Raising Children the Yörük Way: Traditional Practices and the Pressures of Modernization in Türkiye

Abstract

Background: This study examines how the Yörük community in Türkiye balances the preservation of traditional childrearing practices with modernization and compulsory schooling. Context: The Yörüks, a historically nomadic Turkic people, possess a distinct cultural identity that centres around oral knowledge transmission, family-based education, and pastoral living. Methods: A qualitative phenomenological approach was used. Data Collection: In-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with 11 Yörük participants selected through purposive sampling. Results: Four core themes were identified: Yörük culture, expectations of children, childrearing practices, and perceptions of schooling. Tensions emerge between traditional responsibilities, gender roles, and modern schooling structures. Conclusions: The study shows that cultural dissonance with the national education system contributes to educational exclusion and identity tension among Yörük children. Theoretical Implications: This study challenges dominant educational paradigms that overlook minority epistemologies and underscores the need to incorporate pastoralist worldviews into inclusive education theory. Practical Implications: It calls for flexible, culturally responsive policies, such as mobile or seasonal schooling and culturally inclusive curricula. Research Implications: Future studies could focus on the longitudinal impacts of modernization on the educational outcomes of pastoral communities or conduct comparative studies with other nomadic groups.

1. Introduction

Problem of the Study: The twenty-first-century Yörüks are a people group of Anatolian descent who live a nomadic or semi-nomadic life in some regions of Central Asia. The cultural accumulation that they have collected over the years visibly separates them from other people groups. The Yörük culture has adopted a lifestyle that is in harmony with nature, characterized by strong personal relationships and a community-based approach that emphasizes collaboration and mutual support (Eröz 1991; Bates 1971). The word ‘Yörük’ is a subject of much etymological discussion. According to Eröz, in history, the words ‘Türkmen’ and ‘Yörük’ have been used interchangeably. The word ‘Yörük’ is derived from the root word ‘yörümek/to walk’ in the Turkish language, which means ‘a nomad who walks and never remains in the same place.’ This term was also used to describe the Türkmen people group, which is of Oghuz descent and settled in Anatolia (Eröz 1991). The Yörük culture, also known as the nomadic culture, is a continuation of the Central Asian Turkish moor culture in Anatolia, with a focus on and settlement in the mountainous regions around the Taurus Mountains, driven by similar geographic and economic reasons (Uslu 2015). The Yörüks developed their tendency to select mountainous regions from a tradition that stretches back to Central Asian Turkish Culture and Shamanism. Mountainous regions help them feel safer and provide the ideal landscape for protecting livestock and raising horses (Seyirci 2003).

This study aims to address a fundamental question: How do traditional practices of nomadic children in Turkey adapt to or resist the pressures of modernization and formal education? This question is crucial because it highlights the tension between preserving nomadic cultures and the state-designed educational process. This research is unique in that it reveals how modernization in Turkey has inadvertently contributed to the cultural marginalization of nomadic communities. Within the literature section, this study offers a culturally grounded perspective to inform discussions on inclusiveness in education in Türkiye, drawing on anthropological, sociological, and educational contexts.

This research will address the cultural incompatibility of the modern education system not only as a practical problem but also as a philosophical and ideological issue. The educational experiences of Yörük children in Turkey will not be limited to spatial access barriers. Cultural and identity fragmentation will also be specifically addressed. It will examine whether the normative and homogeneous structures of education systems in Turkey, Europe, and the world generally exclude cultural diversity in education. It will discuss research findings for all nomads on a global scale. The resistance of local/nomadic communities against the cultural homogenization function of schools is crucial in the context of the principles of inclusiveness in education. Education research in Turkey generally focuses on settled and majority communities. However, this study is significant for amplifying the voices of the invisible Yörüks, its uniqueness, and its contributions to national and international policy.

The nomadic lifestyle is a historical and cultural concept that is not limited to the Yörüks. The Yörüks belong to the twenty-four tribes of the Oghuz Turks, who live in the Central Asian wilderness, and for several reasons, have also settled in Anatolia and Rumelia. The Yörüks, a nomadic tribe, have continued their existence under large empires such as the Selçuklu and Ottoman empires, and have played a significant role in shaping the cultural structure of Anatolia through government housing policies (Durukan and Gülel 2020). Additionally, although these communities have become primarily settled through compulsory housing policies, some of them have continued their nomadic traditions by rearing livestock and have contributed to the spread of Turkish culture. As a result, the Yörüks form a valuable and dynamic part of the Turkish historical culture (Uslu 2015; Doğan and Doğan 2011). Today, the Yörüks primarily reside in the Toros Mountain range in southwestern Anatolia. The central regions with a high Yörük population density include the cities of Antalya, Mersin, Adana, Konya, Karaman, Isparta, Burdur, Denizli, Aydın, İzmir, Manisa, Balıkesir, Uşak, Afyon, Kütahya, and Gaziantep (Ergun 2004).

Historically, the Yörüks settled in Anatolia. They have contributed to the formation of the Turkish identity and formed the cornerstones of society in Anatolia. The nomadic lifestyle of the Yörüks has played a significant role in shaping their education, culture, and social structures. This lifestyle has enabled communities to uphold their traditional values and preserve their cultural identities (Gelekçi 2004). Halbwachs’s (2024) concept of collective memory is important for understanding how individual experiences are reproduced in a social context. The nomadic lifestyle of the Yörük culture directly affects the information collecting, skill development and learning of community values.

The Yörüks belong to the ancient nomadic communities of Anatolia and have maintained a nomadic lifestyle based on seasonal mobility and close contact with nature throughout their history. However, especially during the post-republican period, with the establishment of the nation-state, compulsory settlement policies and the expansion of modern public services (education, health, transportation), this lifestyle has undergone a significant transformation. The process of transition to sedentary life, which has accelerated since the mid-20th century, has brought about not only a spatial but also a cultural and social transformation. The traditional economic activities of the Yörüks, such as animal husbandry and handicrafts, have changed, adapting to the new conditions of the modernisation process. In this sense as Featherstone stated (2000), archives and cultural practices should not be seen merely as repositories of the past but as dynamic mechanisms that actively sustain cultural identity and continuity. Animal husbandry, particularly goat and sheep farming, remains the primary source of income for many Yörük families. Similarly, handicrafts such as carpet and rug weaving continue to exist as an expression of cultural identity and contribute to the economy (Yunus Emre Yörük Türkmen Derneği n.d.). This transformation has not been limited to economic practices; it has also profoundly affected elements such as knowledge transfer, social roles and cultural belonging. It has also weakened social solidarity networks. Pfeifer’s (2015) approach to the transformation of the tent as a symbolic rupture points to the cultural dimension of this historical change. Although the majority of Yörüks are now settled, a small number of nomadic families continue to exist (Joshua Project n.d.). One of the most visible effects of this historical and cultural transformation is reflected in the Yörüks’ approach to and participation in education.

The transmission of traditional knowledge in this community typically occurs through spoken culture and personal experience. Education aims to help individuals address the daily issues they face and adapt to their environment (Toros 2018). Today, education policies in regions with a high Yörük population should consider the cultural heritage of these communities to help protect local identity and promote sustainable development. The traditional lifestyle, understanding of education, and the way the Yörüks view schools are important (Bates 1971).

Education in the Yörük community involves imparting traditional knowledge to children and providing them with practical experience. Children are taught the basics of daily life at an early age. Children need to be in harmony with nature, develop a sense of responsibility, and become individuals who adapt to societal norms and values. Traditionally, education among the Yörüks is not limited to formal schooling but also occurs within the family and through community interaction. However, with modernization and compulsory education, the view that the Yörük children have towards education and their relationship with school has also changed. On one hand, education in school provides the Yörük children with new opportunities, whereas on the other hand, it conflicts with their traditional lifestyle and understanding of education. This situation has resulted in differing views among the Yörük people group, and various approaches to accepting or rejecting school education have emerged (Güneş 2011).

Research gap: A review of studies on Yörük culture and education reveals an ongoing tension between traditional social values and the modern education system. For example, a study conducted by Kale et al. (2023) demonstrates how cultural incompatibility between educators and nomadic Yörük Turkmen families impacts children’s school experiences. The obstacles faced by Yörük children are primarily due to geographical, economic, and cultural differences. Family attitudes also play an important role in the educational process. Yörük families are generally seen as ambivalent about modern education. On the one hand, their desire to continue the traditional way of life, and on the other hand, their belief that their children can benefit from attending school, reveal that they are in a dilemma. This indicates that the Yörük approach to education is not homogeneous, but somewhat shaped by a complex interplay of socio-economic, cultural, and environmental factors.

For pastoral communities such as the Yörüks, education serves not only as a means of transferring knowledge but also as a means of maintaining cultural continuity. The traditional Yörük education system is based on interaction with nature, learning through observation, and the oral transmission of knowledge passed down from elders (Krätli and Dyer 2009). However, modern formal education is often at odds with this cultural learning system, having a centralized and homogenizing structure. For this reason, school is often perceived by Yörük children as a cultural assimilation mechanism; a dichotomy is experienced between education and cultural belonging (Durukan and Gülel 2020). This dichotomy is not unique to Turkey. Studies of Turkana children in Africa also reveal a significant conflict between the pastoralist lifestyle and the modern education curriculum. For example, Ng’Asike (2010) demonstrates that excluding pastoralist knowledge systems from early childhood education leads to cultural alienation in children. According to the findings of Durukan and Gülel (2020), Yoruk families perceive modern education as a threat to their cultural identity, stating that children forget their nomadic heritage when they attend school. The school is not only a place of knowledge transfer, but also a tool for homogenization and identity formation (Ekim 2022). This system, which is incompatible with traditional values, creates a dichotomy between children’s cultural affiliations and school identities. While children attending school are directed towards academic success, they are also alienated from their cultural roots. Yörük families do not accept this situation. According to Weisner (2002), a child’s developmental path is directly related to the extent to which it overlaps with their family’s value system, community structure, and ecological environment. Suppose the educational environment is incompatible with the social and cultural context in which the child lives. In that case, it can lead to outcomes such as low motivation, a sense of not belonging, and academic failure.

In a study conducted in East Africa, Keiper and Rugira (2013) found that pastoralist families experiencing internal conflicts over education adopted alternative community-based models rather than rejecting formal education. Similarly, Ezeala and Mbalisi (2021) highlighted that nomadic communities in Nigeria objected to the exclusion of traditional knowledge systems from the education process, and that this exclusion deepened existing conflicts. UNESCO’s concept of ‘missing learners’ is also important in this context. This term refers to the fact that children from nomadic communities remain ‘invisible’ in the education system. However, this situation is not only due to low school attendance, but also to the system’s insensitivity to these children’s lifestyles (UNESCO 2020).

Objective/Motivation: To date, there has been no comprehensive study examining the school experiences of Yörük children in Turkey. Although Kale and Aslan (2020) conducted an ethnographic study of Yörük Turkmen preschool children (in the Mersin region), this study focused only on the preschool period. It was limited to identifying barriers to access. This study is the first comprehensive study to shed light on the educational status of the Yörük community in Turkey. The education research literature in Turkey is generally dominated by data from settled and majority societies; the study of a relatively marginal and mobile group, such as the Yörüks, will add diversity to the national literature. This unique contextual study may also lead to future studies on nomadic/semi-nomadic groups in Turkey. Additionally, the research findings are also valuable from a practical perspective, as they can inform local education policies directly. Educational planning for the Yörük population in Mersin and surrounding areas will benefit from the results of this study.

Yörük children can face multifaceted educational problems at both structural and cultural levels. The nomadic lifestyle makes school attendance and access difficult; temporary solutions, such as transportation education, are often inadequate (Kale and Aslan 2020). The fact that education policies are often designed for sedentary lifestyles can lead to indifference towards the needs of nomadic communities. Additionally, teachers’ limited knowledge about this lifestyle results in pedagogical incompatibilities and communication difficulties (Ng’Asike 2010). These problems are not only physical, but also due to the lack of cultural representation and pedagogical harmony. The inadequacy of traditional knowledge in the modern education system makes it difficult for Yörük students to relate what they learn in school to everyday life, which reduces their intrinsic motivation to learn (Krätli and Dyer 2009). Cultural deficits in schools make Yörük children feel excluded and disengaged from their education. For girls in particular, gender-based barriers threaten school attendance through factors such as responsibility for household chores and animal husbandry at an early age (Fernández-Giménez et al. 2025)

For Yörük children, inequalities in education extend beyond spatial access issues and are rooted in pedagogical and ideological incompatibilities. The school system often overlooks the voices and experiences of nomadic children, making it challenging to develop effective solutions (Kassahun 2012). The lack of child-centred, ethnographic methods in educational research prevents the development of policies that are sensitive to cultural diversity (Keiper and Rugira 2013). According to Weisner (2002), the more the educational environment overlaps with the social context in which the child lives, the more successful the learning process will be. As this overlap is often not achieved for Yoruk children, cultural discontinuities arise, and dualities emerge during the process of identity construction. The nomadic-settled children in question experience spatial and cultural transitions between their school (modern) and oba (traditional) identities (Ng’Asike 2024).

The fact that nomadic children are often considered ‘missing’ from the education system is not due to their learning disabilities, but instead to the education system’s inability to adapt to their realities (UNESCO 2020). Studies conducted with nomadic families in Kenya, the Turkana in East Africa or Mongolia show similar problems. Distance, transport barriers, curricula insensitive to mobility and bureaucratic obstacles push these children out of the education system (Ng’Asike 2010; Fernández-Giménez et al. 2025; Vasilievna and Dmitrievna 2021). Therefore, this study provides an important example of the complex relationship that pastoralist communities have with education, not only in Turkey but also globally. The extent to which the principles of inclusive education apply to nomadic communities is a critical issue for both national and international education policy.

2. Theoretical Framework

A multi-layered theoretical framework emerges from considering nomadic culture and lifestyles, the expectations of nomads for their children, and their perspectives on education and schooling. Within this theoretical framework, the disciplines of anthropology, sociology of education, cultural studies and migration studies can be used. The literature on these disciplines was reviewed, and a theoretical framework for this research was developed under three main themes, establishing a relationship with the nomads. These are “the conflict between traditional and modern education”, “the impact of family and social structure on education”, and “the resistance shown in the preservation of cultural identity”.

2.1. Conflict Between Traditional and Modern Approaches to Education in Yörük Life

The primary aim of modern education is individual success, conformity to central authority, and standardisation. However, nomadic education is community-based, grounded in experiential learning, and takes place in natural settings. Modernization theory suggests that traditional societies are compelled to adopt modern education as a marker of development. However, as in the case of the Yörüks, this process can lead to the exclusion of local knowledge systems and cultural rupture (Vasilievna and Dmitrievna 2021). Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital can explain the sociological dimension of the conflict between traditional and modern education. According to Bourdieu, schools accept the cultural norms of the dominant class as “natural” and marginalize alternative forms of knowledge (Krätli and Dyer 2009) Based on this theoretical information, it was considered valuable to uncover the perceptions and descriptions of Yörüks about schools in this research.

Yörük education occurs within the family and through social practices as a natural consequence of nomadic life. It includes oral culture, skills passed from master to apprentice, and experiential learning related to living in harmony with nature. From an anthropological perspective, education is the process by which an individual adapts to the culture to which they belong through a process of enculturation. Yörük children learn skills such as animal husbandry, handicrafts, and navigating nature by observing their elders in daily life and applying these skills as they do. In contrast, modern schooling, with its curriculum and disciplined classroom environment, conflicts with the dynamics of nomadic life. While the structural-functionalist perspective in educational sociology views the school as a tool for social integration and modernization, conflict and critical theories suggest that the school can be an institution that imposes the dominant values of a sedentary society. Many nation-states have seen the inclusion of nomadic communities in modern education as a civilizing step but have not designed the content and structure of education to reflect traditional ways of life. In her study, Dyer (2006) collected data from nomadic communities in Kenya and found that the official school curriculum positioned nomadic culture as ‘primitive’ and ‘barbaric’. This way of life was seen as an obstacle to modern education. In nomadic communities, including the Yörüks, schools are seen as an external element that threatens cultural values.

Another conflict between the modern approach to education and traditional Yörük life is evident in schooling practices. Because nomadic Yörük families move at certain times of the year, it is difficult for children to attend a permanent school without interruption. Because nomadic families do not stay in one place, their children do not receive sufficient benefits from schools. As Yörük families do not have an official address, they also face bureaucratic obstacles to registering and attending school. In this situation, which can be described as an institutional incompatibility in the sociology of education, the state education system and the Yörük way of life do not align. As a result, Yörük children have to adapt to the schools of the settled order, but this situation often leads to conflicts between traditional and modern approaches to education (Dyer 2001).

Another dimension of the conflict concerns the content and ideology of education. Modern school curricula focus on the history, language, and values of the settler society, and Yörük knowledge and life skills are not represented in these curricula (Shahbazi 2001). Studies in the sociology of education describe this situation as the hidden curriculum. In line with Hall’s (2023) argument, the question of whose heritage is being represented remains central, since heritage is never neutral but tied to struggles over identity and power. Education and schools, in choosing what knowledge is valuable, actually reflect the dominant culture and make other ways of life invisible. As Flinn (2007) emphasizes community archives can therefore serve as a vital counterbalance by preserving local histories and making marginalized experiences visible. Yörük children find no trace of their own culture in schools; textbooks contain no content on nomadic practices or Yörük history.

Migration studies emphasize that education must consider the living conditions of nomadic groups to be successful. It is emphasized that flexible solutions such as distance education should be adopted so that distance and calendar do not hinder education (Ayiro and Sang 2016). In recent years, it has been emphasized that distance education opportunities are a valuable resource for Yörük children. Some Yörük children, although unable to attend formal schools regularly, try to attend classes via mobile phones during their migration journeys. Such innovative approaches aim to soften the rigid form of modern education and make it more compatible with traditional life.

2.2. The Impact of Family and Social Structure on Education Among Yörüks

For Yörüks, the family is more than a structure within which individuals are raised; it is the basic institution through which cultural values and heritage are transmitted. According to Social Identity Theory, an individual’s identity is defined by their membership in a group (Tajfel and Turner 1986). The knowledge, skills, and values learned within the family and society shape both the individual’s social skills and their perceptions of school. In Cultural Transmission Theory, cultural information is transmitted through oral culture, observation and experience (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1982). Based on this theoretical information, this study explores how Yörük culture is perceived today and what Yörüks expect from their children during their lives and education.

Among the Yörüks, family and kinship have a direct influence on children’s education. Yörük families tend to have an extended family structure, and not only the parents but also elders such as grandfathers and grandmothers and other members of the tribe play a role in the child’s upbringing. This traditional social environment acts as a ‘school’, transmitting social values, professional skills and cultural norms to the child. In the context of the sociology of education, Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner 2000) posits that the family, the immediate environment, society, and cultural layers collectively shape the child’s education.

The economic dynamics of the Yörük and the division of labour within the family determine children’s participation in education. In nomadic life, children are involved in the family’s productive activities from an early age, taking on tasks such as herding animals, pitching tents, milking and cooking. The need to carry out these vital activities means that schooling is easily abandoned. If a child is at school all day, there is no one to work in the family business in their place. School absenteeism is a common problem. Conflict theorists in the sociology of education emphasize that there is a conflict of interest between the school and the family, and that the family’s economic demands interfere with the child’s education. Kale and Aslan’s (2020) study found that socio-cultural barriers play as much of a role in the education of Yörük children as spatial barriers. The main barriers identified were the distance of families’ tents from the school, parents’ low level of education, and teachers’ limited knowledge about nomadic life.

In some studies on settled Yörük families (Dural 2018), it is noted that Yörüks are more economically comfortable in a settled life and are pleased that their children attend school regularly. When this issue is evaluated in the context of migration sociology, it becomes apparent that nomadic families develop partial settlement strategies due to educational considerations. Some Yörük families stay close to the village during the winter to ensure their children’s education and then migrate back to the highlands in the spring. In this way, Yörük life changes with the seasons, both in terms of nomadism and ensuring that children are in school for at least part of the year. This semi-nomadic strategy is the most concrete example of the family’s efforts to adapt to education.

Gender roles and patriarchal values are an important dimension influencing Yörük families’ views on their children’s education. The division of labour between women and men is sharp among the Yörüks. While women do the work in and around the tent, men tend animals and manage external relationships. This lifestyle can also lead to differences in the importance placed on education for girls and boys. Many families are reluctant to send their girls beyond primary school. It is believed that the skills girls need to learn within the family (e.g., dairy production, weaving) are not taught in school and that prolonged education will lead to an undesirable delay in the pre-marital period. Yörük girls who attend school may be exposed to new ideas about gender equality and career goals in the school environment. However, the role expected of them within the family is clear, and this situation creates both tensions within the family and dilemmas in the decision to continue girls’ education (Durukan and Gülel 2020; Kale and Aslan 2020).

The attitudes of their social environment can significantly influence the experiences of Yörük children at school. Yörüks instil a strong sense of belonging in their children; the child places their tribe and culture at the centre of their identity. However, the teachers and settled peers they meet at school may not always be sensitive to this cultural background. Kale and Aslan’s (2020) study highlights that teachers’ limited understanding of the nomadic lifestyle makes it difficult for children to adjust to school. Unless effective communication can be established between teachers and Yörük families, there is no basis for working together to support the child’s academic success. In addition, the prejudices of sedentary students against their nomadic peers (for example, excluding them as “children from the village who dress differently”) can also lead to Yörük children becoming disillusioned with school. Yörük children try to reconcile the values of their own families with the expectations of school and settled society.

The literature on migration studies shows that the ecocultural approach examines the development and education of children in ecological (environmental, spatial) and cultural contexts and is based on the unique conditions of each family (Weisner 2002). This study aimed to understand the Yörük culture and the expectations that Yörük parents have of their children. Thus, to understand the educational process of Yörük children, the migration cycle of families, economic livelihood strategies, and beliefs and values were evaluated together. Based on the findings of this study, educational policies can be designed to include the children of Yörük families, taking into account their ecocultural reality.

2.3. Resistance and Cultural Identity Preservation in Yörüks

According to Acculturation Theory, groups develop four strategies in response to cultural interaction: integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization (Berry 1997). The Yörüks mostly follow the ‘separation’ strategy; while maintaining their traditional way of life, they participate in modern education at a minimal level. They show cautious and selective patterns of participation in school. Postcolonial approaches, on the other hand, argue that education is not only a field of knowledge transfer but also an instrument of cultural hegemony. The centralized curricula of the education system devalue the forms of knowledge production of marginalized communities. This creates a ground that legitimizes the Yörüks’ cultural resistance to school (Taksami 2017).

The first mechanism of resistance is that some Yörük families adapt at least to the demands of the education system and try to maintain their culture. Even Yörük families that send their children to school try to teach Yörük culture at home and keep it alive in their everyday lives. For example, although the children learn official Turkish at school, they continue to learn Yörük dialect features at home. Although they listen to modern history stories at school, in the evenings they hear their own Yörük stories or the migration stories of their ancestors told by their grandfathers. In this way, Yörük children receive a two-way education. In addition to the formal curriculum of the school, the informal cultural transmission of the family continues. In the anthropological literature (Çelik 2016), this situation is assessed as dual socialization. Yörük children form their identity by building a bridge between two different ‘worlds’. While they become part of the national identity on the one hand, they internalize the values associated with being Yörük on the other. Although this dual affiliation sometimes creates identity confusion in children, it has become a source of enrichment for many Yörük youth.

It should also be emphasized that resistance does not always manifest itself harmoniously. When Yörük identity is ignored or devalued in the educational process, more contradictory forms of resistance emerge. Yörük families do not send their children to school. There is a fear that “if a child studies, he or she will be separated from us”. One of the reasons literacy rates remain low in nomadic communities is the perception that education will alienate children from their families and cultures. Situations such as young people attending school, moving to the city instead of staying in the village, and choosing occupations other than their ancestral ones are seen as losses in terms of Yörük culture continuity (Çelik 2016). As explained by the theory of cultural capital in the sociology of education (Bourdieu 1986), the difference between the cultural codes rewarded by the school and those owned by the Yörük families forces children to make a choice. If a Yörük young person succeeds in school, they may perceive their family’s lifestyle as ‘backwards’; conversely, their academic success may decline as they try to remain true to their culture. This dilemma sometimes leads to resistance in young people, manifesting as dropping out of school or not pursuing higher education.

Resistance to the preservation of local culture is not only individual but also collective (Akın 2022). As Kirchberg (2016) notes, museum sociology highlights how exhibition practices and modes of representation are socially embedded, offering critical insights into the ways cultural resistance is displayed and negotiated. In recent years, Yörük associations, federations, and local initiatives have become active in preserving the cultural heritage. These civil society organisations organise festivals, celebrations, and panels to make the Yörük identity visible and pass it on to younger generations. These organizations also have some initiatives in the field of education. For example, proposals are being made to include Yörük culture in the school curriculum through elective courses, to provide scholarships and housing assistance for Yörük children, and to offer cultural sensitivity training for school administrators in regions where nomadic families are concentrated. In this context, the resistance of the Yörüks can be interpreted not as a complete rejection of the school, but as a demand to transform the school in a way that includes their own culture (Neyzi 2019).

In assessing the issue of resistance, it is also necessary to evaluate the status of state policies. Since its foundation, the Republic of Turkey has sought to settle the nomadic groups and has implemented various settlement policies to achieve this goal. Most of these policies involved the gradual settlement of Yörük people in villages or towns, as well as the education of their children by sending them to boarding schools. These harsh assimilationist methods used in the past have now been replaced by approaches based on voluntarism; however, it can be said that legal regulations specific to the Yörük lifestyle are still lacking (E. Yörük 2022).

3. Materials and Methods

In this section, the research rationale, questions, research approach, model participants, data collection tool, process, analysis, and validity and reliability of the analysis are presented.

3.1. Rationale and Research Questions

The country’s sedentary social structure has largely shaped education policy in Turkey. The relationship between the Yörük, who continue their nomadic or semi-nomadic lifestyle, and education, cultural continuity, and identity construction offers a unique field of study. The tension between the homogenising structure of the modern education system and the Yoruk education, based on experience and interaction with nature, extends not only to the individual level but also to the social and cultural levels. It is therefore important to examine in depth the Yörük understanding of education, their expectations of children and their perspective on the concept of school. There is a scientific need for this evaluation, both in terms of implementing the principle of inclusivity in education and in developing new approaches from the perspective of cultural pluralism. In this context, the research questions were defined as follows:

Research Questions:

• What are the fundamental dynamics of the Yörük culture and the effects of these dynamics on the understanding of child education?
• How do the Yörüks’ expectations from children, the issues they value when raising children, and their views on the concept of school interact and conflict with the modern education system?

As presented in the introduction and theoretical framework of this research, studies on the relationship between pastoral communities, such as the Yörüks, and education in the international literature have primarily focused on the geographies of Africa and Central Asia. There is a severe lack of representation in Turkey. The existing literature primarily addresses the challenges faced by nomadic groups in accessing education, focusing on spatial access and logistical barriers, but does not sufficiently examine deeper structural issues, such as cultural identity, forms of knowledge transfer, and the interaction between local knowledge systems and modern education. In this context, this study on the Yörük culture axis has reopened the educational experiences of pastoralist communities for discussion within the framework of concepts related to cultural resistance, identity negotiation processes, and the lack of cultural adaptation in education. This situation has the potential to challenge the conceptual limitations of the international literature. It is also expected to contribute to discussions on how educational policies can incorporate cultural diversity based on the unique experiences of nomadic groups. Thus, this research will provide a Turkey-centred critical perspective on universal academic debates, such as cultural sustainability, inclusive education, and identity politics.

3.2. Research Design

Qualitative research methods are particularly well-suited for understanding traditional and oral communities, such as the Yörük culture. The qualitative method aims to explore in depth the experiences, perspectives and cultural context of the participants. As this study aims to explore the Yörük community’s approaches to their own culture and childrearing, a qualitative approach focused on understanding their views and experiences was the most appropriate choice. As information in traditional Yörük culture is mainly oral, qualitative techniques such as interviews are effective in capturing this cultural richness. In this way, the reasons, beliefs, and feelings behind the Yörüks’ approaches to culture and child rearing were assessed, together with the socio-cultural context in which they were situated (Creswell 2013).

The study used a phenomenological design. Phenomenology is a qualitative research design that examines how a phenomenon is experienced and understood by individuals. This approach allows us to understand participants’ worlds from their perspectives by focusing on their lives. In the Yörük culture, phenomena such as child rearing and school attendance are shaped by each individual’s own life experiences. As the phenomenological design aims to understand these individual experiences in depth, it is an appropriate choice to uncover Yörük families’ perceptions of the concept of school and the personal/cultural factors that influence these perceptions. Thus, through phenomenology, the meanings of the concepts of ‘Yörük’, ‘child education’ and ‘school’ were comprehensively explored based on the language and experiences of the participants (Creswell 2013).

3.3. Participants

The participants in the study consist of 11 individuals who live within the Yörük culture and have experience in understanding child education and school. The candidates were selected through purposive sampling. Purposive sampling is a sampling method where candidates who can provide the best answers to the research questions, having the necessary knowledge and experience, are selected. During the selection process, the following factors were considered: the candidates belonged to the Yörük culture and had experience in child education and schooling (See

Table 1. Candidate’s characteristics.

Codes	Gender	Age
C(1)	Male	43
C(2)	Female	36
C(3)	Female	58
C(4)	Male	50
C(5)	Female	29
C(6)	Female	34
C(7)	Male	67
C(8)	Male	38
C(9)	Female	75
C(10)	Female	32
C(11)	Female	46

).

3.4. Semi-Structured Interview Form and Procedure

Semi-structured in-depth interviews were used as a data collection tool. During the interviews, open-ended questions such as “What are the most important values in raising your child?” or “What does the concept of school mean to you?” were used to encourage the participants to explain the topic based on their own experiences. The semi-structured interview form used in the study comprises a total of 14 questions, aiming to gather demographic information about the participants and their perspectives on Yoruk culture and child education. The form is divided into two parts. Part A consists of three closed-ended questions, including demographic information such as the participant’s age, gender, and number of children. Part B consists of 11 open-ended questions and aims to understand in depth the participants’ views on issues such as Yörük culture, daily life, approaches to child rearing, their perspective on the concept of school, their expectations of schools (separately for girls and boys), their aspirations for additional benefits, their participation in parent-teacher meetings and whether they help children with their homework. Both the socio-cultural characteristics of the participants and their perspective on education can be analyzed in this form. During the development of the interview form, relevant literature was reviewed, and the questions were structured accordingly. To ensure the content validity of the questions, expert opinions were sought from an educational sociologist and a language education expert. Additionally, a pilot application was conducted with two participants to test the comprehensibility and applicability of the form, and necessary adjustments were made based on the feedback received. This process ensured that the data collection instrument was both rich in content and applicable in the field.

Ethical approval was obtained prior to conducting the study. Ethical approval was obtained from the Ethics Committee of the European University of Lefke, Cyprus, on 18 November 2024, and the number of this document is BAYEK050.15. As the data were collected from human participants, they were collected by the fundamental principles of research ethics (autonomy, beneficence, nonmaleficence, and justice) (Orb et al. 2001). Informed consent was obtained from participants prior to data collection. Each participant was informed about the purpose of the study, how it would be conducted, what kind of information would be requested from them, and the possible risks and benefits. It was emphasized that participation in the study was entirely voluntary, and participants were informed that they had the right to withdraw at any time or not to answer the questions. As part of the consent process, participants also allowed the interviews to be recorded and acknowledged that these recordings would be used solely for scientific purposes (Orb et al. 2001).

Each interview lasted an average of 45 to 60 minutes and was conducted in the participants’ natural environment. Conducting the interviews in the participants’ homes or in the spaces where they lived their daily lives made them feel more comfortable and secure. This reduced the anxiety that an external environment can cause, especially among the Yörüks, a traditional community, and elicited more sincere responses.

During the interview process, great effort was taken to maintain cultural sensitivity. The researcher-built rapport with the participants by respecting the values and communication style of the Yörük culture. Respectful language was used when addressing and interacting with older participants, in particular, and careful language was employed when asking questions about family and social values. Before the interviews began, the research purpose was explained to the participants simply and understandably to create an environment of trust. It was emphasized that participants would not be judged in any way for their answers, and they were encouraged to be honest and open (Brinkmann and Kvale 2015). All interviews were recorded with the participants’ permission using a voice recorder and then transcribed in full. Transcribing the recordings ensured that no details were omitted and that the data analysis included the views expressed in the participants’ own words.

3.5. Content Analysis

The qualitative data was analyzed using the content analysis method. Content analysis involves the systematic coding of data, categorization and the process of revealing meaningful themes. First, the interview transcripts were carefully read to ensure familiarity with the data. Then the texts were examined paragraph by paragraph, and important expressions were labelled as codes. These codes were compared and grouped according to their similarities and relationships, thus identifying recurring themes and sub-themes. For example, if the values that participants emphasized in parenting were repeated with similar expressions, they were grouped under a theme such as ‘values in parenting’. An inductive approach was used in the coding process, and themes were derived directly from the data (Tisdell et al. 2025).

To ensure consistency in coding, the data were analyzed by multiple researchers. The researchers initially coded the data independently and then met to compare codes and candidate themes; any inconsistencies were discussed, and a consensus was reached. This process increased the reliability of the analysis between the researchers and helped to control subjectivity. The identified themes were finally defined and named, and presented in the findings section with quotes from participants. Content analysis helped answer the study’s research questions by transforming the raw data into a more understandable and interpretable form (Tisdell et al. 2025).

3.6. Reliability and Validity

Several strategies were used to ensure validity and reliability in qualitative research. First, non-leading, open-ended questions were preferred in the interviews to minimize researcher bias. In this way, participants were not influenced by the researcher’s expectations, as they provided answers based solely on their own experiences and thoughts. Secondly, researcher triangulation (where multiple researchers review the data) was carried out during data analysis and the verification of findings. Having more than one researcher review the data and codes and agree on the findings ensured that the interpretations were not limited to one subjective person’s perspective. Thirdly, care was taken to verify the results obtained by the participants. As part of the participant verification process, the basic findings extracted from each participant’s data were shared with them, and they were asked to provide feedback on whether their interpretations had been correctly understood. Participants’ confirmation that the researcher had correctly interpreted their statements increased the validity of the study (Tisdell et al. 2025).

In addition, the diversity of the sample also supported the credibility of the study. Including people of different ages (from 29 to 75) and genders (male/female) in the study provided a wide range of perspectives on child education and school perceptions in the Yörük culture. The shared experiences of participants with different socio-demographic characteristics on similar issues strengthened the consistency of the findings. Additionally, each stage of the research process was meticulously documented, and an audit trail was maintained to ensure transparency and accountability. Interview transcripts, code lists, theme definitions and decision notes were kept to ensure that the research was transparent enough to be reviewed by external auditors if necessary. Taken together, these strategies ensured that the study’s findings were both reliable and valid. The necessary steps were taken to meet the criteria of consistency (dependability) and credibility expected in qualitative research (Creswell 2013).

By the principles of confidentiality and privacy, the identities of the participants were protected. Real names were not used when analyzing and reporting the data; instead, each participant was assigned a code or pseudonym (e.g., C(1), C(2), …). The records and transcripts obtained were only accessible to the research team and were not shared with third parties. When reporting the findings, individual statements were quoted anonymously, and no personal information was included that would directly identify any participant. This approach ensured the confidentiality of the participants and allowed them to participate in the research with a sense of peace of mind. Finally, honesty and academic ethics were observed throughout the research; data were processed and stored objectively, and the results were reported without any conflict of interest. Thanks to these ethical measures, the study ensured that it met high ethical standards in terms of both scientific integrity and participant rights.

4. Results

The interviews conducted with the Yörük candidates were analyzed and evaluated under the four themes of “Yörük culture”, “the expectations Yörüks have of their children”, “the factors they pay attention to when raising children” and “the concept of school for the Yörüks”.

4.1. Yörük Culture

Upon analysis of the statements made by the Yörüks, the Yörük Culture was separated into four subheadings:

The findings regarding the Yörük culture, as presented in

Table 2. Themes and sub-themes of the Yörük culture.

1. Nomadic Lifestyle and Animal Husbandry

Traditional Nomadic Lifestyle

Central Role of Animal Husbandry

Going to Bed Early and Waking Up Early

Seasonal Difficulties

Housework

Caring for Children and Grandchildren

Old Age and Health Issues

2. Modernization and Change

Cultural Change and Modernization

Cultural Worry

3. Durability and Productivity of the Yörük Culture

Production of Milk and Dairy Products

Willingness and Energy to Work

Productivity and Independence

Being Self-sufficient

4. Community Connection and Family

Family and Society Dynamics

Cultural Heritage and Family Traditions

, indicate that the Yörük lifestyle is multifaceted and dynamic. The discussions made under each of these categories will help understand the basic components of the Yörük culture and how it has modernized:

1. 

Nomadic Lifestyle and Animal Husbandry

This category presents the traditional lifestyle and financial incomes of the Yörük people. Nomadic life is the backbone of the Yörük culture. It plays a massive role in both financial income and shaping the community structures. These individuals work in animal husbandry, utilizing livestock for both consumption and trade.

• Traditional Nomadic Lifestyle: Candidates C(2), C(3), C(6), C(9), and C(11) stated that the Yörük people lived a nomadic life and were involved in animal husbandry. These candidates shared that during the summer, they took their livestock out into the fields to graze, producing milk and dairy products. C(9) stated that Yörüks were the last community to be affected by civilization, describing that this nomadic lifestyle has deep roots:

“Yörüks were the last to be civilized. They travel from place to place. They take care of livestock. They live in tents and do not have houses. Because when they move, they cannot carry a house with them. They walk everywhere.” C(9).

• Central Role of Animal Husbandry: Many candidates stated that their days were spent caring for their sheep and goats (C1, C3, C4, C5, C7). C(1) and C(11) noted that sheep and goat breeding played a central role in the Yörük lifestyle. Animal husbandry and farming, which are the primary sources of income for nomadic communities, also significantly influence their dietary habits. Studies show that this lifestyle results in the consumption of dairy products, meat, and grains. This is evaluated as being the result of both a financial necessity and adaptation to the environment. Products such as milk, cheese and butter obtained from livestock are the primary income of Yörüks:

“The Yörük culture has a long line of ancestry. We are now tired out. We had livestock. Some of them were diseased and died, and we sold some of them. We have now built a home and do various daily tasks. I have a few remaining livestock and use their milk. I make yoghurt and cheese.” C(11).

• Going to Bed Early and Waking Up Early: This aspect shows that the Yörük people are in harmony with nature, disciplined and have a healthy lifestyle. The physical necessities of a nomadic lifestyle have made this way of life compulsory. Waking up in the early hours of the morning to feed the livestock and then going to bed early is one of the aspects of Yörük culture:

C(7): We wake up at dawn. We care for our livestock and children. We get tired and fall asleep early.

• Seasonal Difficulties: The seasonal difficulties faced by the Yörük people directly affect their survival strategies, work distribution, and economic activities. During the winter, it is more challenging to care for livestock and find food. During the summer, they have different routines as their grandchildren are often around:

C(10): The grandchildren are home in the summer, and they help with the housework. During the winter, they go to school. Winter is more difficult for us. The sheep like the cold; however, we have to buy food during the winter, and that is expensive. It is really difficult if you don’t have the money.

• Housework: In the traditional lifestyle, a visible work distribution among the family members is observed. Women generally stay at home and do household chores. Their duties include cooking and baking bread (C3, C4, C5):

C(5).We teach the girls how to do household chores, cook, milk the livestock, make cheese, and bake bread. We teach the boys how to take care of the livestock.

• Caring for Children and Grandchildren: The distribution of work and respect towards the elderly are the fundamental aspects that shape the social texture of Yörük family culture. Candidates state that during the summer, the grandchildren are home and that the women must care for the children:

C(7). We wake up at dawn. We care for our livestock and children. We get tired and fall asleep early.

• Old Age and Health Issues: Old age is recognised as a crucial factor in ensuring the continuity of culture. As age advances, physical difficulties and health issues increase, and this results in the workforce being passed on to other members of the family:

C(9). I am getting old and my arms hurt now. They don’t make me do a lot of work. My daughter-in-law’s children and grandchildren do the work. When they milk the livestock at night, I take the milk and make cheese.

2. 

Modernization and Change

This category shows how the traditional Yörük life is modernizing:

Cultural Change and Modernisation: The Yörük people can sometimes be sensitive and sometimes resistant towards modernization. This is due to their belief that the traditional lifestyle must be protected. C(4) and C(5) state that the Yörüks have undergone changes over time and have modernised. They said that the Yörük people, who used to live in tents, have now moved into houses and drawn away from their traditional lifestyles. C(5) also stated that Yörük people used to be socially ostracised and that this has affected their relationships with society:

C(5): “We are all Yörük, but we have changed. My dad always tells us that our grandparents used to live in tents. Now everyone has their own house. Was this the case in the olden days? Apparently, everyone didn’t have their own tent. They had one big tent to share. My grandfather took care of the livestock. His brothers were younger and couldn’t take care of the livestock on their own, so he went with them. People didn’t like the Yörük community. My grandfather couldn’t marry the girl he liked because he was a Yörük.”

• Cultural Concern: Modernisation has led the Yörük people to worry about losing their traditional values. This concern fuels their desire to protect their community and cultural heritage. Candidates such as C(11) highlighted the difficulties of the traditional Yörük lifestyle and its changes. They spoke about the difficulties of rearing livestock and the economic difficulties of modern life:

C(11): “The Yörük culture has a long line of ancestry. We are now tired out. We had livestock. Some of them were diseased and dies, we sold some of them. We have now built a home and do various daily tasks. I have a few remaining livestock and use their milk. I make yoghurt and cheese”.

3. 

Durability and Productivity of the Yörük Culture

Throughout history, Yörüks have been portrayed as a group of people who possess high durability in both cultural and economic contexts, and are highly productive individuals. The traditional nomadic lifestyle has equipped them with the skills to adapt to their environment and develop sustainable economic activities. The productivity of Yörüks becomes especially apparent in their basic economic activity, particularly in animal husbandry. The milk that the Yörüks obtain through animal husbandry becomes both a source of nutrition and an object of trade. Milk and dairy products help Yörük people to sustain their lives and integrate them with wider trade networks, resulting in their economic independence. The willingness to work and energy of the Yörük people have transformed them into a group of individuals with strong work ethics and high productivity. Their work in animal husbandry and farming not only provides them financially but also fosters social solidarity, job allocation, and collective teamwork. These aspects form the structure of Yörük society and is the cornerstone for their cultural resistance. The independent and sufficient approach that the Yörük people have helps them live a self-confident lifestyle. Their efforts to stand on their own feet and have financial independence are an important aspect of the Yörük culture. The fact that the Yörük people have formed a strong economic and social cultural identity proves their success in durability and the sustainability of their community. The durability and productivity of the Yörük culture are important aspects that not only affected their past but also affect their current existence.

• Production of Milk and Dairy Products: Milk is the most valuable product that the Yörüks produce. The production of milk and dairy products forms the basis of the Yörüks’ economic activities. Milking, yoghurt, butter, and cheese are among the important jobs that the women carry out:

C(5): “We teach the girls how to do housework, cook, milk the livestock, make cheese and bake bread…”

C(1): “To be a Yörük means to rear sheep and goat, to live off livestock, to take care of livestock and use their milk, to turn their milk into butter and cheese and eat it…”

• Willingness and Energy to Work: This indicates that the Yörüks possess a strong work ethic and value independence. Some people like C(6) state that continually working is a part of their lives and that they prefer to work without stopping:

C(6): “When we wake up early, our livestock are hungry. They take our goats out to graze. During the summer, there is grass everywhere, making it easy, but it isn’t easy in winter. The goats return, we cook food, eat, milk the goats, take their milk and turn it into a product. It requires much work. It’s difficult to be a Yörük. We could also live in the city if we wanted to; however, this is what our ancestors have done.”

C(7): “We wake up at dawn. We care for our livestock and children. We get tired and fall asleep early.”

• Productivity and Independence: Their commitment to working forms the basis of their cultural resistance and society structures. C(4) states that Yörük people are productive and are sufficient within themselves. The traditional Yörük people make their food, are productive and trade, which is a sign of their cultural endurance:

C(4): “We are not like we were before. We have developed. The original Yörüks lived in tents. Even their food is different. They eat steamed meat, bulgur pilaf and make their bread. They do not eat shop-bought bread like we do. Yörük people are productive.”

• Being Self-sufficient: Yörüks have a mindset of being self-sufficient. This is economically and socially one of their strong cultural aspects. Candidates stated that Yörük people are self-sufficient and can live off the milk and dairy products they produce. This shows that the Yörük people are at one with nature and are self-sufficient:

C(1): “To be a Yörük means to rear sheep and goat, to live off livestock, to take care of livestock and use their milk, to turn their milk into butter and cheese and eat it. You slaughter the animal and eat its meat, so you do not go hungry.”

4. 

Community Connection and Family

Family relationships and social solidarity lay at the heart of the Yörük community structure. As part of their traditional lifestyle, Yörüks not only see their family as an economic entity but also as a cultural and community connection.

• Family and Society Dynamics: Not only shape the individual life, but also the community structure of the Yörük culture. For the Yörüks family, on a micro scale, a structure that allows individuals to lead their lives, and on a macro-scale, a structure where social relationships are healthy and balanced. The strong solidarity and cooperation within the family help individuals overcome difficulties, facilitate a smooth process, and enable harmony within society. For the Yörüks, the family is the primary structure that undertakes important tasks such as educating children, caring for the elderly, and performing traditional roles. Sharing responsibility among family members helps Yörüks cope with the difficulties of their nomadic lifestyle. This collaboration not only takes place within their biological families but also on a clan and village level, and it forms a strong community connection:

C(5): “We are all Yörük, but we have changed. My dad always tells us that our grandparents used to live in tents. Now everyone has their own house. Was this the case in the olden days? Everyone didn’t have their own tent. They had one big tent to share. My grandfather took care of the livestock. His brothers were younger and couldn’t take care of the livestock on their own, so he went with them. People didn’t like the Yörük community. My grandfather couldn’t marry the girl he liked because he was a Yörük.”

• Cultural Heritage and Family Traditions: These traditions protect the Yörük identity and preserve the values they wish to pass on to future generations. Yörüks preserve their cultural heritage and family traditions through oral traditions, rituals, a nomadic lifestyle, and daily practices. The time spent with family is important for teaching traditions and values. Family members internalise the society in which they live and their cultural identities on both individual and communal levels. This is not only a time of education, but it is also compulsory for ensuring cultural sustainability. The Yörük people can preserve their cultural identity by passing down family traditions and structures. To continue their existence, the Yörük people assume the responsibility of passing on their past values, beliefs, and traditions to future generations. This process of passing on their traditions is not only for the continuation of their traditional lifestyle, but it is also important to strengthen their social belonging. Therefore, family ties and the protection of cultural heritage are essential aspects of ensuring the continuation of the Yörük culture.

C(11): “The Yörük culture has a long line of ancestry. We are now tired out. We had livestock. Some of them were diseased and died, we sold some of them. We have now built a home and do various daily tasks. I have a few remaining livestock and use their milk. I make yoghurt and cheese.”

C(6): “When we wake up early, our livestock are hungry. They take our goats out to graze. During the summer, there is grass everywhere, making it easy, but it’s not easy in winter. The goats return, we cook food, eat, milk the goats, and then turn their milk into a product. It requires a lot of work. It isn’t easy to be a Yörük. We could also live in the city if we wanted to however this is what our ancestors have done.”

The themes provided in Table 2 help us gain a deeper understanding of the multidimensional structure of the Yörük culture and how it copes with modernisation. When trying to cope with the difficulties brought on by modernisation in their traditional nomadic and livestock-rearing lives, Yörüks have serious concerns regarding the protection of their cultural values. Additionally, they resist change due to their durability, productivity, and independence. Their family support structure, strong community connections and efforts to pass on cultural heritage are the most crucial factors in keeping the Yörük culture alive. However, modernisation and urbanisation make it increasingly difficult for the Yörük people to maintain their traditional lifestyle. Therefore, the government has a responsibility to help protect and preserve this culture, to raise awareness and support relevant policies.

4.2. Expectations of Yörüks from Their Children

When the Yörük candidates’ interviews were examined, it was evident that the Yörüks have certain expectations for their children, which can be categorized under the themes of commitment to traditional values and identity, contribution to social benefit, family structure and social roles, education and personal success, and resistance to a settled life. These statements highlight the deep roots of the culture and concerns about its preservation. Here is the analysis of these answers:

The expectations of Yörüks regarding their children, as outlined in

Table 3. Expectations of Yörüks for Their Children.

1. Commitment to Traditional Values and Identity

2. Contribution to Social Benefit

3. Family Structure and Social Roles

4. Education and Personal Success

5. Resistance Against a Settled Life

, are crucial for preserving their cultural identity and ensuring social continuity. This table was created based on the statements provided by candidate Yörüks and provides important data about the deep roots of the Yörük culture. The expectations that Yörüks have from their children play a distinctive role in protecting their cultural, economic, and social structure.

1. 

Commitment to Traditional Values and Identity

The first, and perhaps the most important, expectation that the Yörüks have of their children is a commitment to traditional values. This is one of the most fundamental aspects of Yörük culture, playing a crucial role in ensuring cultural continuity. Yörüks want their children to live by the values of their ancestors and to preserve these values, preventing the culture from being revolutionized. This expectation is not only on an individual level but also ensures the continuity of social structure. Protecting the cultural identity of the Yörüks is both a responsibility and a social duty. In this context, children need to adopt traditional values as a means to reinforce their sense of social belonging and pass on the cultural heritage. A commitment to Yörük identity and traditions is at the forefront of many of the candidate answers:

C(6): “Let them not forget their roots. Let them continue this tradition. My grandfather’s grandfather was a Yörük. Let my children and grandchildren continue this tradition.”

C(11): “Let them not sell the livestock and move to the city when their father and I die. Let the same traditions remain.”

C(10): “Let them not forget that they are a Yörük. Let them not migrate to the city.”

C(8). “I will leave them 126 goats. Let them take care of their family with them.”

2. 

Contribution to Social Benefit

Another important expectation that Yörüks have of their children is that they contribute to society. This is an expectation due to the collective structure of the Yörük lifestyle. Family and society are interlinked, and they are expected to contribute to and benefit from each other. Yörüks not only want their children to have individual successes but also to contribute to the development and sustainability of the society in which they live. This expectation helps foster a culture of mutual support and social awareness. Yörüks stated that their expectation of their children was for them to be individuals who benefited society. They state the benefit of contribution and reasonable citizenship expectations:

C(4): “All I want is for my children to be a benefit to society and the nation.”

C(6): “Let them have good morals and all else will fall in place.”

C(5): “Let them study, become a doctor and earn a good wage…”

3. 

Family Structure and Social Roles

For Yörüks, the family is not only a unit of life but also an association where their social structure and roles are defined. Yörüks expect their children to take on family responsibilities and a specific social role within the family. Collaboration within the family is one of the most significant aspects of Yörük culture. For this reason, children are expected to fulfil their responsibilities and behave according to their social roles. Their commitment to the family reinforces their unity and strengthens social solidarity. Dome replies reveal expectations of family structure and social roles. These statements indicate that the children are expected to continue the traditions and marry other individuals who also observe these traditions.

C(3): “I want them to have a good family, house and children.”

C(2): “I want her to be the bride of an uncorrupted Yörük family.”

4. 

Education and Personal Success

Another theme that the Yörüks expect of their children is education and personal success. In addition to protecting traditional values, success in education brought on through modernization is also an expectation. However, their understanding of education is generally shaped by traditional values and is influenced by societal needs. Yörükler see educated children as a tool for personal and community development. For Yörüks, education is not only the key to personal success but also a vital tool for ensuring the continuation of their culture. In this context, children are expected to blend education, traditional values and modern knowledge to help contribute to the development of society. This shows that Yörüks value education and personal success. However, letting children make their own decisions after they are educated shows how much they also value individual freedom:

C(5): “Let them study, become a doctor and earn a good wage…Let them study and save themselves. Then they can get married if they want.”

5. 

Resistance Against a Settled Life

Lastly, another important expectation that Yörüks have from their children is resistance towards a settled life. Yörüks believe that they must protect their nomadic lifestyle and that this must be continued. This is why resisting settled life is seen as a form of cultural defence. Yörüks expect their children to take ownership of this traditional lifestyle and continue this lifestyle regardless of its difficulties. This resistance to settled life is a reflection of the YörüksYörüks’ protection of their identity and cultural values. The statements made by the Yörüks show their resistance against settled life:

C(11): “Let them not sell the livestock and move to the city when their father and I die. Let the same traditions remain.”

C(8), C(10): “Let them not forget that they are a Yörük. Let them not migrate to the city.”

C(2): “Let them continue to live here like their mother and father.”

As a result, the expectations that Yörüks have for their children play a crucial role in protecting their cultural identity and maintaining the community structure. These expectations reflect the strong social connections of the Yörük people, their traditional lifestyles, and the awareness of social responsibility. These expectations that the Yörüks have can be evaluated as a cultural strategy to enable their children to gain individual success and reflect the values of their community.

4.3. Things They Pay Attention to When Raising Children

During the interviews conducted, the aspects that Yörüks pay attention to when raising their children came to light. When the answers were analyzed, these were the categories found:

The analysis of

Table 4. Things Yörüks Pay Attention to when Raising Children.

1. Gender Role Distribution

2. Ethical and Social Values

3. Diligence and Responsibility

4. Random Education

shows the various things that Yörüks pay attention to when raising children. These factors reflect the values, social structure and cultural norms of the Yörük people and play a critical role in enabling social integrity and cultural sustainability. The findings can be discussed as follows:

1. 

Gender Role Distribution

Yörüks have a gender-based division of roles in raising children. This is due to the gender norms in the traditional family structure and the basic operation of society. Male children are generally raised to assume economic and physical responsibilities, such as rearing livestock and contributing to the family income. Girls are often raised to take care of the house and assume responsibilities within the family. This gender-based role distribution illustrates the distinct roles of the Yörük society. For Yörüks, this role distribution is to ensure structural, economic and cultural continuity and is encouraged. However, it is an important research topic to look at how this interacts with the societal gender equality and modern education in today’s society:

C(5): “We teach the girls how to do housework, cook, milk the livestock, make cheese and bake bread. We teach the boys to take care of the livestock.”

C(9): “Girls must be able to take care of their home, husband and children. Boys must know how to work.”

2. 

Ethical and Social Values

Yörüks are very sensitive about teaching their children ethical and social values. Values such as respect, honesty, care and social support play an important role in the education of Yörük children. These values help strengthen the ties that form the core of the Yörük culture. Teaching ethical values creates a cornerstone for individuals to adapt to society. In this context, when raising children, Yörüks not only aim to teach them individual skills but also teach them skills that will help them develop within societal norms. The fact that traditional forms and religious beliefs shape ethical values helps sustain the Yörük cultural heritage. Some answers state how children are raised with ethical values and according to social norms:

C(6): “Let them have good morals and all else will fall in place.”

C(1): “They must be respectful, polite and know their business.”

3. 

Diligence and Responsibility

Yörüks are adamant in teaching their children to be hardworking and take responsibility. The Yörük society rear livestock and farm fields. They train their children to work from a very early age and give them personal responsibilities. This hardworking approach helps raise their children to be physically strong and mentally resilient. Their ability to take responsibility helps them to be effective in society and to continue their cultural values. This is also a reflection of independence in the Yörük culture. Hard work and taking on responsibility are strong factors in the Yörük culture, with the aims of “being productive in society” and “personal development”. Some answers show the importance they put on teaching children to be hardworking and take responsibility:

C(4): “We make sure that they do not try to get out of work. Let them do it properly.”

4. 

Random Education

Another factor that Yörüks emphasize in raising children is the “random education.” This means that the children must be educated within the natural course of life, without being subjected to a specific education system. Yörüks prefer their children to learn through life experiences, observation, and direct interaction. This form of education is vitally important for Yörüks, who have a traditional lifestyle and live in harmony with nature. Random education helps shape them according to the needs of society, enabling children to gain practical skills. However, the effects of this approach on limitations and development stages when compared to modern education systems are worth evaluating. Some answers show that the children learn through observation and traditional methods randomly:

C(11): “They do whatever they see us doing. We don’t try to teach them anything.”

C(9): “I never went to school. My children and grandchildren didn’t either.”

C(7): “We teach our children how to live, not school.”

The aspects that Yörüks consider when raising children are a deep reflection of society structures, cultural norms and economic needs. Gender role distribution, teaching ethical and social values, cultivating awareness of hard work and responsibility, and providing random education are based on the continuation and durability of the Yörük culture. These approaches that the Yörüks have towards their children not only help their individual development but also help protect the social structure and cultural heritage. These aspects lay at the centre of the traditional childrearing methods that Yörüks apply to protect their identity.

4.4. The Concept of School Amongst Yörüks

The statements made by the Yörüks about school offer cultural and social insights. These statements offer valuable insights into how Yörüks perceive the education system, the benefits of education, and the role that education plays in society. Considering the findings, this issue was studied under two main headings in an academic language (See

Table 5. Evaluation of the concept of school amongst Yörüks.

1. Distance and Insufficiency

2. Perspective of the Future

):

1. 

Distance and Insufficiency

It is possible to define the first view that Yörüks have towards the church as “distance and insufficiency.” The statements made by the candidates focusses on the fact that school is not physically or financially accessible. Statements such as “I never went to school. My children and grandchildren didn’t either.” C(9) and “We teach our children how to live, not school.” C(7) shows that for Yörüks, school is not only a physically distant entity but also a socially and culturally distant one. Yörüks, in particular, believe that school is not necessary for education. This can be due to their limited education options and the strong influence of traditional methods of childrearing, which are often incompatible with settled life. Yörüks believe that educating their children can be done through traditional methods and teachings within the family. This viewpoint points to a personal lack of experience with education or a negative perception:

C(9): “I never went to school. My children and grandchildren did not either.”

C(7): “We teach our children how to live, not school.”

C(6): “I never went to school, so I don’t know.”

C(4): “The expenses are high; it would be better if they were cheaper.”

C(5): “My children become ill every time they go to school.”

Additionally, the economic struggles and health issues that schools result in are also one of their complaints. These worries are the other hindrances that prevents them from sending their children to school. The school fees for Yörüks prevent them from sending their children, especially in cases where families have a small income and work in animal husbandry and farming. The health issues that occur at school, results in the Yörüks seeing school as an adverse effect not only on their physical wellbeing but also on the comfort of their children. This causes the concept of school to be distant, not only physically but also practically and emotionally.

2. 

Perspective of the Future

The second category that Yörüks talk about when around the topic of school is “perspective of the future”. The views that the candidates hold for the future suggest that they do not prioritize the social importance of education. However, these views also show a cautious approach to the potential benefits of school. The independence afforded to Yörüks by traditional lifestyles is facilitated through their family practices and experiences, which educate their children.

C(10): “A place where you learn how to read and write.”

C(5): “This is our destiny. Let my children study and have a good life. Let them gain knowledge at school. Let them rescue themselves and be trained in an occupation.”

These findings are important to understand the general approach that Yörüks have towards education and how these approaches are shaped. For Yörüks, education is not yet a social responsibility, but rather an external necessity and an individual and family requirement, rather than a societal norm. So, Yörüks’ views towards school and education are shaped by their deeply rooted traditions and the environment in which they live. The distance they feel toward the education system shows that the current education policies must be made more accessible and culturally adaptable.

The statements that Yörüks made about the concept of school show the presence of societal and cultural obstacles. These obstacles are not only due to the physical distance to school but also to the school’s insufficiency. Their lifestyle and cultural heritage shape the social perspective that Yörüks have towards education, and this shows that a deeper policy regarding schools must be developed

5. Discussion

This study has investigated the deep-seated scars of raising children, education, and social values within the Yörük culture, and how they are shaped in the modern world. The findings have revealed that the Yörük culture has deep traditional roots, and the fundamental aspects of these roots include a strong desire to protect the social structure and cultural identity (Moudouros 2025).

The traditions, cultural values, nomadic lifestyle, and animal husbandry that are part of the Yörüks’ way of life are significantly interacting with modernisation. The nomadic lifestyle is the most visible aspect of their tradition, which shapes their economic and social structure (Akan and Yörük 2015). Additionally, the tension between modernisation and the preservation of traditional values has given rise to a societal concern among the Yörük people. Yörüks are afraid that their traditional lifestyle and cultural identities will be lost in the modern world. This worry motivates them to continue their communal style of living and pass on their cultural heritage (Güneş 2011).

The expectations that Yörüks have for their children encompass a broad scope, including the preservation of cultural heritage and their positive impact on society. These expectations can be viewed as an intentional effort to maintain their community ties and cultural values. The strong solidarity within their family structures helps shape their social roles and foster a sense of responsibility. Children are expected to be committed to their traditional lifestyle and contribute to the continuity of social structure. These expectations are the key factors that reinforce the strong social connections and durability of the Yörük community (Akan and Yörük 2015).

The factors that Yörüks consider when raising children include the distribution of gender roles, teaching ethical values, and instilling a sense of hard work and responsibility. The distribution of gender roles reflects the visible differences in the social structure of the Yörük community. In contrast, the ethical values and awareness of responsibility instilled in children play a crucial role in sustaining society. Informal education is an approach where children learn through experiencing the natural course of life. This method has limitations when compared to modern education methods. However, this approach is effective in teaching children’s practical skills that are needed in their society (S. Yörük 2012).

The approaches towards education and school show differences among the Yörüks. Traditionally, Yörüks compare education with the knowledge they impart within their families and believe that the knowledge taught in schools is insufficient. However, with modernisation, some Yörük families have come to accept education as a means to change the future of their children. They expect personal success and for their children to benefit society through education (Günay and Yörük 2019). The statements made by the Yörüks about the concept of school provide important insights into the accessibility of education and the role that the education system plays in society. The “Distance and Insufficiency” theme reveals that it is both physically and economically challenging for them to access school, and that the Yörüks are attempting to preserve their cultural heritage through traditional educational methods (S. Yörük 2012). This suggests that the approach Yörüks have toward education is shaped by their social values, and they find it challenging to integrate this into modern education systems.

When compared to other studies, the findings on the Yörük culture’s views towards education and school reveal some commonalities and differences. These studies help us understand the similarities and differences between the educational and cultural values of the Yörüks and those of other traditional societies.

i. 

Protecting Traditional Values: With time, Yörüks have transitioned to a more settled lifestyle. However, there are visible differences between the lifestyles of those who continue a nomadic life and those who have settled. These differences are especially evident in their economic activities, such as farming and animal husbandry (Doğan and Doğan 2011). Although moving on to settled life may have resulted in the loss of some cultural traditions, nomadic societies continue to keep their old traditions (Ballıoğlu 2023). Societies such as the Yörüks, which have maintained their traditional values, are concerned about losing their cultural identity and preserving their traditions. The Yörük culture boasts a rich cultural heritage, deeply rooted in its history. The loss of this culture will not only result in the loss of a social identity but also the loss of a cultural connection (Starr 1984). In these societies, parents want their children to remain committed to cultural values and to continue their traditional lifestyle. Yörüks and similar communities expect their children to exhibit resistance to modernization and to continue living a traditional lifestyle, due to their concern about losing social and cultural aspects to modernization (S. Yörük 2012).

ii. 

Gender Role Distribution: Like the Yörüks, many traditional societies also raise their children with gender-based role distributions. Societies that primarily earn a living through farming and animal husbandry tend to raise their daughters to manage household tasks and their sons to provide for the economic income. For example, a study conducted by Savaş (2018) revealed a similar distribution of gender roles among farming families in Turkey. According to the findings of Kandiyoti’s study (Kandiyoti 1977), which was conducted in the past, daughters are expected to take care of the home, while sons are expected to farm and care for the livestock.

iii. 

Approach to Education: The approach that Yörüks have against education is similar to the general education approach of nomadic and semi-nomadic societies. The nomadic lifestyle makes it challenging to obtain a regular and continuous education. It was challenging for them to enrol their children in schools when they were living in tents in the past. The necessity of schooling is often questioned in societies where cultural values are highly regarded and education is typically imparted within families using traditional methods (Kasım 2021). A study conducted by Çakır (2011) shows that semi-nomadic people living in Southeastern Anatolia have a distant approach to education. In these societies, school is limited in teaching basic skills, and they worry that education may harm their traditional lifestyle (Çakır 2011).

iv. 

Modernization and Change: The effect that modernization has on the Yörük society in comparison to the period of change observed in other traditional societies provides similar outcomes. During the time of the Republic of Türkiye, Yörüks lived mostly in the Mediterranean Region. However, the regions where nomads could live become limited with industrialization and urbanization, and this transition transformed highland and wintering cultures into primarily highland cultures (Neyzi 1991). This made it more difficult for nomads to protect their cultural identity (Doğan and Doğan 2011). For example, a study conducted by Sunar (2014) found that the traditional lifestyle has undergone significant changes, which have impacted the community structure of modernized nomadic communities in the Central Anatolia Region of Türkiye. Like the Yörüks, these societies have also had to cope with the economic and social changes in modernization while attempting to preserve their cultural values (Ozoguz 2024).

The view Yörüks have towards child education and schooling is remarkably similar to that of other traditional communities; however, modernization has affected these communities in different ways. This provides an important context in understanding the efforts of the Yörük people to protect their cultural values and adapt to the changing world conditions.

The struggle for education and cultural identity of Nomadic communities is closely related not only to current sociological dynamics but also to cultural memory, forms of representation of heritage, and community archives. Halbwachs’s (2024) approach to collective memory, which emerged in this research, contributes to our understanding of how intergenerational transmission reproduces fundamental elements of social belonging through the child rearing practices and value systems of the Yörük. Featherstone’s (2000) emphasis on the role of cultural archiving in identity construction suggests that the oral history and daily life practices of the Yörük should be made visible in the context of education. Flinn’s (2007) findings on community archives, as seen in our study, support the importance of local initiatives and participatory approaches in the preservation of Yörük cultural heritage. While Hall’s (2023) question of “whose heritage?” opens up discussion on how the national curriculum often renders Yörük identity invisible, as the findings demonstrate; Kirchberg’s (2016) museum sociology perspective reveals the potential of exhibiting tangible and intangible cultural elements of the nomadic lifestyle in educational environments in terms of cultural sustainability.

The results of this study demonstrate the resilience of the Yörük culture in the face of modernization, as well as its efforts to preserve cultural values and maintain its communal structure. Additionally, the education issues, especially the differences in views on accessibility and education, require new solution recommendations to be developed that integrate education with Yörüks’ cultural and communal values. Education policies need to align with the Yörüks’ traditional values while also meeting the needs of the modern world. In this context, the government needs to develop policies that support and protect local cultures while integrating them with the modern education system.

The results of this study are consistent with Bourdieu’s theory of symbolic violence, which holds that dominant cultural norms are imposed by state institutions (such as schools) and delegitimize minority lifestyles. Yörük children are marginalized because their cultural capital is not valued or acknowledged in formal education. The misalignment between children’s ecosystems (schools, policy structures) and microsystems (home, community) is also highlighted by Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. This mismatch harms children’s growth and sense of identity. In this regard, the resistance of Yörük communities should be interpreted as a call for acceptance, inclusivity, and epistemic justice, rather than a rejection of education in general.

6. Conclusions and Recommendations

The results are summarised based on the findings and discussion sections, establishing a relationship with the introduction and theoretical framework of the research in the summary process.

The findings of this research show that the cautious attitude developed by the Yörük community towards the traditional lifestyle and the modern education system is shaped in a way consistent with the historical and sociological context. The “dichotomy between education and cultural belonging” (Durukan and Gülel 2020) and the homogenizing structure of modern education emphasized in the introduction section directly overlap with the findings. The participants’ concern that “if a child studies, he/she will be separated from us” (C9, C11) is a practical reflection of the tension between the education system and traditional values.

The findings show that, particularly in the context of acculturation theory, the expectation that children will adhere to traditional values, seek social benefits, and resist settled life indicates that Yörüks generally follow a ‘separation’ strategy (Berry 1997). This situation embodies the theme of resistance to the preservation of cultural identity explained in the Section 2. Participants stated that they valued a productive, independent life (C1, C4, C6) and that they wanted their children “not to forget their Yörükness” (C10).

The distance to the modern education system is not only spatial but also epistemological in nature. The “incidental education” (C11, C7) in the findings is an example of the anthropological enculturation process; the children’s learning directly from life contradicts how schools transmit knowledge (Krätli and Dyer 2009). Evaluated in the light of Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital, this situation results in children being disadvantaged within the system because the forms of knowledge rewarded by the school differ from those of the Yörüks (Bourdieu 1986).

Furthermore, cultural alienation from the educational system generates resistance not only at the individual level but also at the collective level. As Taksami (2017) stated in the theoretical framework, the fact that education is not only a carrier of knowledge but also a form of hegemony poses a threat to the school for the Yörüks. The participants’ perception that the school alienates children from the culture confirms this theoretical framework.

The findings are also consistent with the ecocultural approach. As Weisner (2002) argues, the more the educational environment overlaps with the child’s social environment, the healthier the learning process will be. However, the findings show that Yörük children do not experience this overlap in the school environment and are often excluded from it. Therefore, UNESCO’s concept of the ‘missing learner’ is particularly apt for explaining the invisibility of Yörük children (2020).

In conclusion, this study suggests that education policies need to be redesigned with cultural sensitivity. Flexibility in school curricula for nomadic communities, the inclusion of local knowledge systems, and the provision of cultural sensitivity training for teachers are important in mitigating this tension. Furthermore, the cautious but not entirely exclusive attitude that the Yörüks have developed towards the concept of school can be evaluated through a model of ‘transformative participation’: Rather than rejecting school altogether, they want to make it compatible with their cultural values (Neyzi 2019). Recommendations based on the findings are presented below:

• Educational models compatible with mobile life should be developed: Distance or mobile teacher-supported education programmes should be developed for children of nomadic families, adapted to seasonal migration cycles.

• Course materials with cultural content should be prepared: Children’s identity bonds should be strengthened by including content on Yörük culture, history and lifestyle in the curriculum.

• Family–school cooperation should be strengthened: Teachers should receive cultural awareness training to communicate with Yörük parents, and parents should be encouraged to participate in school processes.

• The education of girls should be supported, with scholarships, dormitories, and counselling provided to enable them to attend school, thereby ensuring that the gendered division of labour does not interfere with their right to education.

• Local economic realities should be taken into account. The flexibility of education should be increased to reduce absenteeism, as families view children as productive labour. Activities should be designed to ensure that children feel productive at school.

• Yörük children’s links with the local language and culture should not be broken: Programmes that allow children to continue their interaction with traditional life outside of school should be supported (such as cultural camps and workshops to learn from adults).

This study examines the child-rearing approach of Yörüks in Turkey, specifically describing the cultural incompatibilities they face with the modern education system. The findings of this study are believed to provide a foundation for future research on nomadic cultures. Children’s participation in the educational process in nomadic cultures involves multilayered issues not only in spatial terms but also in the context of cultural representation and identity construction. Future studies are recommended to include larger participant groups. The attitudes of participants in these studies should be monitored over time. Comparative analyses with nomadic cultures with similar characteristics are crucial. This can deepen the conceptual framework and enable the development of educational policies sensitive to cultural diversity. The current study is a preliminary study. It is important to utilize the research findings to contribute more comprehensively to the literature in this field.