Search Results (22)

Yulin Cave 3 is dominated by exoteric Buddhist images as the unifying framework of the cave, with esoteric mandala images arranged on the ceiling and the four walls. Together they form a tantric maṇḍala space with the nature of a ritual arena, serving as a stone-cave site for daily practice. This paper focuses on the controversial Pure Land tableau on the south wall. Based on iconographic features, it argues that this mural should in fact be identified as the Maitreya Ascension Sutra tableau. Further examination shows that above the Eight Stūpas tableau on the east wall, the Nirvāṇa image is flanked by a composition of “Seven Buddhas + Maitreya.” Beneath the Mañjuśrī and attendants on the west wall, a scene of Sudhana worshiping the helmsman is depicted. The treasures held by the Dragon King and others should be understood as “ox-head sandalwood.” On this basis, the mural program is shown to embody the doctrine of the Avataṃsaka, encompassing the ten directions and three times, together with beliefs in rebirth in the Western Pure Land and Maitreya’s Pure Land. The presence of esoteric mandalas and the central Buddha altar defines this cave as a tantric maṇḍala with dual functions of “worship” and “practice”. Full article

This article examines the Buddhist artworks commissioned by Yŏm Sŭngik (廉承益, ?–1302), a powerful court official and ritual specialist active during the reign of King Ch’ungnyŏl in late Koryŏ. Focusing on three surviving works—a copied Lotus Sutra manuscript (1283), an Amitābha Tathāgata painting (1286), and a woodblock-printed Baoqieyin jing dhāraṇī (1292)—the study explores how Buddhist art functioned as a material expression of repentance, ritual healing, karmic eradication, and aspirations for Pure Land rebirth. Through analysis of votive inscriptions, painting inscriptions, and dhāraṇī texts, the article argues that the repeated four-line gāthā appearing in both the sutra manuscript and Amitābha painting is most plausibly understood within the devotional and ritual framework of the Yenyŏm mit’a toryang ch’ambŏp, rather than primarily through Huayan doctrinal interpretation, as previous scholarship has suggested. The article further situates Yŏm Sŭngik’s patronage within broader political and familial networks linking elite officials, Buddhist monks, and the religious culture of the Koryŏ and Yuan courts. Ultimately, it argues that Buddhist art in late Koryŏ operated not merely as devotional imagery, but as an active medium of ritual practice through which repentance, healing, and hopes for Pure Land rebirth were materially enacted. Full article

This article examines how B. R. Ambedkar’s 1956 Buddhist conversion is re-narrativized in Mahar Dalit life writing as a foundational religious event that simultaneously embodies rupture and continuity. Drawing on three Marathi Dalit texts, Akkarmashi, Baluta and The Prisons We Broke, all examined in their published English translations, and situated within the theological framework of Ambedkar’s Buddha and His Dhamma, the study argues that Dalit authors transform the conversion event into a sacred narrative structure organized around suffering, awakening, and liberation. Rather than representing a simple rejection of religion, these narratives reconfigure the religious imagination by producing a form of counter-sacrality that both contests and reconstitutes the sacred: the suffering of the caste order is retrospectively sanctified as the necessary prehistory of collective rebirth, while the 1956 conversion is preserved as a permanently reactivatable origin point for ongoing religious and political life. The study proposes Dalit sacred time as a distinct analytical model of subaltern religious temporality, characterized by three features. By foregrounding a non-Western, intercultural case, the article engages directly with questions of continuity and contestation in the relationship between literature and religion, showing how literary texts can generate new forms of religious meaning beyond established traditions. Full article

Japanese Pure Land Buddhism has often been approached through the lens of Kamakura (1192–1333) doctrinal developments, emphasizing the emergence of an exclusive nenbutsu practice. In this article we reconsider pre-Kamakura Pure Land belief by examining setsuwa literature from the Heian period (794–1192) and focus predominantly on narratives with appearances of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva. With analysis of kōsōden, ōjōden, and Buddhist setsuwa collections such as the Hokke genki and the Konjaku monogatarishū, the study demonstrates that aspirations for rebirth in a Pure Land were embedded within a broader religious framework with prevalent practices such as Lotus Sutra devotion and repentance rituals. The figure of Samantabhadra emerges as the protector of Lotus practitioners, as a key ritual and narrative agent associated with the removal of karmic hindrances, primarily through repentance. The co-existence of Lotus Sutra devotion, repentance, and Pure Land practices such as the nenbutsu in these narratives reveals a plural and non-exclusive formation of pre-sectarian Pure Land belief. Full article

Although Paegam Sŏngch’ong 栢庵性聰 (1631–1700) received orthodox transmission in Sŏn Buddhism in the Puhyu lineage 浮休係 (deriving from Puhyu Sŏnsu 浮休善修, 1543–1615), he is remembered as an important advocate of Huayan 華嚴 doctrinal learning in the mid-Chosŏn period. He collected Buddhist works from the Chinese Jia-xing Canon 嘉興藏 that had washed ashore on Imja Island 荏子島 in Chŏlla Province and published them in more than 190 volumes. In 1686, the first work produced in this endeavor was Precious Writings on the Pure Land (Chŏngt’o posŏ 淨土寶書), in one volume. It is a compilation, in fourteen sections (including the preface), of excerpts and summaries of Pure Land writings and stories published in the supplementary canon section 續藏 of the Jiaxing Canon. The core and longest section of the work is chapter thirteen: “Efficacy of the Fruit of the Pure Land” (Chŏngt’o kwahŏm 淨土果驗). This chapter comprises devotional narratives on cases of rebirth in the Pure Land classified according to the social or birth status of the main figures: monks, kings and ministers, nobles and commoners, nuns, women, evildoers, animals, and so forth. The primary purpose of these narratives is to underscore to virtue of chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha (yŏmbul, Ch. nianfo 念佛) as a means of rebirth in Sukhāvatī. This work is significant because it demonstrates the value and function of Chinese Pure Land literature in the popularization of Pure Land practice in the mid and late Chosŏn period. Full article

The influence of Brahmanism on Buddhist thought, is plausible in the Pāli Canon. Words attributed to the Buddha say that he defined himself as Brahmā (AN 4.89) and that he can read the very thoughts of the Vedic god (aham asmi brahmā mahābrahmā DN 1.18, DN 1.221, DN 3.29). There are many other instances in the canon where Buddhists have interpreted terms in ways that did not develop from the context of orthodox Brahmanism. It has been documented even that Vedic Brahmins (who at the end converted to Buddhism) consistently asked the Buddha for the way to realize Brahma(n) (MN 2.206, DN 1.249), a hope also shared by Buddhists to be attained in the afterlife (AN 3.225, MN 2.76–78, DN 2.195), using the same formulas that the canonical tradition records as having been used by the Buddha to describe not his teachings (AN 3.371, AN 4.135) but the beliefs of ancient Brahmins (AN 4.103). Why is Buddhism understood in the light of Brahmanism? Why is Brahminical terminology and religious thought so present in the interpretation of the Buddha’s teachings? This paper discusses the historical influence of Upaniṣadic thought on the development and transmission of Buddhism. Here, I propose two significant theoretical frameworks to understand the development of Indian Buddhism: (1) the Buddha was praised as Brahmā: as the supreme Brahmin, represented by Buddhists as (2) the legitimate knower of Bráhman. Since the times of the Buddha, converted Brahmins, such as Sāriputta, seem to have influenced significantly the transmission of Indian Buddhism. This is reflected in Chinese translations, which portray an earlier interpretation of Buddhism, before the late opposition against Brahminism was established in Theravāda, and the decline of Brahmā and rebirth in the Brahmaloka were relegated in Buddhism as subordinate entities. Full article

A unique illustrated manuscript of the Ten Kings Sutra from Dunhuang (S.3961) depicts two anomalous paths of rebirth alongside the traditional six: a path of serpents and a path of Buddhas, neither of which is found in canonical Buddhist scriptures or other illustrative paintings. This paper argues that these two paths should be understood as a symmetrical visual and rhetorical strategy designed to serve the sutra’s didactic and ritual functions within the local community. The serpent path visualizes a popular belief linking rebirth as a serpent to dying in a state of anger, functioning as a terrifying warning against the consequences of neglecting filial duties and mortuary rites. In symmetrical opposition, the Buddha path offers the ultimate promise of liberation, symbolizing the goal of rebirth in a Pure Land and eventual Buddhahood, which could be achieved by performing the very rituals the sutra promotes or by resorting to the protection of Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha. This pairing of “fear” and “faith” stands as a uniquely powerful example of the creative localization of Buddhism in late Tang and Five Dynasties Dunhuang, revealing how local communities actively synthesized elite doctrines, popular scriptures, and folk beliefs to create a potent visual narrative that addressed their pressing anxieties about afterlife judgment and liberation. Full article

As a major proponent of the Buddhist revival movement in the late Ming dynasty, Yunqi Zhuhong authored works such as Jieshu fayin, Jiesha wen, and Fangsheng wen, which had a profound impact on lay Buddhism. Using the Buddhist six realms of rebirth as a theoretical foundation, he combined doctrinal analysis with narratives of spiritual efficacy to systematically expound upon the Buddhist ethics of refraining from killing, releasing life, and compassionately protecting living beings. During the same period, the Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci had come to China and wrote his book Tianzhu shiyi with reference to Catechismus Japonensis and Tianzhu shilu. A comparison of the contents of these three missionary works reveals that Ricci paid particular attention to the Buddhist doctrine and practice of abstaining from killing, and for the first time, he listed it in a missionary work and offered a targeted critique. Afterward, Ricci wrote Jiren shipian, which also included content on “The True Purpose of Fasting and Abstinence Does Not Arise from the Prohibition of Killing”. Relevant letters prove that Zhuhong had already read both of these works by Matteo Ricci as early as the 36th year of the Wanli era (1608), yet he did not immediately offer a direct refutation. At first, it was his disciple Yu Chunxi who wrote articles such as Tianzhu shiyi shasheng bian, initiating a preliminary direct debate with Ricci. As the influence of Catholicism gradually grew and expanded between 1608 and 1615, Zhuhong, after seven years of silence, wrote the three essays of Tianshuo and Tianshuo yu to offer a direct response to Catholicism. When expounding on the doctrine of abstaining from killing and releasing life, Zhuhong adopted new argumentative strategies, both to defend Buddhism and to remind and persuade Confucian intellectuals not to turn to Catholicism. Full article

The Bardo Thodol (bar do thos grol), commonly known in the West as The Tibetan Book of the Dead, has traditionally served as a spiritual manual guiding consciousness through the postmortem bardo (bar do) states toward liberation or rebirth. While prior interpretations have framed the text in ritualistic, psychological, or mystical terms, this essay proposes an original and interdisciplinary expansion: that the bardo model can serve as a framework for understanding digital identity dissolution and transformation. Drawing from Tibetan Buddhist thought, extended mind theory, digital anthropology, and cognitive science, this study reinterprets the bardo states as phenomenological thresholds that manifest not only in physical death but also in virtual liminality—moments of radical ego disintegration, avatar deconstruction, and reidentification in digital and augmented environments. By mapping the six bardos onto digital experiences, this paper presents a unique synthesis of esoteric Tibetan metaphysics and contemporary posthuman theory, offering new insights into consciousness, ethical selfhood, and the future of identity. Full article

Scholarship in Buddhist Studies, particularly among philologists and philosophers, often overlooks cosmology, karma, and rebirth. This neglect is a legacy of a deep and long-standing anti-metaphysical spirit that pervades the empirical and philosophical frameworks employed in the discipline. This study engages in a philological close reading of four manuscripts of an unedited and untranslated Pali commentary on the Cha-gati-dīpanī “Light on the Six Realms”, a work on karma and rebirth composed possibly in Pagan, Myanmar, in the early second millennium. This text is particularly significant as one of the oldest Pali works from the region, drawing on now-lost Sanskrit (or possibly Prakrit) sources and offering unique insights into broader Buddhist debates, such as the ontological status of hell guardians. I examine the text’s depiction of the hell and animal realms and reassess some of our scholarly paradigms that often frame the kind of ideas the commentary presents as irrational, figurative, or “folk”. Ultimately, this study calls for greater attention to such works and their perspectival horizons to enrich our understanding of the intellectual life of medieval Buddhism beyond the constraints of modern empirical and philosophical assumptions. Full article

As an extension of the Problem of Evil, the Problem of Hell poses further difficulties for the theodicy and eschatology of Western theist religions. This Problem of Hell, which presumes a transcendent divine entity, is, however, less applicable to an Eastern religious tradition like Buddhism. As a non-theist religion, Buddhism is not centered on an overpowering God but is predicated on the doctrine of kamma. Hell in Buddhism is conceived as one of the rebirth realms in the saṃsāra where beings are driven to by the force of their kamma. This kamma-based conception of hell has its own unique features, especially with regard to retribution and salvation. It also has a unique problem. As the doctrine of kamma is commonly understood as an endorsement of free will, it appears to conflict with another Buddhist doctrine, namely that of dependent origination, which is often interpreted as suggesting a deterministic worldview. This tension between doctrines of kamma and dependent origination is also known as the Buddhist free will problem, as it involves the controversy over the metaphysics of free will. Based on the Pāli scriptures, the essay tries to propose a compatibilist solution to the problem, defending kamma for the Buddhist hell. Full article

In the mid-to-late Ming Dynasty, Yunqi Zhuhong 雲栖祩宏 and Ouyi Zhixu 蕅益智旭 integrated Zen thought and Pure Land Buddhism based on the fusion of various Buddhist sects, which facilitated the transition to Chan Jing He Yi (integration of Zen and Pure Land Buddhism 禪淨合一). In this context, Journey to the West 西遊記, published in the late Ming Dynasty, reflects the characteristic of Chan Jing He Yi (integration of Zen and Pure Land Buddhism 禪淨合一). Based on the historical fact that the monk Xuanzang 玄奘 journeyed to India to seek Buddhist scriptures during the Tang Dynasty’s Zhenguan period, four relatively complete literary works that recount the stories of this westward journey were published over nearly a thousand years, from the Tang Dynasty to the Ming Dynasty: Da Ci En Si San Zang Fa Shi Zhuan 大慈恩寺三藏法師傳, Da Tang San Zang Qu Jing Shi Hua 大唐三藏取經詩話, the Journey to the West drama 西遊記雜劇, and Journey to the West. The Buddhist ideas in these four works went through a transformation from advocating yoga theory 瑜伽論 to advocating belief in Vaisravana 毗沙門天王信仰 and then to focusing on the “mind nature 心性” theory of Zen Buddhism. Finally, in Journey to the West, Buddhist thought is aimed at achieving rebirth in the Western Pure Land and supplemented with Chan Buddhist practices, which are aligned with the trend of Chan Jing He Yi (integration of Zen and Pure Land Buddhism 禪淨合一). In Journey to the West, the concepts of Ming Xin Jian Xing (find one’s true self 明心見性) and Ji Xin Ji Fo (the mind is the Buddha 即心即佛) differ from the Zen Buddhism concept of seeing one’s own nature. Instead, it requires seeking other Buddhas and ascending to the Western Pure Land to meet Amitabha Buddha in order to achieve complete spiritual cultivation. This had changed from the Wei Xin Jing Tu (mind-only Pure Land 唯心淨土) theory advocated by Zen Buddhism to the Xi Fang Jing Tu (Western Pure Land 西方淨土) theory advocated by the Pure Land School. The numerous depictions of Pure Land cultivation methods, such as Cheng Ming Nian Fo (chanting the name of Amitabha Buddha 稱名念佛), Chi Jie (commandment keeping 持戒), and the Pure Land reincarnation-type Guanyin faith 淨土往生型觀音信仰, also appear in Journey to the West, reflecting the profound influence of Chan Jing He Yi 禪淨合一 in the mid-to-late Ming Dynasty on Journey to the West. Full article

This study delves into the apologetic discourse put forward by Poon Chung-kwong 潘宗光 (b. 1940), who is both a scientist and a lay Buddhist of contemporary Hong Kong, concerning the compatibility of Pure Land Buddhism and natural science. It centers on an analysis of his application of diverse physical knowledge to elucidate the description of Sukhāvatī, an ideal and enigmatic world, within Buddhist texts. Poon endeavors to demonstrate that multiple facets of Sukhāvatī, including its establishment and the rebirth of believers within this domain, are congruent with scientific principles. This is in an effort to counter the public’s perception of Buddhism as “unscientific” or even “superstitious”, notwithstanding that some physical theories he employed are still in the inferential stage and, furthermore, are enmeshed in controversy, which substantially undermines the cogency of his apologetic discourses. This study presents a case of the interaction between Pure Land Buddhism and natural science, which has hitherto been overlooked by the academic community. Full article

This paper examines the intersection of Confucianism and Buddhism as presented in the Nihon-ryōiki (NIH), focusing on the catechetical efforts of its Buddhist author to fuse these ethical traditions. A central concern of the text is the introduction of karmic law and rebirth, concepts that Buddhism imported from ancient India that were not fully accepted in Japanese society at the time of its composition. This study explains how many of the miracles described in the NIH are consistent with Confucian values, particularly in their emphasis on benevolence, compassion, and social duty. In this paper, I argue for synthesizing Confucian and Buddhist ethics in the NIH as universal values that underscore the importance of social harmony based on filial duty—the Confucian worldview underlying the NIH’s linking of personal conduct to the cosmic law of karmic retribution. Full article

Ethical behaviour tends to lead to the welfare consideration of animals, but much less so for invertebrates. Indigenous tradition often valued all animals as having an important role in life on the planet, a practical application of modern ecology. The Judaeo–Christian–Islamic tradition postulated ‘man’ as having dominion over all of Earth, resulting in anthropocentrism and careless practices. In contrast, the Buddhist/Hindu belief in rebirth leads to ahisma, or doing no harm. In the face of capitalist systems, practice does not necessarily follow these beliefs, especially in the ‘shepherding’ of domestic animals. Only Jainist beliefs value the lives of all invertebrates. Philosophers are often divorced from the physiological reality of the animals they muse about, and science’s traditions of objectivity and the simplest possible explanation of behaviour led to ignorance of invertebrates’ abilities. Ninety-seven percent of animals on the planet are invertebrates. We have a long way to go to provide moral standing and welfare consideration, which is consistent with the new information about the sentience of some of these animals. Full article