Search Results (11)

Research on Ganhwa Seon has primarily focused on doubt (疑心), whereas systematic comparative studies on faith (信心)—the first element of the Three Essentials (三要) and the basis from which doubt arises—remain limited. This study conducts a comparative textual analysis of the teachings on faith of Dahui Zonggao (大慧宗杲), Gaofeng Yuanmiao (高峰原妙), and Mengshan Deyi (蒙山德異), whose teachings have been transmitted together within the exegetical tradition (講學) of Korean Seon Buddhism. Drawing on Classical Chinese primary sources, Middle Korean vernacular translations with annotations (諺解本, eonhaebon), and English-language scholarship, this study compares the terminology and semantic characteristics of faith, its content, the relationship between faith and doubt, and the conditions and methods for establishing faith in the teachings of the three masters. The analysis shows that Dahui established decisive faith (決定信) and presented a paradoxical coexistence in which both faith and doubt are indispensable to enlightenment. Gaofeng, by applying the essence-function theory (體用論), defined faith as the essence (體) of doubt and enlightenment as the function (用) of doubt, thereby formalizing a proportional structure linking faith, doubt, and enlightenment. Mengshan strengthened the practical dimension through right faith (正信心) and demonstrated that faith determines the quality of doubt by distinguishing true doubt (眞疑) from contrived doubt (做作). All three patriarchs (祖師) shared faith in original Buddhahood (本來成佛) as the central element of faith. This study demonstrates that faith constitutes the ontological basis of doubt and plays a central role in the theory of Ganhwa Seon practice. Furthermore, it shows that the discourse on faith from Dahui through Gaofeng to Mengshan can be reconstructed, on the basis of thematic continuity, as an analytical model that traces how faith was formed, systematized, and practically elaborated, thereby complementing existing discussions that have been disproportionately focused on doubt. Full article

As a pivotal patriarch of the Pure Land school, Shandao 善導 (613–681) played a decisive role in shaping Pure Land Buddhism and the broader history of Chinese Buddhism. A direct disciple of Daochuo 道綽 (563–645), he championed the dual framework of Dingshan 定善 and Sanshan 散善 practices together with Nianfo 念佛 (Skt. buddhānusmṛti), especially Chiming nianfo 持名念佛 (vocal recitation of Amitābha’s name). Existing scholarship has already demonstrated that Shandao was not a master concerned exclusively with vocal recitation but also a systematic exegete of Guanfo 觀佛, visualisation, and samādhi. This article therefore does not present that recognition as its own innovation. Instead, it reconstructs the internal architecture by which Shandao’s Guanjing si tie shu 觀經四帖疏 (Commentary on the Contemplation Sūtra in Four Fascicles) integrates contemplative practice with three doctrinal commitments: the efficacy of ‘birth through ten recitations’ against the Yogācāra charge of Bieshi yi 別時意 (Skt. kālāntarābhiprāya, the identification of Amitābha’s land as a reward land, and the thesis that ordinary beings (Skt. pṛthagjana) may enter that land. Drawing also on the Guannian Amituo fo xianghai sanmei gongde famen 觀念阿彌陀佛相海三昧功德法門 (Method of Contemplating Amitābha Buddha’s Ocean-like Marks in Samādhi and Its Meritorious Virtues) and the Wangsheng lizan 往生禮讚 (Liturgy of Praise for Birth in the Pure Land), the article argues that Shandao’s originality lies less in any single doctrine than in the way these doctrines mutually support one another as a coherent programme of exegesis, practice, and Pure Land soteriology. Full article

Since the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the question of whether ordinary beings (fanfu 凡夫) could attain rebirth in Amitābha’s Pure Land became a central concern in Chinese Buddhism. In the Chen and Sui periods, exegetes of the She lun 攝論 and some Di lun 地論 masters generally denied this possibility. By the seventh century, however, Master Huai’gan 懷感, building on the teachings of Shandao 善導, systematically addressed these doubts in his Treatise on Resolving Doubts about the Pure Land (Shi jingtu qunyi lun 釋淨土群疑論). He refuted the Yogācāra (Weishi zong 唯識宗) claim that only bodhisattvas can be reborn there, insisting that all beings, though differing in spiritual capacities, are able to attain rebirth in Pure Land. Against the Three Stages teaching (Sanjie jiao 三階教), which regarded beings of the degenerate age as wholly evil and unfit for Pure Land practice. Huai’gan stressed the role of bodhicitta and argued that Buddha recitation eradicates karmic obstacles, enabling even perpetrators of the Ten Evils or slanderers of the Dharma to be reborn. Reconciling discrepancies between the Sūtra of Infinite Life and the Contemplation Sūtra on the issue of the five grave offenses, he highlighted the criterion of ten invocations as sufficient for rebirth. Huai’gan effectively universalized the Pure Land path by reconciling the Yogācāra-based theory of the Transformtion Land with the orthodox Pure Land view of the Reward Land (baotu 報土) as a literal reality generated by Amitābha Buddha’s Vow-power. In doing so, Huai’gan shifted pre-Tang restrictive views toward a more inclusive Pure Land vision, paving the way for the open orientation of early Tang Pure Land thought. Full article

This paper examines the Xiaoshi Jingang Keyi as a case of textual re-ritualization in the later history of Chinese Buddhism. Originally compiled by the Song dynasty monk Zongjing 宗鏡, the text transformed the exegetical reading of the Diamond Sūtra into a structured sequence of ritual acts centered on the notion of “entering the Diamond Dharma Assembly.” Its internal design—organized around the scripture’s “Thirty-two Sections” (三十二分) and the “Sevenfold Structure” (七種規模)—enabled successive generations to adapt the text to diverse ceremonial contexts. From the Ming and Qing dynasties onward, the Jingang Keyi circulated widely in ritual form across China, particularly within the Hokkien-speaking regions of Fujian and Guangdong, where the most active performance traditions emerged and later extended to Taiwan and Maritime Southeast Asia through migration. These vernacular enactments, often led by ritual specialists and supported by female lay associations (caigu 菜姑), illustrate how the Jingang Keyi was continually localized and revitalized while maintaining its canonical authority. The longevity of the Diamond Sūtra tradition depended not only on exegetical commentary but also on the text’s inherent capacity for re-ritualization—its ability to generate new performative meanings across changing historical and cultural settings. The Xiaoshi Jingang Keyi thus exemplifies how Buddhist scriptures have sustained ritual life through flexible structure, sound, and communal devotion. Full article

The Chuanlao Song, composed by the Southern Song Chan monk Daochuan 道川 (1104–1163, Southern Song), represents a hybrid form of exegetical lecture text from the Diamond Sūtra (金剛經). Neither a standard commentary (zhu 註) nor a ritual manual (keyi 科儀), it fuses rhetorical features of Chan sermons with versified praise, often associated with chanting. From the twelfth century onward, the Chuanlao Song circulated across China, Korea, and Japan, yet its textual identity has long been obscured. In particular, the Zokuzōkyō (續藏經) recension misclassified it as a commentary, resulting in interpretive confusions that have persisted into modern scholarship. This study reconsiders the Chuanlao Song within broader contextual frameworks of textual form, ritual practice, and editorial strategy. While grounded in philological analysis, three regional trajectories are highlighted: the Chuanlao Song’s preservation in China as an appended text within collective annotations; its transformation in Korea through royal patronage and the multiplication of textual forms; and its reinterpretation in Edo-period Japan as an object of sectarian commentary. By tracing these transregional movements, this study argues that the Chuanlao Song offers a valuable case study of how Buddhist texts were circulated and adapted across East Asia, shedding light on the intra-Chinese domestication and, beyond China, regional vernacularization and recontextualization. Full article

This paper explores how the interpretations of the phrase “tian you qi zhong 天誘其衷” in the Zuozhuan 左傳 (The Zuo Commentary) have changed over time. These changes reflect early Confucian perspectives on the relationship between Heaven and humanity. By examining the polysemous terms (you 誘 and zhong 衷) and by comparing transmitted texts with excavated manuscripts (e.g., Guodian 郭店, Shangbo 上博, and Tsinghua corpora), the paper demonstrates a vital dilemma in early Chinese philosophy: whether Heaven endows moral qualities or simply awakens the innate dispositions of human beings. The paper traces the moralization of tian 天 (Heaven) from the Shang 商 dynasty’s theocentric worldview to the Zhou’s 周 focus on ethical responsibility, showing how the Zuozhuan bridges archaic religious beliefs and emerging Confucian humanism. Traditional commentaries read tian you qi zhong as Heaven “bestowing goodness” or “guiding moral intention,” while the manuscript evidence suggests that the phrase actually meant Heaven “descending its heart or will” to attune human affairs to the cosmos. Han exegetes redefined the term you as pedagogical guidance due to Confucianism’s growing emphasis on self-cultivation. By contextualizing the phrase at a larger backdrop of discussions of the Mandate of Heaven (tianming 天命) and moral cultivation, the study contends that early Confucians transformed tian from a deity figure to a moral principle dwelling in the human capacity, integrating religious reverence and ethical emancipation. This interdisciplinary approach studies ongoing scholarly discussions on the interrelationship between religion, ethics, and philosophy in early China. Full article

I introduce a Buddhist god named Jiedi, believed to be a personification of the renowned gate mantra in the Heart Sūtra. I argue for a complex genesis story where the transference of the nāga-taming function and aquatic setting from the rainmaking spell in the Great Cloud Sūtra to the Heart Sūtra Mantra, coupled with its exegetical tradition emphasizing the soteriological metaphor of crossing, created an independent cult of the Jiedi Mantra. In battling chthonic snake spirits demanding virgin sacrifice in Sichuan, a regional variation of a cosmopolitan alchemical theme, the mantra was personified into a god associated with water and warfare. The exorcistic function of the mantra was the motor behind its apotheosis in Middle-period China. While he was elevated from a mere spirit to a vidyārāja (“wisdom king”) in tantric Buddhism, his cult was also disseminated in the Song, witnessing him provide broad deliverance in diverse areas such as industry, agriculture, infrastructure, military, and civil service. In late imperial China, he further imprinted himself on sacred geography, became a special class of warrior god, made inroads into Daoism and local religion, and proliferated in vernacular fiction and drama. An exotic Indian god was born on Chinese soil. Full article

The Daodejing has inconsistent editions and versions. There are controversial issues that lie in the theme, the intention, the significance, and the semantic meaning of the Daodejing. This article takes “Dao ke dao fei chang Dao” as an anchor to reexamine the different paths to the Dao of the Daodejing. We regard all of the editions and versions as an enrichment of the Daodejing. Drawing on the Chinese exegetics, we obtain two basic meanings of the verb dao (“to speak” and “to follow”), and two basic meanings of the adjective chang (“eternal” and “common”). Based on a philosophical analysis and review of the sinological interpretations, we discriminate three ways of speaking (conceptual way, metaphorical way, and transcendental way), two modes of following (to imitate the Dao and to merge identically with the Dao), and three types of eternal (immutable eternal, constantly changing as eternal, and eternal in the core). By examining different paths to the Dao, we conclude that Laozi’s Dao cannot be expressed conceptually or metaphorically. We must comprehend the Dao in a transcendental way. The Dao constantly changes with a stable core or law but differs from physical law, dialectical logic, and logos in the Western context. People can follow the Dao and become identical to it. Full article

Mainstream scholarship on the Laozi or Daodejing generally focuses on the “original” text and its “original” meaning. However, the Chinese study of Laoxue 老學 (translated here with the author’s neologism “Laozegetics”) offers a valuable alternative, as it shifts focus to the hermeneutical and historical value of the 2185 Chinese, 430 Japanese, and 91 Korean relevant interpretations and commentaries on the classic. The inclusive perspective of Laozegetics has further inspired the author’s creation of the term “Global Laozegetics.” This even broader topic assumes both Laozi commentaries and translations (all 2051 in 97 languages) belong within a single field of research. To better introduce the study of Global Laozegetics to an English-language readership, this article will explore the history of the term Laoxue, review contemporary related research, and present the content and significance of applying the notion of Laozegetics to the globalized Laozi. Full article

Many scholars view translations of the Chinese classics as inevitably lacking fidelity to the “original,” asserting language difference as a fundamental impediment to cross-cultural understanding. The present study disputes this viewpoint by employing the perspective of Global Laozegetics. This notion affirms a fundamental continuity between the native Laozi or Daodejing commentarial tradition and its corresponding foreign translation tradition. Specifically, I will investigate a range of interpretations of the term ziran found in Laozi Chapter 25, including 16 traditional and modern Chinese readings and 67 translations in 26 languages. My broad investigation of this narrow topic will reveal a rich historical development of interpretation and translation, highlight the philosophical ramifications of different exegetical choices, deepen our understanding of the core Daoist concept ziran, and assist in confirming the basic premise of Global Laozegetics that language, even the original language of Chinese, is secondary to interpretive strategy when engaging with classical works. Full article

‘Essence-function’ (ti-yong 體用), also called ‘substance-function,’ has been a constant topic of debate in monastic and academic communities in China. One group of scholars insists that the concept is derived from the Confucian tradition, while the other maintains that it originates with the Buddhist tradition. These opposing opinions are not merely the arguments of antiquity, but have persisted to our present time. This paper investigates the concept of ‘essence-function,’ focusing on its origin and conceptual development in the Buddhist and the Confucian traditions. This concept has become a basic framework of Chinese religions. Its root appears already in ancient Confucian and Daoist works such as the Xunzi and the Zhouyi cantong qi. It is, however, through the influence of Buddhism that ‘essence’ and ‘function’ became a paradigm used as an exegetical, hermeneutical and syncretic tool for interpreting Chinese philosophical works. This dual concept played a central role not only in the assimilation of Indian Buddhism in China during its earlier phases but also in the formation of Neo-Confucianism in medieval times. This paper shows that the paradigm constituted by ‘essence’ and ‘function’ resulted not from the doctrinal conflicts between Confucianism and Buddhism but from the interactions between them. Full article