Barriers to Employment Among People with Disabilities in Trinidad and Tobago

Abstract

Trinidad and Tobago (T&T) has regional influence in the Caribbean, with a diversified economy focused on energy, manufacturing, and finance compared to the tourism-related economies of most of the other Caribbean islands. Notwithstanding, this has not translated into equitable opportunities for all, specifically for people with disabilities. A lack of disaggregated employment data thwarts effective policy planning for people with disabilities. This research sought to examine the barriers to their employment in T&T. Underpinned by the social model of disability, a concurrent mixed-methods approach was employed. Emanating from interviews with people with disabilities and key informants, challenges to employment access, employer perceptions, and apathy emerged as key themes, together with the underlying issues of a lack of legislation and inequitable access to mainstream education. The survey findings indicated that 64% of employers had never employed people with disabilities, 57% expressed neutrality regarding future employment of such individuals, and 69% had not introduced workplace accommodations. A key recommendation of the study is the establishment of an employer resource centre that assists employers in creating and maintaining inclusive workplace accommodations for people with disabilities. This study is the first in Trinidad and Tobago to examine these research objectives from multiple perspectives.

1. Introduction

The United Nations (UN) 2030 Sustainable Development Goal 8 seeks to ensure “inclusive and sustainable growth, employment, and decent work for all” [1]. To enable this, the world needs to expedite the provision of full and productive employment for all. Decent work for women, youth, and people with disabilities requires equal pay, labour rights protection, and inclusive workplaces [2]. Additionally, 15% of the world’s population aged 15 years and older live with a disability [3]. Article 1 of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) defines persons with disabilities as “those who have long-term physical, mental, intellectual or sensory impairments which, in interaction with various barriers, may hinder their full and effective participation in society on an equal basis with others” [4]. This definition was adhered to in the research methodology to reflect diverse disability experiences, capturing both impairment types and societal barriers.

This study also subscribes to the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) definition of employment, which refers to persons of working age who, in a short reference period, were engaged in any activity to produce goods or provide services for pay or profit [5]. People with disabilities are more likely to be unemployed and generally earn less income when they are employed than non-disabled people [3]. Additionally, the average employment rate for people with disabilities in OECD countries is 44%, compared to 75% for non-disabled people [6].

Moreover, the employment rate varies significantly for people with different disabilities [7]. It was noted that in the Caribbean, people with visual impairments face the least difficulty in entering the labour market. The study highlighted that approximately 54% of people aged 15–59 with difficulty seeing were part of the labour force, in comparison to 43% of people with difficulty hearing and 67% of non-disabled people. Additionally, people with other types of disabilities were less likely to be employed [7]. Employment rates also differ by gender. While there are lower rates overall for people with disabilities compared to non-disabled people [3], women with disabilities appear to encounter greater employment barriers. In 2018, the global employment rate of women with disabilities (aged 20 to 64) was 47.8%, compared to the 54.3% employment rate of men with disabilities of the same age [8].

Regarding economic activity, defined as the proportion of the working-age population that is employed or seeking work, a 20–40% gap persists between people with and without disabilities across many Caribbean countries. This indicates that people with disabilities are about half as likely to participate in the labour market [7].

T&T is enmeshed in this milieu. T&T is one of the more economically advanced Caribbean states, with a relatively diversified economy. It is uniquely positioned to explore how economic strategies, limited policy implementation, weak enforcement, and societal stigma influence employment outcomes for people with disabilities. The following paragraphs outline these distinct areas of T&T.

1.1. Trinidad and Tobago Context

T&T, despite its relatively small geographic size, is classified as a high-income economy. The country is a major financial center in the Caribbean [9]. Except for Guyana’s economy, recently experiencing rapid growth due to the discovery and development of oil reserves, the majority of other Caribbean nations are tourism- or agriculture-dependent. T&T’s economy is production- and export-oriented.

T&T’s economy is driven by heavy manufacturing and energy services, with post-pandemic growth led by the energy sector and supported by strong non-energy performance. In 2023, GDP was projected to grow by 4.4% [10], with key drivers including non-energy manufacturing, trade and repairs, and transport and storage [11]. These sectors present opportunities for targeted recruitment of people with disabilities, particularly as energy, manufacturing, and construction roles often require mobility, certifications, and hazard training that may limit inclusion.

Notably, globally, during the COVID-19 period, people with disabilities were less likely than their non-disabled counterparts to be employed, and when employed, they were more likely to be employed in the informal sector (e.g., as street vendors and domestic workers) [12]. In T&T, the informal sector is also significant, with an estimated range of 26–33% [13], but it lacks concomitant protection and security.

The 2011 T&T Population and Housing Census revealed that 4% of the population has a disability. The 2011 Census data also indicated an approximately equal number of female and male people with disabilities. Females accounted for approximately 26,234 (50.2%) and males 26,010 (49.8%) of the population of people with disabilities. Notably, T&T is experiencing a rising disability sector due to an increasingly aging population and the high prevalence of chronic diseases [14]. In addition, the number of people with disabilities across the Caribbean, including T&T, is projected to grow across genders through the period 2015–2050 [7].

Although T&T is a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) and has adopted a National Policy on Persons with Disabilities (2019) [15], promoting inclusive hiring, the country lacks employment-specific anti-discrimination legislation. Consequently, employers are not legally required to provide reasonable accommodations for people with disabilities. This legislative gap was highlighted in a study by the Equal Opportunity Commission (EOC), which identified disability as one of the most widespread grounds for discrimination nationally [16]. In contrast, Jamaica’s Disabilities Act (2014) [17], provides stronger and enforceable protections, mandating inclusion across employment, education, and public life.

Cultural attitudes in T&T perpetuate employer biases that frame people with disabilities as less productive and costly to accommodate, limiting their recruitment opportunities. People with disabilities in T&T are then subjected to social stigma [18]. These beliefs also reinforce structural barriers that restrict labour market participation for people with disabilities [19]. Familial and ancestral beliefs further sustain exclusion [20], such as those within the Hindu faith that disability results from poor karma [19]. This underscores why the National Policy on Persons with Disabilities (2019) [15] emphasizes the need for a cultural shift to dismantle these systemic obstacles and promote genuine inclusion.

Educational inaccessibility and limited inclusivity pose significant barriers to employment for people with disabilities [8]. In T&T, only 50% of people with disabilities had completed secondary education in 2010, compared to 80% of non-disabled individuals, reflecting one of the largest education gaps in the Caribbean for working age adults [19,20]. This disparity is largely due to limited inclusion in mainstream schools. This limitation stems from the fact that mainstream schools are not legally required to enroll students with disabilities due to the current lack of legislation [19], resulting in a shortage of qualifications needed for employment. Limited access to mainstream schools and inclusive vocational programs, due to legislative gaps, inaccessible facilities, and a lack of trained instructors, restricts their employment opportunities.

Overall research on the employment of people with disabilities in T&T is limited, highlighting the need to explore their experiences and barriers to labour market participation. This study engaged multiple stakeholders, including people with disabilities, representatives from organizations for people with disabilities (OPDs) that provide social, educational and employment support, government representatives, and employers, to assess employment access and identify obstacles. The key objectives of this study were as follows: 1. To explore employment access for people with disabilities in T&T through perceived employment barriers. 2. To identify the barriers that impede their participation in the labour market. The study contributes by providing knowledge on this topic, presenting evidence to inform inclusive employment practices in T&T amid projected growth in the energy and non-energy sectors and a rising population of people with disabilities.

1.2. Theoretical Framework

Given the economic, cultural, and institutional factors discussed above that impact the employment of people with disabilities in T&T, a model that focuses on barriers was essential to ground the study. The social model of disability emphasizes that disability is not caused by an individual’s impairment but by barriers within society, economic, cultural, and institutional, that restrict participation and inclusion. This model accentuates the social dimension in its definition. It states that disability is a situation occasioned by “social conditions” [21]. Additionally, it highlights the difference between the terms ‘impairment’ and ‘disability,’ indicating the divergence between a person’s physical/mental condition and the barriers imposed by society. It also spotlights stigma as a socially constructed barrier in the form of attitudinal discrimination that society imposes through negative stereotypes.

To effectively anchor this model into the local context, the study integrated culturally specific experiences related to perceptions of disability and stigma voiced by various participants of this study. In this regard, the model provided foundational support; however, the participants’ experiences ensured its relevance to T&T’s context.

A pragmatist research paradigm also complemented this model; it is oriented towards solving practical problems in the real world rather than being built on assumptions about the nature of knowledge [22,23]. It facilitated the exploration of how the key systemic issues discussed above shape the experiences of people with disabilities. It was also used to support the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods to explore multiple perspectives and generate practical solutions.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Study Design

A concurrent triangulation mixed-method design was selected to capitalize on the differing strengths of both quantitative and qualitative approaches and to validate the findings. The quantitative and qualitative methods were implemented during the same time frame and with equal emphasis. Therefore, there was a concurrent but separate collection and analysis of quantitative and qualitative data, which allowed for increased efficiency. The data was then integrated during the analysis phase.

2.2. Setting

This study was conducted in T&T during the COVID-19 period, May–June 2020. The concurrent mixed design allowed for the collection of both types of data simultaneously, resulting in a shorter fieldwork period, which was desired, given the public health regulations requiring the limiting of social movement and physical distancing.

2.3. Ethical Approval

Ethical approval and all permissions were secured from the relevant organisations. Informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to data collection. Participation in the research was voluntary, and participants were entitled to withdraw at any given time, even after giving informed consent. Anonymity was maintained for all participants in the survey. The information collected did not contain any identifiable information, and as a result, the risk of being able to attribute data to any individual was extremely low or nonexistent. Additionally, confidentiality was also preserved via the maintenance of the protection of participants’ raw data from those outside the research team.

2.4. Sampling Strategies

2.4.1. People with Disabilities

The study targeted people with disabilities aged 18 years and older who were either employed or actively seeking employment. Participants were primarily recruited through purposive sampling, which identifies individuals with relevant experiences [24], and snowball sampling, often used with vulnerable populations to access hard-to-reach individuals through community networks [25]. The researcher engaged key informants from OPDs in T&T, who shared the survey within their networks to reach diverse participants. This process yielded three groups: (1) individuals who received early education or vocational training with some subsequently employed within an OPD, (2) individuals in facility-based support; an optional arrangement in T&T aligned with the National Policy on Persons with Disabilities (2019) [15] and its “independent living” principle, and (3) individuals who attended mainstream schools after receiving early education in OPDs The final sample comprised 31 participants, 18 women and 13 men.

2.4.2. Key Informants

The sample also comprised executive members of OPDs, such as the National Centre for Persons with Disabilities and Goodwill Industries of T&T, which provide services for people with disabilities, including vocational training, rehabilitation, and employment support. In addition, senior government officials overseeing targeted programmes for people with disabilities within their ministries were included. These were representatives from the Ministry of Social Development and Family Services and the Ministry of Labour. Participants were purposively selected based on their specialized knowledge and expertise relevant to the study. In total, seven representatives from OPDs and three from government ministries were included.

2.4.3. Employers

The study sampled businesses registered with the Trinidad and Tobago Chamber of Commerce (TT Chamber), targeting staff responsible for hiring to obtain credible insights on employment of people with disabilities. A multi-stage sampling approach was used: with a 95% confidence interval and a 5% margin of error. Stratified random sampling divided companies by sector and region, followed by simple random selection, resulting in 116 businesses. Ultimately, 75 businesses participated, with one respondent selected per participating business.

It is important to note that representation from Tobago businesses was limited due to COVID-19-related disruptions, with only nine of the 75 participating businesses located in Tobago.

2.5. Materials-Data Collection

The study employed a participatory approach, engaging people with disabilities and key informants in the disability eco-system to ensure methods were accessible and appropriate for all disability types. Key stakeholders contributed to the development of interview questions, facilitated community participation, and supported communication. For example, Deaf people, assisted in the data collection process, fostering trust and enabling in-depth discussions. On the employer side, piloting the survey with initial respondents helped refine its design. Data collection involved in-person and telephone interviews, as well as questionnaires, and was complemented by secondary data, pre-existing information already collected. Secondary data were employed to establish the contextual framework of the study. A review of international, regional, and national sources was undertaken to obtain information on the broader socio-economic context and, more specifically, the labour market experiences of people with disabilities. Among the national documents consulted was the National Policy on Persons with Disabilities (2019) [15].

2.5.1. Interviews (People with Disabilities and Key Informants)

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with people with disabilities and key informants between May and June 2020, scheduled at participants’ convenience. One interview was conducted per person. This method allowed the researcher to collect open-ended data and explore the participants’ thoughts, feelings, and beliefs about the topic [26]. Informed consent and confidentiality were ensured, and responses were documented via note-taking, later validated through follow-up calls. Notes were stored in Excel for analysis, and participants could withdraw at any time. Approximately 4 interviews were completed per day, each of the four interviews lasted approximately 45–60 min, allowing for in-depth exploration of participants’ perspectives.

Participants were given the option for interviews to be conducted at home, another location, or via telephone. In total, 11 people with disabilities were interviewed at OPDs, 4 at their homes, and 16 via telephone. In total, 31 people with disabilities were interviewed using methods suited to their needs, for example, in-person interviews with a Deaf interpreter for Deaf and Hard of Hearing participants, and telephone interviews for visually impaired and physically disabled participants. Additionally, 10 key informants were interviewed.

2.5.2. Description of the Survey Instrument

Given the COVID-19 restrictions affecting businesses at the time, the researcher and business owners agreed that an online questionnaire would be the most appropriate and convenient method, also allowing for broader geographical reach. It should be noted that secondary research informed the selection of variables used in the design of the quantitative survey. The questionnaire was also designed to align with the research objectives, covering topics such as recruitment, workplace accommodations, retention, and barriers to the employment of people with disabilities. It consisted of 31 questions and took approximately 15 min to complete. A pilot study informed adjustments to the instrument [27]. Consent letters were emailed to prospective respondents, followed by phone calls, and participants received a web link to complete the questionnaire upon confirming their participation.

2.6. Data Analysis

Secondary data were compiled in Microsoft Excel and integrated into the analysis to provide contextual background. Prior reports and studies were incorporated into the discussion chapter and merged with the findings to strengthen interpretation. Notably, employer-specific data on the labour market experiences of people with disabilities were not previously captured at the national level. This gap underscored the need to collect primary data, allowing the study to generate detailed, context-specific insights unavailable from existing secondary sources. Quantitative survey data and qualitative interview data were analyzed separately and then integrated, linking overlapping themes from the interviews to survey results [22]. Questionnaire data were analyzed using IBM SPSS Statistics (version 26), employing descriptive statistics, including mean, median, mode, cross-tabulations, and correlations. Interview data were coded and categorized into themes using a reflexive thematic analysis approach [28]. Codes were generated from the notes, and analysis shifted from individual data points to the interpretation of aggregated meaning across the dataset. Themes were then developed, visualized in a thematic map, and reviewed against coded data and the full dataset to ensure consistency. Themes were refined as necessary before producing a spreadsheet of the finalized themes. The entire process was iterative, ensuring thorough and rigorous analysis [28].

3. Results

The results present the themes generated from the analysis of the interviews and the survey. They represent the synthesized outcomes of the qualitative interviews and the quantitative data.

The sample populations consisted of 31 people with disabilities, 75 employers and 10 key informants. The sample of people with disabilities consisted of people with cerebral palsy, people with intellectual disabilities, Deaf people, Hard of Hearing people, people with hypochondroplasia, people with visual impairment, people with paraplegia, people with tetraparesis, people with muscular dystrophy, and people with spina bifida. With respect to business sector representation, the highest percentage of employer responses emanated from the retail sector (17%), manufacturing (14%), financial services (10%), and construction (10%). Key informants included seven representatives from OPDs and three representatives from government ministries/agencies.

3.1. Theme 1: Challenges to Employment Access Faced by People with Disabilities

A key theme from interviews was the employment barriers faced by people with disabilities, where qualifications were often overlooked due to disability-related biases, resulting in prolonged unemployment averaging eight years. A female with cerebral palsy possessing tertiary qualifications received no responses to numerous job applications. Her situation was intensified given her single-parent status. Subsequently she started her own business to achieve self-sufficiency. She described her experience:

“I have sought gainful employment for the better part of twenty-two years, and all you hear is that you are overqualified for positions or there are no facilities to accommodate me. This is the most common song and dance that the disabled population go through.”

(Female with cerebral palsy)

This reflects statistics previously referenced showing women with disabilities face greater employment challenges than men and women without disabilities, due to barriers such as inaccessible transportation to the place of employment and difficulties in securing childcare while seeking employment.

A visually impaired former student of a non-profit organization noted that, despite training provided, mainstream employment opportunities remain limited. He described his experiences as follows:

You can either make basket [participate in the basket training] or stay home on the grant, or if you are lucky to get someone to employ you. There is no need for a disabled person to sit at home and do nothing, stifling their ability and just collecting their grant. Need to develop awareness and development of trust, sometimes the perception is that persons with disabilities are less competent.

(Male with Visual Impairment)

A teacher with visual impairment at a non-profit organization highlighted the challenges students face in earning an income after training and discussed societal stigma:

It takes six months to produce a salable product. There is an expectation of employment after, but it is no longer a policy to do so [the institution where he works no longer provides employment for students after training]. Students have to produce something and sell it, and they need a support system to do that. They are satisfied with the training outcome, but the problem is the uncertainty after training, with no job security. Persons want to come and be trained and work on their own [be self-employed], and there are those who want to be employed by the association, but they are not getting materials and not getting the support. There is also stigma associated with the visually impaired’s ability to do handicraft.

(Teacher with visual impairment)

The above sentiments resonated with the results of the employer survey that highlighted that the majority of the employers did not have a person with a disability employed at their organization (i.e., 64%), and significantly, this was recorded across business sizes identified in the study. 57% of the employers also highlighted their uncertainty in recruiting people with disabilities in the upcoming year. Significantly, larger companies reported a higher likelihood of employing people with disabilities (12%) compared to micro- (1%) and small businesses (2%). This disparity suggests that organizational size and capacity may influence employers’ ability to implement inclusive practices. It highlights the need for technical support, and resource allocation across all business sizes to facilitate inclusive employment.

3.1.1. Access to Mainstream Employment

This subtheme examines differences in mainstream employment access among people with disabilities. In the first group, some individuals received early education or vocational training within an OPD. The second group obtained facility-based support. The third group attended mainstream school, post early schooling at OPDs. The first two groups had limited formal employment opportunities, lower confidence, and greater dependence on OPDs, while the third group, having been exposed to mainstream educational environments was more active in the labour market.

Findings revealed that most individuals in the first and second groups possessed only primary-level qualifications, with a few employed within OPDs. Most of them were people with intellectual disabilities, which may have constrained their educational advancement. Conversely, members of the third group achieved a range of secondary and tertiary qualifications.

An OPD executive noted that employment access varied across groups, explaining that most persons in Groups 1 and 2 “do not want to work because the workplace structure does not suit them but suits high-functioning disabled persons.” High-functioning refers to individuals with “average or above average intelligence but may struggle with issues related to social interaction and communication” [29]. In contrast, members of the third group, with mainstream exposure and higher qualifications, qualified for national placement programmes.

These placement programs included the On-the-Job training (OJT) programme, a programme that equips participants with practical skills and experience for employment, and the National Employment Service (NES), which guides job seekers in accessing the job market while connecting them with employers. The ensuing comparison of placement numbers of people with and without disabilities identify employment disparities and reveals gaps in inclusion practices. It further highlights the ongoing barriers to employment access for people with disabilities.

In 2019, NES reported that all 10 applicants with disabilities were placed in mainstream employment, compared to 1035 of 5606 non-disabled applicants. Similarly, the OJT programme recorded only nine placements of people with disabilities, who shared their experiences below:

It has been very pleasant; the staff has been helpful. I was not provided with strenuous tasks, as there are certain things that mild cerebral palsy stops me from doing. The physical space was also accommodating. I am satisfied with this opportunity, and I hope that after this, there will be further opportunities. I am in communication with my placement officer if I have any issue or need advice. I would like to see the employment of more persons who are persons with disabilities, [since] we all have a purpose in life, and it needs to be fulfilled. It is the ability, and not the disability, that counts.

(Male with mild cerebral palsy)

I was a former student [was a former student at the school where OJT placed him to work], [so] I was not treated differently. I’m very happy to be part of the environment. I sent applications to private and public institutions, then I applied to the OJT. Accommodation was not necessary; the area was sufficient, persons were helpful. I’m grateful for the opportunity since they gave me the opportunity so quickly. Working in the school has broadened my view of working within the system. My concern is what happens after OJT.

(Male with Spina Bifida)

3.1.2. Workplace Entry Challenges Among Disability Groups

The study identified key differences between Deaf and Hard of Hearing participants: Deaf people faced major communication and interpretation barriers, while Hard of Hearing people held a relative employment advantage. Their perspectives follow below:

A lot of effort needs to be put in to ensure equity in the labour market. I want to do a short course. Who is going to interpret for me, what is the support for me? We are at a disadvantage to Hard of Hearing, because of the communication barrier; we need to pay a private interpreter at times for assistance.

(Female who is Deaf)

Hard of Hearing people shared similar sentiments:

“Hard of Hearing persons may be more responsive in the workplace than Deaf people, because Hard of Hearing can do lip reading, can talk and write and understand their resume application. Yes, it’s difficult; Deaf persons cannot hear, but they can do lip reading and sign language and write but do need an interpreter.”

(Female who is Hard of Hearing)

The findings underscored the advantages of attaining higher educational qualifications, which were further supported by testimonies from people with disabilities who participated in placement initiatives such as the OJT programme. At the same time, the study identified variations in workplace access experiences across different disability groups.

3.2. Theme II: Employer Perceptions on Hiring People with Disabilities

This theme examines employer perceptions of hiring people with disabilities, revealing how employer prejudices on the competence of people with disabilities, and their limited understanding of workplace accommodations hinder recruitment and retention.

A recurring perception in the findings was employers’ prejudices about the competence of people with disabilities in the workplace. This centered around the view that they were not suited or could not work. They perceived that job demands were not compatible with the individual’s disability. This view was supported by survey findings, which indicated that 69% of employers cited their main concern with the ability of people with disabilities to perform job tasks as required. One employer stated that “what we will be concerned with is how/if the disability affects the completion of the tasks.” This perception may have affected employers’ hiring patterns towards people with disabilities, as seen in

Table 1. % Comparison of employer hiring patterns.

Likely/Not Likely to Hire People with Disabilities in the Next 12 Months	Currently Hired People with Disabilities	Previously Hired People with Disabilities	Status
14%	27%	37%	Yes
29%	64%	39%	No
57%	9%	24%	Unsure
100%	100%	100%	Total %

, 57% indicated their uncertainty in the possibility of hiring people with disabilities in the next 12 months.

Table 2. % Spread of employer responses to previous hiring of people with disabilities in their workplace by company size.

Total %	Medium-Large 26 or More Employees (≥26)	Small ≤ 25 Employees Including Owner/Manager	Micro ≤ 5 Employees Including Owner/Manager	Mini = 1 Employee (Owner/Manager)	Status
37%	21%	11%	5%	0%	Yes
39%	13%	11%	12%	3%	No
24%	16%	7%	0	1%	Unsure
100%	50%	29%	17%	4%	Total %

presents the spread of the hiring patterns by business size. Of interest, the results highlighted that medium-large firms possessed relatively more experience in hiring people with disabilities, though small. This suggests that medium to large businesses may possess more capacity with respect to accommodations to facilitate the hiring of people with disabilities.

Table 3. % Spread of employer responses to likelihood of hiring people with disabilities in the next 12 months.

Total %	Medium-Large 26 or More Employees (≥26)	Small ≤ 25 Employees Including Owner/Manager	Micro ≤ 5 Employees Including Owner/Manager	Mini = 1 Employee (Owner/Manager)	Status
2%	2%	0%	0%	0%	Very likely
13%	10%	2%	1%	0%	likely
56%	28%	19%	8%	1%	Neutral
14%	4%	4%	6%	0%	Unlikely
15%	7%	4%	1%	3%	Very unlikely
100%	51%	29%	16%	4	Total %

also presents employer likelihood of hiring people with disabilities within the next 12 months; it reflects employer uncertainty across business sizes and synchronizes with the employer’s overarching views on the competence level of people with disabilities.

3.2.1. Perceived Cost of Workplace Accommodations

A key subtheme in this area was the perceived cost of appropriate workplace accommodation by employers. The latter was identified as a key area of concern by employers. 69% of employers had not implemented any form of workplace accommodations within their organisations. These statistics were supported by the interviews with people with disabilities, who explained that employment inaccessibility included the lack of appropriate accommodation. The lack of assistive tools and technologies also negatively impacted their ability to function effectively. A male with visual impairment noted that:

With proper technology such as access to screen magnifiers or text-to-speech, such as ZoomText, we can function effectively in the workplace. There is a need for appropriate training for managers and employees to work with the blind. The blind person can perform better with the appropriate training. We can work well in organisations if people are willing to make changes to their environment to employ you.

(Male with visual impairment)

The pervasiveness of the issue of accommodation was noted by a government representative, who stated:

We recognize difficulties in both private and public sectors. There is an unwillingness to employ certain types of disabilities. It’s easier to place the wheelchair-bound, not like the blind. Employers don’t understand how to relate to them and how the staff would relate to them. Also, before we get to the placement, we need to get one of the professionals of the organizations for persons with disabilities to visit the work site, and that is where we have challenges” [the representative noted that this is due to a lack of partnerships between the ministry and these institutions].

(Government representative)

3.2.2. Hiring Tendencies by Disability Type

Another subtheme examined employer hiring practices by disability type, revealing attitudinal barriers faced by people with disabilities. The study revealed that most people with intellectual disabilities, were absorbed within OPDs received vocational training, but had limited access to mainstream employment. As one OPD executive observed, by placing the label “special” on People with intellectual disabilities, they are at a disadvantage.

The findings also suggested that employers were more inclined to hire people with disabilities with a disability that they considered less demanding and more manageable in the workplace. One employer stated that “if the person is mentally challenged, it won’t work at this time. Physical disability will not affect hiring.” The employers generally indicated that they would be unwilling to hire people with disabilities based on the following characteristics: nature of the disability (35%), severity of the disability (21%), and the need for additional guidance (23%). This feature was aligned with the information presented earlier [7], which highlighted employers’ propensity to recruit by disability type.

Overall, employer perceptions strongly shape labor market access, with negative attitudes often deterring people with disabilities from employment.

3.3. Theme IV: Feelings of Apathy

This theme explores the apathy and discouragement experienced by people with disabilities in seeking employment, considering the role of OPDs, the disability grant, and family dynamics. Repeated rejection, discrimination, and inaccessible systems fostered a sense of futility, leading to disinterest in pursuing employment. Some people with disabilities currently working for OPDs demonstrated self-limiting attitudes, having remained in the same roles for over a decade without advancing their education. Their continued tenure may also reflect managerial paternalism, as one executive referred to employees with disabilities as “her children.” A female with cerebral palsy detailed why other people with disabilities chose to work at the organization for people with disabilities for little or no pay:

I would tell you something that is not widely known, but we are not only marginalized; we are marginalised by those who say they are equipped and are supposed to be helping us. There are people who left the institution and went back to assist, and the staff [principal] know the only reason they are assisting is because they want employment, but they cannot find employment, and they [principal] refuse to pay them, and these individuals’ mindset is, “I’m trying to give back and be appreciated.” They’re trying to find a way to make themselves useful. They think of the institution as their home, their family.

(Female with Cerebral Palsy)

3.3.1. Disability Grant

Feelings of apathy are closely linked to the disability grant, which provides financial support to adults; citizens and legal residents in Trinidad and Tobago deemed permanently unable to work. The disability grant is currently TT$2000 monthly, below the minimum wage and national subsistence level subsistence threshold (TT$3550) [30]. The study’ findings suggest that societal attitudes reinforce dependence on this grant, perpetuating economic reliance and limiting labour market inclusion. This was reflected in the quotes below. A male with paraplegia highlighted that he had been acclimatized to rely on the disability grant from school, as the following narrative shows:

The principals at these special institutions are guilty of the very same thing that the normal society is guilty of. A principal told me [he was a teacher at the time] the only thing he is able to do and willing to do was teaching them [a person with a disability] how to sign their name so they could go home and get the disability cheque. If someone came to you and told you that, what would you think?

(Male with cerebral palsy)

A female with cerebral palsy also noted:

It was a terrible two-year job search. I was told by persons in high positions in the public sector about applying for disability grants; my disability being referred to as a medical condition and downplaying my qualification for a cashier job.

(Female with Cerebral Palsy)

Another female stated:

Most parents with children with disabilities don’t know how to treat with them, far less as an adult. As adults, parents think if they [the child with a disability] do too much they would lose the disability grant.

(Female with Cerebral Palsy)

Another male with paraplegia also attempted to have the disability grant reinstated, during a period of unemployment. The following is his account of the scenario:

When I was furloughed, I tried to reapply for the grant, However, since I received pay in the initial two months of the year that exceeded the $12,000 threshold, though I was unemployed for the rest of the year, with no other source of income, I cannot sign a declaration form stating that my income was less than $12,000 for the year. Earnings have to be less than $12,000.

(Male with Paraplegia)

3.3.2. Lack of Familial Support

Both participants and key informants identified the lack of familial support, noting that early family involvement fosters positive emotional outcomes, while its absence hinders well-being and employment efforts of people with disabilities. A representative of an OPD highlighted parents’ perception of their child’s disability “Parents are a child’s first advocate, but they are not willing to bring their child into the open; they don’t want them [child with the disability] to be laughed at.” This attitude often persists into adulthood, restricting socialization and inclusion. As one participant with muscular dystrophy shared, “the family has me locked away.”

Another female with a disability also stated that:

Most families do not even think that their disabled family members have a right to a love life, far less all that comes with that, because most of us are seen as useless to the outside world. That’s why a large portion of us are sexually abused by family members or people we know and trust. Especially when most of these people don’t face the law because it is covered up by family members or the disabled person is blamed for the action. This causes a feeling of hopelessness among the female population of the disabled. One friend, her mother bought her there [to an organization for persons with disabilities] and never looked back, left her outside on the front gate. She is now deceased. When she passed away, the school buried her with the help of the Ministry of Social Development.

(Female with Cerebral Palsy)

Apathy among participants reflects key influences, notably the disability grant system and overprotective family support, which, despite good intentions, limit autonomy and hinder employment-seeking efforts.

3.4. Key Underlying Areas

3.4.1. Lack of Legislation

As noted in the background on Trinidad and Tobago, legislation is necessary to support the National Policy for Persons with Disabilities (2019) [15]. The policy identifies legislation as a critical mechanism for ensuring the effective implementation of key areas such as accessibility, education, and employment. This legislation would ultimately provide the legal protections required to facilitate inclusive employment. This sentiment can be seen in the quote from a representative of an organization for people with disabilities below:

Currently, there is the Equal Opportunity Act [31], and the Tribunal. However, there are certain deficiencies in the Act. For example, the definition of disability in the Act does not cover all persons with disabilities. For example, a person with Down Syndrome, who is a person with an intellectual disability, is not afforded protection because they do not fall within the definition of a person with a disability in the Act itself. What we need now is actual legislation that persons with disabilities can use now to enforce their rights, to ensure that public and private bodies in T&T do more to promote inclusion or can at least be held accountable for discrimination.

(representative from an organization for people with disabilities)

3.4.2. The Inequitable Education Playing Field

A similar pattern was observed in education. Participants highlighted the lack of equitable access as a cross-cutting barrier limiting participation of people with disabilities in the mainstream labour market and hindering attainment of qualifications needed for suitable employment. A representative from an organization for people with disabilities summarized these challenges as follows:

There is no fair and equal access. Persons with disabilities start at a disadvantage; the lack of education and training cannot meet the labour market. Mainstream schools are unable to effectively train persons with disabilities. Principals are confused on how to deal and cater to them at times.

(representative from an OPD)

Interviewees also identified the lack of inclusiveness in the education system as a salient issue reflected in the limited enrollment of people with disabilities in mainstream education. This was highlighted by an executive from an organization for people with disabilities who indicated that the lack of inclusiveness was personified “by placing them [persons with disabilities] in segregation, preventing them from being able to mix and mingle with other human beings.”

A female with cerebral palsy highlighted the importance of an inclusive education system to facilitate equitable employment as well as employment in alignment with the needs of the labour market:

Proper and equitable employment for persons with disabilities is still far-fetched. To be properly employed, you have to have a decent educational foundation. This begs the question; do we have an inclusive education system? Do we have proper access? Some private entities are pushing towards diversity and inclusion in the workplace. However, the public sector that is influenced by our laws, legislation, regulations, and policies has a long way to go to build truly equitable employment.

(Female with Cerebral Palsy)

Participants agreed that mainstream schools are ill-equipped to meet the needs of people with disabilities, emphasizing the need for training teachers and principals to ensure greater awareness and responsiveness to the needs of people with disabilities, as well as the curriculum shortcomings. One representative from an organization for people with disabilities explained that:

The education system is an uneven playfield; training does not equip teachers for specialization for certain disabilities. Children in the special schools are not afforded the props [tools] that they need to succeed as kids in the regular [mainstream schools] have. Support systems are not in place in special schools, occupational therapists, counsellors, etc. American and Canadian children with disabilities have more opportunities to attend mainstream education. In Trinidad, there is also the economic factor; some families don’t have the necessary funds for their children to attend school. While high income families have a hired tutor.

(representative from an OPD)

A person with visual impairment stated that “they give you training that they think is best for you.” This sentiment can also be seen in the quote below, which presents the incompatibility between the training received and the training required for the labour market.

Too many children with disabilities fall through the cracks of the education system and emerge from primary or secondary institutions unable to read, write, and demonstrate essential life skills. Yet they are expected to earn their own living in the same job market as persons without disabilities who have not suffered for access to quality education suitable to their needs [32].

4. Discussion

This section outlines the theme findings, identifying patterns, implications, alignment to prior research, and key areas emerging from the data.

With respect to challenges to employment access faced by people with disabilities, most employers surveyed did not have a person with a disability employed at their organizations, and they were inherently non-committal to hiring a person with a disability in the forthcoming year. This was observed across all business sizes. The majority of people with disabilities also noted that they remained unemployed or only acquired employment after searching for an extensive period. These findings also aligned with previous research, which highlighted the challenges for employment access among people with disabilities across various countries, underlining the global concern [33,34,35,36,37,38,39].

Dissimilarities were also observed in the study regarding mainstream employment access for differing groups of people with disabilities. Group 1 maintained a strong affiliation with their respective OPD, with some employed within the organization and Group 2, those engaged in facility-based support, generally held only primary-level qualifications; many in Group 2 were classified as having intellectual disabilities. In contrast, Group 3, who attended mainstream settings, post OPD, attained higher education and participated in mainstream employment. The literature highlighted the need for higher educational attainment, beyond primary school, to enable access to the labour market [40]. In this study, low educational attainment restricted economic prospects for people with disabilities. It is also important to assess their involvement with OPDs to determine how these institutions support people with disabilities in achieving social and economic autonomy.

Additionally, the findings of the study revealed the role of national placement programmes as a liaison between job seekers and employers. This synchronized with their mandate to contribute to individuals’ acquisition of practical skills and experience. These findings correspond with the previous researchers [34,41,42], who highlighted the importance of internships and the provision of adequate mentorship for work experience and placement of trainees. The notably higher number of applications from people without disabilities highlight persistent structural inequalities in employability which have contributed to lower skill readiness among people with disabilities.

The results of the study also contributed to the literature by highlighting key unexplored areas, specifically in Caribbean countries. The data suggested that larger businesses were more likely to hire people with disabilities than small-micro- and mini-micro-businesses, given their higher capacity to accommodate people with disabilities. This presents a challenge for small, micro-businesses, especially given their proliferation in the informal sector in T&T. Given the sizable informal sector [13], it is crucial to formalize small and micro-businesses to provide people with disabilities access to legal and financial protections. Concurrently, mechanisms are needed within the informal sector to prevent discrimination and ensure reasonable accommodations for effective participation.

Employer perceptions were shaped by underlying prejudices about the capacity of people with disabilities to meet workplace demands. Most employers had never hired a person with a disability, and over half were uncertain about doing so in the future. Consistent with prior research, employers viewed disability type as affecting the performance of people with disabilities [33,34,37,43,44,45,46,47]. Employers also perceived people with disabilities as incapable of performing certain tasks, a finding aligned with the literature [37,44]. Added to this, previous research also highlighted employers’ concerns that hiring people with disabilities could be costlier due to potential workplace accommodations [34,45,46,47], an issue similarly noted by employers in this study.

Employer preferences varied by disability type, reflecting stereotypes that limit labour market participation. People with intellectual disabilities, such as Down Syndrome, were seen as least employable and had the lowest rates of labour force participation [48]. The findings noted that people with intellectual disabilities were largely placed in disability-specific institutions rather than mainstream employment, consistent with previous studies. This also highlighted the unfavorable positioning of people with intellectual disabilities relative to other people with disabilities [7,44,48]. Employers also tended to favour those people with disabilities whom they perceived as less demanding or easier to accommodate, consistent with prior research [37,44].

The findings also revealed the experiences of two populations, Deaf and Hard of Hearing people, whose differing needs have often been overlooked. Most of the literature has merged the work experiences of Deaf and Hard of Hearing people together, but the current findings showed that Hard of Hearing people were perceived by Deaf people as being more advantageously positioned to access and acquire employment because the former possessed the ability to communicate more effectively in the workplace (i.e., without the need of an interpreter). Examining the work experiences of Deaf and Hard of Hearing individuals can highlight their unique challenges, guide employer recruitment, and provide a framework for strategic planning across different disability types in T&T.

Regarding feelings of apathy, this theme explored feelings of apathy by people with disabilities regarding their search for employment resulting from the societal discrimination they faced. Deep-rooted feelings of negative self-perception stymied the motivation of people with disabilities towards striving for mainstream employment. This sense of apathy was also noted by other writers on the topic [36,37]. The current study’s findings emphasized how employment at OPDs appeared to foster apathy among some individuals, limiting their motivation to seek work elsewhere, in contrast to the experiences of those employed in mainstream settings.

Research shows that negative family stereotypes can foster apathy among people with disabilities, limiting development [37] and hindering employment [45,49], a pattern echoed by participants of this study who cited lack of parental support as a barrier to long-term employment. Advocacy support from OPDs can enable parents to strengthen relationships, advocate effectively, and foster a supportive environment that promotes the child’s long-term education and employment outcomes. The Findings also highlight systemic challenges in the disability grant system, where societal perceptions and eligibility criteria reinforce labour market exclusion and economic vulnerability.

Core anchoring areas included legislation and education. Key informants also emphasized that legislation is essential to support the implementation of the National Policy of Persons with Disabilities (2019) [15], align with the UNCRPD, and expand employment opportunities for people with disabilities, echoing literature that highlights its role in protecting the rights of people with disabilities [3,18,50,51,52] and driving systemic change.

Inclusive education is also critical to reducing systemic inequities, supporting higher qualifications, and improving employment opportunities for people with disabilities [53]. Both the literature and this study also highlights that success in mainstream education depends on adequately trained teachers and principals [54].

5. Conclusions

The study was grounded by a social model of disability, complemented by a pragmatist paradigm. This provided a suitable perspective to analyze participants’ employment experiences in T&T and to posit suitably actionable recommendations. The analysis identified salient systemic issues in T&T that need to be addressed and include challenges with employment access, employers’ perceptions, which contributed to discriminatory hiring practices, and feelings of apathy, coupled with the underlying issues of a lack of legislation and an inequitable education system. These findings are significant, given T&T’s economic strength, institutional capacity, and regional influence. T&T is strategically positioned to take the necessary steps in implementing practical changes in the socioeconomic environment that will encourage inclusive employment opportunities for people with disabilities.

Practical Implications and Recommendations

To facilitate the envisioned inclusive employment, the study identified the need for transformation to occur in key areas to enable the participation of people with disabilities in the labour market. Firstly, the National Policy on Persons with Disabilities (2019) needs to be accompanied by legislation. Legislation is the highest priority, given its pivotal role in facilitating the other actions. Legislation is needed to ensure inclusive schooling through compliance and teacher training, recognizing education as a foundation for employment. Revising the National policy for persons with disabilities (2019) to address different disability types and translating this into enforceable guidelines is critical to securing employer compliance with reasonable accommodations. Family-focused training on parent–child interactions needs to be prioritized across the lifespan of people with disabilities to positively influence employment outcomes. The establishment of an Employer Resource Centre is recommended to raise disability awareness and manage an Accommodation Fund, enabling small and micro-businesses to access financial support for workplace accommodations through government and external funding. Services should be offered both in person and virtually.

A review of OPDs is recommended to assess their effectiveness and determine whether they support or inadvertently limit the autonomy of people with disabilities in T&T. Similarly, the current disability grant system should be reviewed to evaluate whether it aligns with the needs of people with disabilities. These adjustments are crucial in light of current economic shifts, particularly potential employment opportunities in the non-energy sector and the projected increase in people with disabilities. Furthermore, given the sizable informal sector, a baseline survey to determine the number of people with disabilities operating within it could inform evidence-based and inclusive policy planning, addressing the sector’s instability and lack of social protection.

A results-based monitoring and evaluation framework involving all stakeholders is essential to track progress, address gaps in employment data for people with disabilities, and support the nationwide implementation of inclusive employment strategies, reinforcing T&T’s commitment to human rights and SDGs 8 (Decent work and economic growth) and 10 (Reduced Inequalities).