Indigenous Education in Taiwan: Policy Gaps, Community Voices, and Pathways Forward

Abstract

This study critically examines the state of Indigenous education in Taiwan through an interdisciplinary approach that integrates policy analysis, statistical evaluation, and localized case studies. Despite the implementation of progressive legislation, Indigenous students continue to encounter persistent disparities in both secondary and tertiary education. By drawing on national datasets and school-level examples, this paper uncovers systemic mismatches between mainstream educational practices and the linguistic, cultural, and communal realities of Indigenous populations. To contextualize Taiwan’s challenges, this study includes a comparative analysis with Indigenous education in Canada, highlighting both shared obstacles and divergent strategies. The findings indicate that, despite policy reforms and targeted programs in both nations, entrenched inequalities endure, rooted in colonial legacies, insufficient cultural integration, and a lack of community-driven educational initiatives. The article argues for a transformative shift in Taiwan’s education system: one that emphasizes the indigenization of curricula, the inclusion of Indigenous voices in educational policymaking, and greater investment in culturally responsive support mechanisms, particularly at the high school and university levels. In summary, meaningful improvement in Indigenous education requires moving from an assimilationist paradigm to one rooted in cultural respect and self-determination.

1. Introduction

Today, there are approximately 476 million indigenous people in the world (United Nations n.d.). Of these, there are more than 5000 distinct ethnic groups in 90 countries (United Nations n.d.). Prior to colonization, they had a long history of their own languages, cultures, and beliefs. Their cultures are closely tied to the land and they have developed their own social, institutional, and economic systems. Taiwan is home to 16 officially recognized Indigenous groups, collectively comprising approximately 580,000 individuals or 2.5% of the national population (IWGIA 2023). These communities are predominantly located in the mountainous and coastal regions of eastern and southern Taiwan, including areas of Hualien, Taitung, Nantou, and Pingtung (IWGIA 2023). While Taiwan has made significant strides in economic development and democratic reform over the past decades, Indigenous peoples continue to experience systemic disadvantages in healthcare, income, and especially education.

The importance of education for indigenous communities goes far beyond economic mobility. It is also a means of cultural transmission, linguistic preservation, and identity formation. However, Indigenous students in Taiwan are often caught in a double bind: they are expected to assimilate into a Han-dominated national curriculum while preserving their cultural heritage in often under-resourced educational environments (Nesterova 2019b). The result is a persistent gap in educational attainment, cultural engagement, and language proficiency. This issue is not unique to Taiwan. Across the globe, indigenous populations face educational disparities due to colonial histories, structural discrimination, and cultural misalignment with formal education systems. In Canada, for instance, the legacy of residential schools continues to impact Indigenous families and communities (Wilk et al. 2017). Against this global backdrop, Taiwan’s struggle and opportunity to create a bicultural and equitable education system becomes especially salient.

In response to longstanding demands for educational justice, the Taiwanese government has implemented several reforms since the early 2000s. Key among these is the passage of the Indigenous Peoples Education Act in 2004, which affirms the right of Indigenous students to learn in their native language and to receive education relevant to their cultural context. More recently, the Indigenous Languages Development Act of 2017 elevated Indigenous languages to the status of national languages. These policies have laid a crucial legal foundation, but serious implementation gaps remain. Many Indigenous schools still suffer from teacher shortages, outdated infrastructure, and a lack of culturally appropriate curricula (Gerber 2016).

This study aims to critically examine the current state of Indigenous education in Taiwan, with particular attention to systemic inequities, curriculum development, language revitalization, and rural schooling dynamics. Employing a mixed-methods approach that integrates national statistics, policy analysis, and localized case studies, the research investigates the structural and systemic factors contributing to educational disparities among Indigenous students. It further assesses the effectiveness of existing educational policies—particularly the Indigenous Peoples Education Act—in addressing these challenges. Additionally, the study explores the impact of community-based initiatives and culturally responsive pedagogies on improving educational outcomes. To address these issues, the paper traces the historical and legal foundations of Indigenous education in Taiwan, presents national-level data on disparities in school attendance and academic performance, examines the cultural and linguistic disconnect between formal schooling and Indigenous communities, analyzes the implementation of current policies, and concludes with actionable recommendations for future reform.

2. Historical and Legal Context

The educational marginalization of Indigenous peoples in Taiwan is deeply rooted in the island’s colonial and postcolonial history. During the Japanese colonial period (1895–1945), the government implemented the “komin education” policy to assimilate Indigenous populations, particularly through schools known as “savage children’s education institutes” (番童教育所) (Kae 2000). Ostensibly educational institutions, these schools were in fact an effort to control Indigenous peoples who had not yet been colonized. These schools sought to instill obedience and loyalty to the Japanese emperor, often by forbidding the use of Indigenous languages and enforcing cultural assimilation (Tsurumi 1979). Indigenous children were forced to abandon their home culture, receive Japanese-language education, and be indoctrinated with the national identity of the Japanese Empire in the curriculum (Nesterova 2019a). This policy not only deprived them of the right to use their mother tongue but also weakened their understanding of their own culture.

After Japan surrendered in 1945, the Kuomintang government took over Taiwan. However, the essence of the Indigenous education policy did not change fundamentally. Under the rule of the Kuomintang government, the Indigenous people were renamed “mountain compatriots” and incorporated into a highly assimilationist national construction (Nesterova 2019a). Schools pivoted to emphasizing Chinese language education and the indoctrination of Chinese culture for the purpose of national unification, while devaluing or even excluding the language, history, and identity of the Indigenous people (Nesterova 2019a). The education system was used as a tool to shape citizens who were loyal to the country, and Indigenous students were often regarded as objects that needed to be reformed.

From the late 1980s to the 1990s, with the progress of Taiwan’s democratization and the rise in Indigenous social movements, Indigenous education gradually reached a turning point. In 1994, the passing of the “Indigenous Peoples’ Education Act” marked the government’s recognition of the educational autonomy of Indigenous peoples and its attempt to establish an education system with Indigenous peoples as the majority (Nesterova 2019b). This was followed by the implementation of bilingual education (both in the Indigenous local language and Mandarin Chinese) policies, the development of Indigenous courses, and the launch of cultural revitalization work (Collart et al. 2023). Despite this, structural educational marginalization has not been completely eliminated. Many Indigenous schools face problems like insufficient resources and a shortage of teachers. The quality of education in remote areas has long lagged behind, and Indigenous students still face significant disadvantages in higher education and employment (Nesterova 2019b). As the problems in Taiwan bear some similarities to those in other countries, a comparison with discrimination against Indigenous people in other countries can shed light on the situation in Taiwan. For example, in Canadian history, the assimilation of Indigenous peoples has been enforced for a long time. In the late nineteenth century, residential schools were run jointly by the church and the Canadian government and had the purpose of killing Indigenous culture in childhood; the Indigenous children in the residential schools were not allowed to speak their own language or perform non-Christian religious practices (Barker et al. 2019). From the nineteenth century to the late twentieth century, over 130 residential schools were organized by Roman Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian, and United churches in Canada (Ross et al. 2015). Many Indigenous children were forced to study in residential schools, and usually these residential schools were far away from their reserves (Ross et al. 2015).

In the residential schools, Indigenous children were required to avoid practicing their own culture and suffered many abuses. Most residential schools were not adequately funded, so many Indigenous children in these schools lacked nutrition. At the same time, these Indigenous children suffered sexual, physical, and mental abuse (Barker et al. 2019). It is estimated that 65.7% of the Indigenous people who studied in residential schools were physically abused (Ross et al. 2015). This cruel treatment caused students to have poor mental health. Therefore, many Indigenous people seek alcohol and drugs to relieve their pain, leading to an overdose crisis (Lavalley et al. 2018). In the Canadian province of British Columbia, Indigenous drug users have five times the death rate of other drug users; though they account for 2.6% of the total population, they make up one-tenth of overdose fatalities (Lavalley et al. 2018).

Moreover, students at Canadian residential schools mainly received vocationally oriented instruction, which the Canadian government considered to be more valuable for them than an academic one. The boys were taught industrial subjects, and the girls were taught how to perform domestic duties (Miller 1996). This kind of discrimination persists in a different form today. Contemporary Canadian schools stream students into academic and applied tracks, and many see this as racially discriminatory behavior (Balintec 2023). This is because the students who study in the academic track, which focuses on abstract reasoning skills and in-depth understanding of theories and concepts, can go on to study at a university. On the other hand, students in the applied track, which emphasizes practical activities that allow students to solve problems through real-world applications and workplace skills, can usually only go on to study in a work preparation program. Many Indigenous students end up in the applied track (Balintec 2023). In 2021, schools in the Canadian province of Ontario eliminated the two tracks for Grade 9 students and now prefer a blended approach to ensure diversity in the curriculum. However, many students who previously opted for the applied track have had a hard time learning because they needed special education support: the necessary planning and resources were not in place to ensure that there would be smaller classes with enough educational assistants to support these struggling students (Balintec 2023). Furthermore, only Grade 9 was de-streamed, and not Grade 10 (Balintec 2023). As a result, these changes, which were supposed to help Indigenous students, may actually harm some of them when they cannot learn academic concepts well and lose the possibility of obtaining a job by learning applied skills. By considering systemic problems in Indigenous education in other countries, it may be possible to gain a deeper understanding of the hazards and opportunities in Taiwan’s Indigenous education system.

3. Educational Disparities: National-Level Data

Despite legislative improvements, national education data consistently reveal enduring disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students in Taiwan. According to the Ministry of Education Department of Statistics’s “Summary Analysis of Statistical Results on Indigenous Education in the 2020 Academic Year”, at the preschool level, enrollment rates for Indigenous children are slightly higher (74.6%) than those of the general population (70.3%) in 2020, thanks in part to targeted subsidies and early childhood programs. However, the equity gap becomes more pronounced at higher educational stages (Department of Statistics, Ministry of Education 2021). Elementary school enrollment for Indigenous students stands at 99.0%, exceeding the national average of 97.6%. Junior high rates are similarly high (98.9% for Indigenous vs. 97.9% for non-Indigenous) (Department of Statistics, Ministry of Education 2021). These figures suggest that Taiwan has made meaningful progress in ensuring access to compulsory education. However, the drop-off begins at the senior high school level, where enrollment for Indigenous students falls to 95.1%, compared to 98.9% among their non-Indigenous peers (Department of Statistics, Ministry of Education 2021). The most significant gap emerges at the tertiary education level: only 57.6% of Indigenous high school graduates continue into college or university, while 89.0% of non-Indigenous students do (Department of Statistics, Ministry of Education 2021). This sharp divergence suggests systemic barriers—economic hardship, linguistic challenges, and geographic isolation—that intensify after basic education (Nesterova et al. 2024).

Additionally, Indigenous students are disproportionately affected by school closures and consolidations in rural areas. In counties such as Pingtung, Hualien, and Taitung, where Indigenous populations are concentrated, many elementary and junior high schools have been merged or shut down due to declining birthrates (Nesterova et al. 2024), sectiodisrupts Indigenous communities, forcing students to travel long distances or board away from home, which can exacerbate dropout risks (Nesterova et al. 2024). Dropout rates also reflect these disparities. According to the Ministry of Education reports, Indigenous students are 3 to 4 times more likely to drop out of high school compared to their non-Indigenous counterparts. Contributing factors include economic pressures, academic difficulties due to Mandarin-based instruction, and a lack of culturally relevant curricula that motivate sustained engagement (Huang 2024).

Gendered disparities also warrant attention. Indigenous girls, though generally outperforming boys in primary education, are less likely to pursue higher education due to early caregiving responsibilities and limited family resources. Conversely, Indigenous boys show higher dropout rates at both junior high and senior high levels, often entering the labor market prematurely (Tu 1998).

Beyond statistics, qualitative research underscores how everyday experiences of exclusion and microaggression affect Indigenous students’ self-esteem and academic identity. Being mocked for speaking their mother tongue, facing low expectations from teachers, or seeing their culture absent from textbooks all contribute to a cumulative sense of alienation. Taken together, these national-level disparities highlight the structural challenges that Indigenous students continue to face. While access to basic education has improved, Taiwan’s education system has yet to ensure equal opportunities for success across all levels of learning (Chen 2025).

4. Language, Culture, and Curriculum Gaps

Despite national policy reforms and increased visibility of Indigenous rights, Taiwan’s education system still exhibits significant disjunctures between formal schooling and Indigenous cultural and linguistic realities (Nesterova et al. 2024). These gaps manifest not only in classroom instruction but also in curriculum design, teacher preparedness, and the broader sociolinguistic environment surrounding Indigenous communities.

4.1. Disconnection Between Home and School Environments

Many Indigenous students grow up in homes where their native languages—such as Amis, Bunun, or Paiwan—are spoken by grandparents or community elders. However, formal education remains predominantly conducted in Mandarin Chinese, with limited hours allocated for Indigenous language instruction. The linguistic shift from home to school creates both cognitive and emotional barriers for young learners. Research in sociolinguistics shows that such mismatches can impair language development and academic confidence, especially in early education (Hou and Huang 2012).

This cultural-linguistic discontinuity also affects parental engagement. Parents and elders, many of whom have limited Mandarin literacy or traumatic memories of school as a site of assimilation, may feel alienated from their children’s schooling. This lack of involvement perpetuates an intergenerational gap in educational support and weakens the community-school connection that is essential for culturally responsive learning (Khalifa et al. 2016).

4.2. Limitations in Curriculum and Materials

Although the Ministry of Education mandates the inclusion of Indigenous content, such as tribal history and ecological knowledge, in school curricula, implementation is uneven. Textbooks often present Indigenous cultures in a static, “folklorized” manner—emphasizing costumes, festivals, or myths—rather than engaging with contemporary issues such as land rights, political representation, or economic disparities. Such portrayals reinforce stereotypes and fail to reflect the lived realities of Indigenous youth (Ho 2021).

Moreover, the availability of high-quality Indigenous language teaching materials remains limited. Many teaching aids are locally produced by under-resourced schools and lack standardization. While the Council of Indigenous Peoples has supported dictionary compilation and language preservation projects, these efforts have yet to be fully integrated into the school system (Hou and Huang 2012).

4.3. Shortage of Qualified Indigenous Teachers

One of the most pressing challenges is the shortage of trained Indigenous teachers, particularly those fluent in their native language and capable of delivering culturally relevant instruction. Although the Indigenous Language Certification system has been in place since 2012, the number of certified teachers remains insufficient. In many schools, language instruction is relegated to temporary or part-time staff, often without pedagogical training. In remote mountain areas, retaining qualified educators is even more difficult due to geographic isolation, lack of housing, and limited career development opportunities. As a result, Indigenous students are often taught by non-Indigenous teachers who may lack the cultural competence or linguistic background to engage meaningfully with their students’ heritage (Chen 2016).

4.4. International Comparisons and Missed Opportunities

Compared to countries like Canada, where Indigenous language immersion schools like First Nations schools play a central role in language revival, Taiwan has not established a robust immersion education framework. Pilot programs exist, but they are few, fragmented, and underfunded (Lin et al. 2019).

Given this situation, it may be worth taking a look at how other countries have managed to run Indigenous language immersion schools. In the Canadian province of Ontario, the Kawenni:io/Gaweni:yo Immersion School has been teaching in Mohawk and Cayuga, two endangered Indigenous languages, for more than twenty years (Maracle 2021). Kawenni:io/Gaweni:yo was created in response to community concerns about language loss. Its goal is to revitalize and preserve Indigenous languages by immersing children in them from an early age. Students learn standard subjects such as math, science, and social studies, all taught in Mohawk or Cayuga, while also learning traditional and cultural knowledge (Maracle 2021). However, the school has long faced inadequate facilities. Classes are often held in trailers or classrooms rented from other organizations, sometimes far from where students live (Maracle 2021). This unstable learning environment makes it more difficult to retain students and staff, and also affects the quality of education. After years of hard work by parents, educators, and Indigenous leaders, a breakthrough was finally achieved: the school was granted land from the Six Nations of the Grand River, and funds were secured to build a permanent school (Maracle 2024). Construction of the new school building is underway, and once completed, it will finally provide a stable and culturally rooted learning environment (Maracle 2024). Community members see this not only as a victory for the school, but also as a step forward in the broader movement to preserve Indigenous languages and assert Indigenous sovereignty in education (Maracle 2024). They hope it will serve as a model for other communities committed to protecting their languages and traditions (Maracle 2024).

In Taiwan, the birth rate of young Indigenous women is generally higher than that of other Taiwanese women. In some areas with a high proportion of plateau residents, such as Hualien, Taitung, and Pingtung, the proportion of teenage pregnancy and unmarried births is significantly higher than in other areas (Tsai and Wong 2004). Many girls give birth to a child before graduating from high school, while lacking support from their community to raise the child (Tsai and Wong 2004). This phenomenon reflects the impact of colonialism on them and their lower levels of education: the government has had a negative impact on the cohesiveness of Indigenous communities, depriving Indigenous people of support when they face challenges like raising children. During World War II, the Japanese occupied Indigenous people’s land, and when the KMT entered Taiwan, they did not return the land, so Indigenous people are still on the margins of society.

Sex education for young women in Taiwan’s Indigenous areas is lacking. Many schools avoid talking about gender equality and sexual health issues (Lo 2022). In the family, some Indigenous parents are unable to educate their teenagers due to traditional norms or a lack of educational resources (Tsai and Wong 2004). At the same time, many young Taiwanese Indigenous people leave their hometowns to study or work. In this process, because there is no one to guide them, they often fall into difficulties and enter into relationships too early, leading to early marriage and early childbearing (Lo 2022). This leads to generational lack of education and poverty. Thus, it is worthwhile to look at programs that other countries have implemented to break such vicious cycles.

In Canada, there are lots of programs for young Indigenous parents. The “Nobody’s Perfect” program, led by the Canadian federal government, serves young parents of all ethnic groups across the country, with a particular focus on parents with low education, economic vulnerability, or limited parenting experience. The course is centered on non-judgmental and participatory teaching, encouraging parents to share parenting experiences and enhance their understanding and responsiveness to child development. In many Indigenous communities, the course has also been culturally adapted to incorporate traditional knowledge and language elements (Public Health Agency of Canada 2023).

Secondly, in Canada, Indigenous-led parenting programs are on the rise. For example, the “Indigenous Wellness Parenting Program” promoted by the Ben Calf Robe Society in Alberta combines Indigenous traditions such as medicine wheel teaching and sharing circles, emphasizing emotional regulation, intergenerational trauma understanding, and cultural re-identification. Such programs not only teach practical parenting skills, but also become an important venue for repairing family and ethnic relationships (Ben Calf Robe Society n.d.).

Young Indigenous families in urban areas of Canada have also gradually become the focus of policy attention. For example, the Toronto Native Child and Family Services provides culturally oriented home visits, ritual activities, and social work support for parents and caregivers of children aged 0 to 6 through programs like the “Kognaasaowin” program, effectively filling the gaps in education, housing, and social connections for urban Indigenous families (Native Child and Family Services of Toronto n.d.). The Young Parents Program in the Surrey school district of British Columbia is designed for pregnant or already-parent teenagers to help them take on parenting responsibilities while continuing their studies (Surrey Schools n.d.). The program combines transition courses with personalized support services to provide practical help for the difficulties faced by young parents. School district staff will work with the student’s original school to develop a personalized learning plan to ensure that the student can successfully complete his or her studies while taking care of the child; students can also choose to participate in a flexible transition course to suit their own schedule; in addition, the project actively assists students and families in connecting with community resources, including medical services and daycare support, to ensure that they can obtain adequate help in all aspects of life. The program provides childcare subsidies of up to USD 1500 per month (Surrey Schools n.d.). This system design not only addresses the challenges of parenting, but also responds to the structural problem of young parents falling into a cycle of poverty due to interrupted education. Canada’s multifaceted support for Indigenous families and Indigenous education offers valuable lessons for Taiwan’s government in supporting Indigenous communities facing similar intergenerational and structural challenges.

5. Case Studies

National statistics and policy declarations provide a macro-level understanding of Indigenous education in Taiwan, but the lived realities within specific communities often reveal deeper challenges and innovations. This section presents three case studies of elementary schools serving Indigenous populations in Pingtung, Taitung, and Hualien—regions with significant Indigenous populations and diverse tribal representations. To ensure the validity and contextual accuracy of the case studies, we conducted fieldwork at each of the selected schools between 2022 and 2024. One teacher from Wutai Elementary and Junior High School (Paiwan Tribe), one from Jialan Elementary School (Rukai Tribe), and one from Hongye Elementary School (Bunun Tribe) were individually interviewed. All three teachers provided written consent to participate in the study. The interviews focused on curriculum implementation, language instruction, and community engagement. These first-hand accounts form the primary basis of the case study narratives presented in this section, supplemented by observations made during school visits. Each case highlights unique configurations of language policy, curriculum implementation, and community engagement.

5.1. Wutai Elementary and Junior High School (Paiwan Tribe, Pingtung County)

Nestled in the mountainous region of Wutai Township, this school serves predominantly Paiwan students. Over the past decade, Wutai Elementary and Junior High School has faced a steep enrollment decline—dropping from over 120 students in 2010 to fewer than 70 in 2023.

Although Indigenous communities generally have higher birth rates, Wutai has experienced declining enrollment because many young families migrate to urban areas for work. In addition, school consolidation policies and parental preference for better-resourced schools further reduce local student numbers.

This decline mirrors broader demographic trends in rural Taiwan, but its impact is magnified in remote Indigenous areas where school closures threaten not only education but also community cohesion. The school has been recognized as a “Cultural Revitalization Model School” under the Ministry of Education’s Indigenous curriculum initiative. However, the implementation of Paiwan language and culture classes remains limited. Weekly Paiwan language instruction is often taught by external elders or part-time teachers who lack formal pedagogical training. Teachers express concern over the lack of standardized textbooks and digital resources, while students report difficulty balancing their interest in traditional knowledge with the pressure to excel in Mandarin-based assessments.

Therefore, community leaders advocate for more integrative models that would allow tribal elders to co-teach environmental and historical topics in Paiwan, bridging oral traditions with formal education. Nonetheless, bureaucratic hurdles, funding instability, and teacher turnover have slowed such initiatives.

5.2. Jialan Elementary School (Rukai Tribe, Taitung County)

Jialan Elementary, located in the foothills of the Central Mountain Range, offers a more successful example of culturally responsive education. Serving the Rukai community, the school has partnered with the local tribal council to co-develop a place-based curriculum that integrates ecological education with traditional land-use practices. The school’s curriculum includes hands-on classes in millet farming, hunting ethics, and the Rukai clan system. Students participate in intergenerational learning with community elders, creating a dynamic feedback loop between school and village life. Additionally, Rukai language instruction occurs five times per week and is embedded across multiple subjects, not just confined to language class.

Jialan’s success is largely due to a dedicated principal who has remained in the community for over 15 years, strong local political will, and sustained collaboration with the tribal council. In 2020, the school received recognition from the Ministry of Education for exemplary Indigenous curriculum innovation. However, challenges remain, such as inconsistent internet access, insufficient funding for field-based learning, and limited options for continuing bilingual education at the junior high level.

5.3. Hongye Elementary School (Bunun Tribe, Hualien County)

Hongye Elementary has a storied history. It gained national attention in the 1960s when it produced Olympic-level athletes through its school baseball team, symbolizing Indigenous strength and resilience. Today, however, the school faces declining enrollment, aging infrastructure, and low Indigenous language proficiency among students. Bunun language instruction is formally part of the curriculum, yet the actual usage and fluency levels remain low. Teachers cite a lack of immersion opportunities and the dominance of Mandarin media as key obstacles. Students also express ambivalence: while they take pride in their cultural identity, they associate Mandarin fluency with academic and economic success. The school has recently partnered with a local university to pilot a bilingual science curriculum, taught jointly by university researchers and Bunun-speaking community members. Preliminary assessments suggest improved student engagement, especially among boys who previously struggled with traditional lecture-based methods.

Despite these efforts, the school is under constant threat of closure due to its small size. Community members argue that its value extends beyond student numbers: it serves as a cultural hub, a gathering place for festivals, and a symbolic site of Bunun endurance. The local township has petitioned the county government for a moratorium on school mergers involving Indigenous institutions.

5.4. Comparative Overview of Case Study Schools

Table 1. Comparative overview of case study schools.

School Name	Tribe	Curriculum Features	Language Instruction	Challenges
Wutai Elementary and Junior High School	Paiwan	Cultural Revitalization Model; some integration of Paiwan knowledge	Weekly instruction by part-time elders/teachers	Enrollment decline, lack of standardized materials, and bureaucratic hurdles
Jialan Elementary School	Rukai	Place-based learning with ecological and cultural practices	Five times per week, integrated across subjects	Internet access issues, funding gaps for field-based learning
Hongye Elementary School	Bunun	Bilingual science curriculum pilot with a university	Formal curriculum is present, but low fluency among students	Aging infrastructure, risk of closure, low language use

presents a comparative overview of three case study schools—Wutai, Jialan, and Hongye—each serving distinct Indigenous communities in Taiwan. While all schools face structural challenges such as limited resources and enrollment decline, their approaches to Indigenous language instruction and curriculum integration vary significantly. Jialan Elementary stands out for its successful implementation of place-based education and embedded language instruction, whereas Wutai and Hongye struggle with teacher shortages and inconsistent curriculum delivery. These case studies highlight the importance of localized leadership, sustained community engagement, and tailored pedagogical strategies in advancing culturally responsive education.

6. Policy Analysis and Recommendations

Taiwan has made significant legislative strides in Indigenous education over the past two decades, introducing laws, funding programs, and language revitalization initiatives (Couch et al. 2024). However, as demonstrated in the preceding case studies, gaps persist between policy design and community-level implementation. This section evaluates the strengths and limitations of Taiwan’s current policy framework and proposes practical recommendations to move toward educational equity and cultural sustainability.

6.1. Current Policy Framework

Two cornerstone legislations—the Indigenous Peoples Education Act (IPEA) and the Indigenous Languages Development Act (ILDA)—form the legal backbone of Indigenous education policy.

The IPEA (passed in 2004, amended in 2019) guarantees Indigenous students the right to culturally appropriate education, including curricula based on tribal history, ecological knowledge, and language. It also requires consultation with Indigenous communities in education-related decisions and provides for scholarships, teacher training, and infrastructure support (Indigenous Peoples Education Act 2021). However, the law’s impact is diluted by vague implementation guidelines and a lack of accountability mechanisms, especially at the county level.

The ILDA, enacted in 2017, elevates Indigenous languages to the status of national languages and establishes certification and training programs for Indigenous language instructors. While the number of certified teachers has increased annually (from 112 in 2018 to 252 in 2024), (Central News Agency 2025), the number of certified Indigenous language teachers in Taiwan has shown steady growth from 2018 to 2024. This upward trend reflects the government’s sustained efforts to promote Indigenous language revitalization. However, despite the quantitative increase in certified teachers, the certification process is out of touch with actual teaching needs. For example, certification standards may not take into account local language proficiency and cultural knowledge, resulting in teachers holding certificates but being unable to effectively meet the learning needs of local students. Also, the certified Indigenous language teachers do not have the same status as mainstream teachers, and many of them continue to work in precarious, part-time roles with minimal institutional support. This structural segregation limits the effective implementation of the Indigenous Languages Development Act, hindering its impact on classroom instruction and long-term language preservation.

6.2. Implementation Gaps

Despite these ambitious frameworks, practical challenges undermine their effectiveness. First, there are funding disparities, where budget allocations often prioritize infrastructure over pedagogical development. For instance, in remote Indigenous communities, governments may prioritize building roads and transportation to ensure access for teachers and supplies, while delaying the reform of curricula for Indigenous youth. Rural Indigenous schools struggle with basic maintenance, let alone the resources to develop localized curricula or field-based learning modules. Second, the policies are not well adapted to local conditions. Centralized policy planning overlooks the diversity among Taiwan’s 16 officially recognized Indigenous groups. For example, a Paiwan-centered curriculum may not be appropriate for Amis students, yet textbook procurement and language offerings are often standardized at the regional level. Third, there is currently no national-level body tasked with evaluating the quality and cultural relevance of Indigenous curricula. As a result, schools vary widely in their interpretation of what constitutes “culturally responsive education.” Fourth, Indigenous language teachers often carry additional responsibilities (translation, cultural events, curriculum development) without compensation or institutional support, contributing to high turnover and burnout.

6.3. Recommendations

To align intent with impact, we propose the following reforms. First, the government should establish a National Indigenous Education Commission to oversee Indigenous curriculum quality, language instruction standards, and school-level implementation. It should include tribal representatives, educators, and policy experts. Second, Indigenous teachers should be integrated into the mainstream teacher system. Certified Indigenous language instructors should be eligible for full-time positions, with career ladders and access to teacher training institutes. Third, drawing on international models, Taiwan should pilot full-immersion schools where Indigenous languages are used across subjects—not only in language classes. These could begin as special programs within existing schools. Fourth, the government should enact a moratorium on the consolidation or closure of schools in recognized Indigenous areas. Schools should be evaluated not just by enrollment size but by their role in cultural preservation and community vitality. Fifth, it is important to institutionalize intergenerational learning by developing frameworks that allow elders to co-teach in schools, particularly in subjects like history, ethics, and environmental science. Their contributions should be formalized and compensated. Sixth, the educational system should prioritize culturally relevant assessments, that is, move beyond Mandarin-centric standardized testing to include project-based, bilingual, and context-sensitive assessment tools.

7. Conclusions

Taiwan’s Indigenous education landscape embodies a complex intersection of history, policy, and lived cultural resilience. While legislative reforms such as the Indigenous Peoples Education Act and the Indigenous Languages Development Act mark important milestones in the nation’s recognition of Indigenous rights, they have yet to achieve full realization on the ground. National-level statistics show that although Taiwan has achieved near-universal access to basic education for Indigenous students, disparities persist, particularly in high school completion and tertiary enrollment rates. Our analysis reveals that these educational gaps are not merely logistical but deeply structural, rooted in a mismatch between mainstream schooling systems and Indigenous worldviews. Case studies from Pingtung, Taitung, and Hualien counties illustrate how local factors such as leadership stability, community participation, and curriculum autonomy can significantly influence student outcomes and cultural engagement. Schools that successfully integrate Indigenous language and culture into daily instruction foster not only higher academic performance but also stronger identity formation and intergenerational cohesion.

However, these isolated successes highlight broader systemic shortcomings. Indigenous language instruction remains marginalized, often delivered by part-time staff without access to formal training or stable employment. Curricula continue to reflect a Han-centric national narrative, with Indigenous knowledge relegated to the periphery. Moreover, top-down policy implementation has struggled to accommodate the diversity of Taiwan’s 16 officially recognized Indigenous groups, each with its own language, territory, and historical experience.

Moving forward, a paradigm shift is needed, one that centers Indigenous agency, supports community-led schooling, and reimagines the role of education not merely as a vehicle for economic mobility but as a platform for cultural continuity and self-determination. Community organizations like the Council of Indigenous Peoples and the Indigenous Peoples Cultural Development Center can lead reform of the educational system. Key policy reforms should include the institutionalization of Indigenous-run educational governance, expansion of immersion-based schooling, and protection of small, culturally significant rural schools from consolidation. Taiwan has both the legal framework and the institutional capacity to become a leader in Indigenous education reform within the Asia-Pacific region. However, to realize this potential, policymakers, educators, and Indigenous communities must engage in sustained dialog and collaborative innovation. Education must cease to be a tool of assimilation and instead become a means of liberation, one that allows Indigenous youth not only to succeed within mainstream society but also to thrive within their own communities and cultures.