Tyson D. King-Meadows

Societies 2019, 9(1), 11; https://doi.org/10.3390/soc9010011 - 29 Jan 2019

Cited by 11 | Viewed by 9005

Abstract

Since the 2016 U.S. presidential election, much ado has been made about how racial anxiety fueled White vote choice for Donald Trump. Far less empirical attention has been paid to whether the 2016 election cycle triggered black anxieties and if those anxieties led [...] Read more.

Since the 2016 U.S. presidential election, much ado has been made about how racial anxiety fueled White vote choice for Donald Trump. Far less empirical attention has been paid to whether the 2016 election cycle triggered black anxieties and if those anxieties led blacks to reevaluate their communities’ standing relative to Latinos and immigrants. Employing data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, we examine the extent to which race consciousness both coexists with black perceptions of Latinos and shapes black support for anti-immigrant legislation. Our results address how the conflation of Latino with undocumented immigrant may have activated a perceptional and policy backlash amongst black voters. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Rethinking Racial Identity Politics: Group Conflict, Compromise, and Competition)

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18 pages, 221 KB

Open AccessArticle

“Sacrifice” in the Trump Era

by Kathryn McClymond

Religions 2019, 10(1), 34; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel10010034 - 8 Jan 2019

Cited by 2 | Viewed by 6572

Abstract

This article examines public conversations about sacrifice involving Donald Trump, his supporters and his critics. The author demonstrates that Trump, as a candidate and while president, has used specific discursive strategies in defining, ignoring and denigrating sacrificial acts. These strategies, as played out [...] Read more.

This article examines public conversations about sacrifice involving Donald Trump, his supporters and his critics. The author demonstrates that Trump, as a candidate and while president, has used specific discursive strategies in defining, ignoring and denigrating sacrificial acts. These strategies, as played out in conversations about sacrifice, distinguish Trump from previous presidents, maintaining his position as a “Washington outsider” even while in office and reinforcing his alignment with his base while isolating other communities within the country and sidelining the mainstream media. In redefining, dismissing and denigrating sacrifice, he undercuts prominent institutions (Congress, mainstream media) and publicly devalues specific communities within the United States. Full article

(This article belongs to the Special Issue Sacrifice and Religion)

13 pages, 225 KB

Open AccessArticle

Trump Veganism: A Political Survey of American Vegans in the Era of Identity Politics

by Corey Lee Wrenn

Societies 2017, 7(4), 32; https://doi.org/10.3390/soc7040032 - 17 Nov 2017

Cited by 35 | Viewed by 17677

Abstract

Often stereotyped as being apathetic to the human suffering, the American vegan movement has historically failed to build alliances with other social justice movements. As intersectional feminism gains a foothold in the movement and external political crises challenge the movement’s frame of reference, [...] Read more.

Often stereotyped as being apathetic to the human suffering, the American vegan movement has historically failed to build alliances with other social justice movements. As intersectional feminism gains a foothold in the movement and external political crises challenge the movement’s frame of reference, the role that identity plays in movement progress has become a serious concern. Using the 2016 election as a flashpoint, this article considers if the identity backlash characterized by the Trump campaign finds parallels in the American vegan movement. A survey of 287 American vegans finds limited evidence of Trump veganism, defined here as a single-issue focus on speciesism that rejects the relevance of human-experienced systems of oppression. However, respondents do find that movement diversity efforts are insufficient, especially when controlling for race and gender. Most respondents were ethically-motivated vegans, liberal voters, and intersectionally-oriented activists who reported multiple engagements with various leftist movements. Only four percent of respondents voted Trump, while 14% agreed with or were neutral about Trump’s campaign promise to put “America first”. Those who were vegan for reasons of self-interest and had been vegan for less than a year were significantly more likely to support Trump’s conservative agenda and were slightly less likely to participate in other social movements. Full article

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