1. Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic was the deepest disruption in the recent history of tourism. Travel bans, social-distancing rules and capacity restrictions abruptly interrupted mobility and exposed the systemic vulnerability of the sector (
Nhamo et al., 2020;
Škare et al., 2021). Beyond the short-term economic shock, the crisis was quickly framed as a potential turning point for sustainability, justice and destination governance: it temporarily slowed overtourism and forced destinations to reconsider the social and environmental foundations of recovery (
Higgins-Desbiolles, 2020;
Sigala, 2020;
Zenker & Kock, 2020).
As restrictions were progressively lifted, a central question emerged: did tourists internalise durable behavioural changes, or did they rapidly return to pre-pandemic routines? Early studies documented higher risk perception, greater interest in low-density spaces and a preference for nearby or nature-based tourism (
Bae & Chang, 2021;
Z. Li et al., 2020). Later evidence, however, suggested a progressive re-normalisation of travel behaviour once sanitary confidence improved, especially in European domestic markets (
Gössling & Schweiggart, 2022;
Pappas, 2021). At the same time, scholars warned that support for sustainability might weaken under post-pandemic inflation and economic uncertainty, widening the well-known attitude–behaviour gap in tourism (
Juvan & Dolnicar, 2014;
Pulido-Fernández & López-Sánchez, 2016).
These debates are especially relevant for medium-sized cultural destinations, where heritage value, urban form and governance capacity shape recovery trajectories differently from coastal or rural destinations. Cáceres is one of Spain’s UNESCO World Heritage Cities and an inland destination strongly dependent on cultural, monumental and gastronomic tourism (
Garrod & Fyall, 2000). Its scale makes it suitable for exploring destination resilience (
Alfaro-Navarro & Andrés-Martínez, 2023), because visitor concentration, walkability and public management can be observed more clearly than in metropolitan tourism systems (
Biggs, 2011;
Cheer & Lew, 2017). Inland medium-sized heritage cities are analytically distinct because their recovery depends less on volume growth than on the management of a finite historic core. In such a core, flows, walkability and conservation pressures concentrate in a small, highly visible area, which makes the link between visitor demand and public management easier to observe than in large metropolitan or dispersed coastal systems. The tourism profile of Cáceres supports this case selection. It is the most visited destination in the Spanish region of Extremadura, with an annual volume of around 305,000 to 342,000 tourists between 2016 and 2018 and a city population below 100,000; the average monthly tourist-to-resident ratio remained between roughly 26% and 30%, indicating an absence of overtourism (
Jurado-Rivas & Sánchez-Rivero, 2019). Crucially for the interpretation of post-pandemic attitudes, Cáceres is a predominantly domestic destination: in the years before the pandemic, foreign visitors represented less than 20% of total arrivals (
Jurado-Rivas & Sánchez-Rivero, 2019), a structural feature consistent with the heavily domestic composition of the present sample.
The case of Cáceres contributes to the literature in four specific ways:
It focuses on an inland UNESCO World Heritage city in the Iberian Peninsula, namely a medium-sized cultural destination with a predominantly domestic visitor profile.
Fieldwork was conducted in March 2023, after public-health restrictions had been lifted, making it possible to observe post-pandemic attitudes beyond the immediate effects of regulation.
The analysis is based on 421 face-to-face surveys, with a sampling error of ±4.8% at the 95% confidence level under a simple random sampling assumption.
It places willingness to pay (WTP) for sustainable services at the core of the analysis in order to identify which visitor profiles are most likely to accept sustainability-related price premiums.
On this basis, the article pursues four objectives: (O1) to measure the intensity of self-perceived behavioural change attributable to the pandemic; (O2) to identify which destination types tourists perceive as most affected by COVID-19; (O3) to analyse how tourists think the pandemic influenced sustainability objectives; and (O4) to evaluate whether the pandemic altered tourists’ WTP for more sustainable services.
Beyond its empirical focus, the study seeks to clarify whether post-pandemic support for sustainability in heritage tourism should be read primarily as a residual effect of health-related risk aversion or, instead, as an expression of broader value orientations and confidence in destination governance. This distinction matters for how heritage cities design post-pandemic management strategies. If sustainable preferences are mainly fear-driven, they may fade quickly once normality returns; if they are linked to trust, values and perceived institutional credibility, they may provide a more durable basis for destination transformation.
The remainder of the article is organised as follows.
Section 2 develops the theoretical framework and presents the hypotheses;
Section 3 explains the methodology;
Section 4 reports the results;
Section 5 discusses the findings;
Section 6 presents the conclusions and policy implications; and
Section 7 outlines the main limitations and avenues for future research.
5. Discussion
The results support the four hypotheses, although their contribution lies less in identifying unexpected behavioural patterns than in clarifying how post-pandemic sustainability attitudes take shape in an inland heritage destination once sanitary restrictions have disappeared. First, self-perceived behavioural change was minimal (H1): all P14 means remained below 2.0 on the five-point scale (
Table 3), which suggests that the behavioural legacy of COVID-19 had largely faded by the time of fieldwork. Second, natural parks (92.6%) and rural destinations (84.1%) were perceived as the spaces most affected by pandemic-related demand reallocation, followed by World Heritage Cities (77.4%) and coastal destinations (73.9%) (H2). Third, 54.9% of respondents perceived the pandemic as having accelerated sustainability mainly through greater awareness among firms and public institutions, whereas only 8.6% attributed that effect primarily to tourists themselves (H3).
Finally, stated WTP appeared relatively resilient: 62.7% maintained their previous willingness to pay and 26.1% increased it despite the inflationary context (H4). These findings suggest that the post-pandemic sustainability debate in heritage tourism should not be reduced to lingering health-related caution; it is better interpreted through the interaction of destination governance, perceived credibility and value-based support for a sustainable transition.
These results nuance part of the international literature. In Asian contexts, where restrictions lasted longer and risk governance was more visible in everyday life, studies reported more persistent behavioural adaptations.
Bae and Chang (
2021) observed sustained support for “untact” tourism in South Korea, and
Luo and Lam (
2020) found significant travel anxiety around travel-bubble destinations in Hong Kong. The Cáceres case, by contrast, suggests a rapid dissipation of health fear once legal restrictions disappear and domestic mobility resumes. This contrast may be partly explained by the overwhelmingly domestic composition of the sample, by the shorter duration of restrictive measures in the observed phase and by the symbolic familiarity of a heritage city visited mainly for culture, leisure and gastronomy rather than for high-contact nightlife or long-haul travel.
The contribution of the Cáceres case is not simply to confirm that education is associated with stronger support for sustainability, a pattern already documented in previous research, but to show how that support is interpreted and articulated in a specific destination context. In an inland heritage city, where the visitor experience is closely tied to symbolic value, walkability, public-space management and conservation credibility, sustainable attitudes appear to depend not only on individual predispositions but also on the perceived capacity of institutions and local actors to translate sustainability into tangible and trustworthy practices. This contextualised reading matters for heritage destination management, because it suggests that post-pandemic sustainability is not a generic market preference but a destination-specific relationship between values, trust and governance.
These findings should, however, be read in light of the sample composition. Because 94.3% of respondents were domestic visitors, the rapid normalisation observed in Cáceres may partly reflect the behaviour of domestic post-pandemic travel rather than a pattern that generalises across all UNESCO heritage destinations. Caution is therefore needed when extrapolating these results to cities that depend more heavily on international or long-haul demand.
The main theoretical contribution is to read the findings through a combination of the TPB and VBN, as a way of interpreting—rather than demonstrating—why a decline in perceived health risk need not weaken support for sustainability. From a TPB perspective, lower perceived contagion risk reduces the salience of the restrictive attitudes and subjective norms associated with sanitary caution. From a VBN perspective, biospheric values and personal norms can continue to support environmentally responsible choices even after the health emergency has faded. Relatively resilient WTP may therefore reflect a shift from risk-avoidance motives to value-based and governance-mediated ones, a reading consistent with
Wilkinson and Coles (
2024). It also resonates with Asian studies in which institutional trust and visible public coordination reinforced support for sustainability-oriented tourism transitions after COVID-19 (
Srisawat et al., 2023). These mechanisms are inferred from the observed pattern of behavioural normalisation and relatively stable WTP, not from direct measurement. The present data establish the descriptive associations reported in
Section 4, whereas attributing those patterns to values, personal norms, institutional trust or governance credibility remains a theoretical interpretation that awaits dedicated measurement.
At the same time, the profile of increased WTP raises an equity issue. Because higher WTP is concentrated among university-educated women, the transition to sustainable tourism cannot rely solely on premium products aimed at affluent, culturally advantaged niches. Otherwise, destinations risk forms of tourism-related green gentrification, in which sustainability becomes associated with more expensive experiences, symbolic distinction and selective accessibility (
Gould & Lewis, 2017;
Nikšić Radić & Dragičević, 2025;
Athira & Prathapan, 2026). For Cáceres and similar destinations, the policy challenge is therefore twofold: to create transparent green premiums that finance conservation and low-impact services, and to design accessible tiers of sustainable consumption so that the ecological transition does not become socially exclusionary.
More broadly, the study suggests that post-pandemic transition in heritage destinations may depend less on exceptional crisis effects than on whether destinations can institutionalise sustainability in credible, socially intelligible and economically acceptable ways. The key issue is not whether COVID-19 changed tourists in a generic sense, but whether the crisis opened a window in which heritage destinations can convert temporary disruption into more durable governance legitimacy, selective willingness to pay and support for conservation-oriented management. This shifts the discussion from a narrow behavioural reading of post-pandemic tourism towards destination governance and sustainable transformation.
7. Limitations and Future Research
This study has six main limitations. First, its cross-sectional design captures attitudes at a single moment and does not allow the temporal stability of post-pandemic normalisation to be verified. Second, WTP is self-reported rather than observed through actual purchasing behaviour, so responses may be affected by social desirability bias. Future studies should employ methods such as discrete-choice experiments, certainty calibration techniques, or the crosswise model to mitigate this limitation. Third, the predominance of domestic tourism limits the transferability of the findings to outbound markets in which COVID-19 restrictions lasted longer or were socially more salient. Fourth, the explanatory power of the logistic model is modest because psychographic variables identified by
J. Li et al. (
2024), including biospheric values, personal norms, environmental self-identity, and trust in governance, were not included in the specification. Fifth, fieldwork was concentrated in a single period (March 2023), so the results may be affected by seasonal bias: the early-spring visitor profile of an inland heritage city need not coincide with that of peak summer or holiday periods, and the observed normalisation cannot be assumed to hold across the whole year. This temporal concentration compounds the composition of the sample, which is strongly domestic (94.3%) and highly educated (52.7% with a university degree); both features are likely to shape the findings on sustainability and willingness to pay, so the estimates should be read as characteristic of this profile rather than as generalisable to all visitors. Sixth, the measurement instrument has limitations of its own: the Block VI battery was not pilot-tested and its dimensionality was not assessed through factor analysis (only the internal consistency of P14 was examined), and willingness to pay was captured as a coarse directional self-report rather than through the monetary contingent-valuation measures used in the authors’ earlier work (
Jurado-Rivas & Sánchez-Rivero, 2019,
2022). Future applications would benefit from a validated, multi-item instrument and from elicitation of actual price premiums.
Future research should therefore advance in three directions. A first avenue for future research would be longitudinal design replicating the survey in 2027–2028 to test whether the normalisation observed in March 2023 remains stable. A second line would compare several European UNESCO World Heritage Cities in order to identify how destination scale, governance and source markets condition sustainable tourism trajectories. A third line would combine stated preferences with behavioural experiments and the psychographic constructs emphasised by
J. Li et al. (
2024), especially biospheric values, personal norms, environmental self-identity, and trust in governance. Such designs would refine the interpretation of post-COVID WTP and clarify whether sustainable tourism in heritage cities can expand beyond highly educated, higher-income market segments.