1. Introduction
Foodborne diseases (FBDs) remain a preventable yet persistent threat to public health and human capital, with approximately 600 million cases and 420,000 deaths in 2010, representing 33 million DALYs, largely attributable to norovirus and
Campylobacter spp. [
1]. While public attention often focuses on food services and supply chains, a substantial proportion of the risk originates within households, where daily decisions about food selection, storage, preparation, and serving determine actual exposure to pathogens [
2,
3]. This household perspective is especially critical for university students, who transition from family or institutional meals to shared kitchens with limited time, budgets, and equipment, in environments strongly influenced by peers and social norms [
4,
5]. The literature consistently reveals gaps in knowledge, suboptimal attitudes, and risky practices among university students, particularly in areas such as temperature control, prevention of cross-contamination, and hand hygiene, with variations by region and academic discipline [
6,
7,
8,
9]. Young adults are less likely to verify cooking with a thermometer, tend to underestimate the risks associated with undercooked ground meat and eggs, and frequently fail to avoid cross-contamination, widening the gap between “knowing” and “doing” [
3,
10,
11,
12]. These gaps are not merely cognitive; they reflect systems of beliefs, perceived control, and social norms that shape the execution of safe behaviors under time pressure and limited resources [
4,
5].
The Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) provides a solid framework to explain how attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control shape intentions and actual behavior in the kitchen [
13,
14]. A systematic review and meta-analysis on food safety demonstrated that TPB constructs significantly predict intentions, with subjective norms playing a particularly strong role in behaviors such as using thermometers, separating raw from ready-to-eat foods, or adhering to the “5 °C rule” for refrigeration [
15]. Extensions of TPB that incorporate explicit knowledge and affective risk appraisal reveal that beliefs about outcomes and emotions such as disgust or concern influence the persistence of inadequate household practices [
16]. Among university students who are highly exposed to the influence of peers and digital networks, these social and perceived-control pathways become particularly powerful, either enhancing or inhibiting the translation of attitudes into behavior [
15]. From this standpoint, variables such as formal education, previous experiences of foodborne disease (FBD), and cooking frequency are considered “distal antecedents” that do not directly determine behavior but rather shape the beliefs and perceptions that feed into attitudes and perceived control [
13,
14].
Background factors, such as formal education and practical experience, operate as distal determinants shaping the beliefs and self-efficacy that sustain attitudes [
13,
14]. Classical studies show that students in food-related disciplines (e.g., nutrition, food science, hospitality) outperform their peers from other fields in knowledge and, sometimes, in practice, likely due to curricular exposure and vocational self-selection [
9,
17]. Recent evidence replicates this pattern and highlights the effect of cumulative experiential learning: higher frequency of cooking and previous training are associated with greater knowledge and, in some cases, safer practices, although the translation into consistent behavior is never automatic [
5,
18]. The persistent “knowledge practice gap” reflects how contextual constraints, competing motivations, and weak norms prevent knowledge from materializing into action [
12,
18]. In this context, the different components that make up the antecedents—formal courses, sources of knowledge, cooking frequency, and previous experiences with FBD—can be understood theoretically as manifestations of a single “experiential capital” or prior background in food safety that predisposes individuals to certain beliefs, attitudes, and levels of self-efficacy [
4,
5,
10,
11]. In line with the TPB and its extensions, in which several related indicators are grouped into common distal factors, these antecedents are modeled in the present study as a single reflective latent construct of food safety background that summarizes students’ prior preparation in this domain [
7,
9,
19].
The informational dimension alone has shown diminishing returns. Meta-analyses of educational interventions, particularly online ones, report modest improvements in knowledge and small or inconsistent effects on attitudes and practices. This suggests that information transfer needs to be complemented by motivational and environmental levers [
20,
21]. Among university students, mobile interventions improved KAP (Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices) components but revealed the fragility of behavior change when contextual barriers and social reinforcers are not addressed [
22]. These findings support multicomponent strategies: skill training (e.g., thermometer use, effective disinfection), environmental restructuring (e.g., access to supplies and equipment in residences), and normative messaging leveraging peer influence all aligned with the TPB framework [
15]. Internal heterogeneity within the student population adds complexity. International students and first-year students face unfamiliar foods, rules, and equipment. Those experiencing financial insecurity or heavy workloads tend to prioritize cost and convenience, while certain cultural practices, such as consuming raw or undercooked foods, increase risk if not paired with appropriate controls, reshaping attitudes and perceived control [
3,
12]. Differences by gender and maternal education have been linked to better practices and greater receptivity to training, suggesting opportunities to tailor content and support [
23,
24,
25]. The COVID-19 pandemic, by increasing home cooking and attention to hygiene, demonstrated the malleability of attitudes under heightened perceived risk and, at the same time, the resilience of habits and structural constraints, as well as the ambivalent role of digital ecosystems in shaping norms and perceived control [
8].
Historically, the KAP (Knowledge, Attitudes, Practices) model has been used to diagnose gaps and guide interventions. However, its linear assumptions underestimate the motivational and environmental complexity of everyday behavior, leading to the increasing adoption of TPB and the Theory of Reasoned Action, which integrate self-efficacy, norms, and perceived control [
20,
26,
27,
28]. university students, differences in discipline, exposure to courses, and cooking experience serve as “ground setters” that shape beliefs and intentions, explaining why students with similar knowledge levels may diverge in practical execution [
5,
9]. The contemporary emphasis has shifted from merely “increasing information” to “activating motivations, capacities, and favorable norms” to close the intention–action gap in real-world contexts [
15,
21]. In this study, attitudes toward food safety are conceptualized as cognitive (perceived importance, outcome beliefs) and affective (concern, disgust) components linked to safe food handling [
16]. Background factors are defined as formal food safety education (courses, workshops), field of study (food-related vs. non-food-related), cooking frequency, and self-reported history of FBDs, functioning as distal determinants that influence beliefs and self-efficacy [
9]. Behavior is operationalized through practices with proven links to risk reduction: hand hygiene, prevention of cross-contamination, temperature control, and safe cooling/reheating practices where most failures are observed among university students [
4,
7,
10]. In sum, the challenge is not only to transmit “what to do,” but to foster conditions under which “doing the right thing” is feasible and socially approved in student kitchens, aligning motivations, capabilities, and norms with what the evidence identifies as behaviors with the greatest preventive impact [
15,
20]. From this perspective, attitudes constitute one of the proximal mechanisms through which education and experience can be translated—only partially—into safe practices, while other unmeasured determinants, such as social norms, habits, and environmental constraints, also contribute substantially to behavior [
20,
21]. Consequently, our study assumes from the outset that the mediating effect of attitudes will likely be moderate in magnitude and will coexist with direct pathways between antecedents and behavior that do not operate through attitudes.
This orientation places attitudes as a proximal lever for change, nourished by education and experience, and suggests that closing the knowledge–practice gap requires intervening on beliefs and contexts, not only on content [
20,
21]. This orientation places attitudes as a proximal lever for change, nourished by education and experience, and suggests that closing the knowledge–practice gap requires intervening on beliefs and contexts, not only on content [
15,
16].
Based on this literature review, we examined the following research hypotheses (
Figure 1):
H1. Food safety background factors are positively associated with food safety behavior among Peruvian university students.
H2. Food safety attitudes are positively associated with food safety behavior among Peruvian university students.
H3. Food safety background factors are positively associated with food safety attitudes among Peruvian university students.
H4. Attitudes mediate the relationship between background factors and food safety behavior.
H5. Gender moderates the relationship between attitudes, background factors, and food safety behavior.
4. Discussion
The results confirm Hypothesis 1, showing that food safety background is positively associated with food safety behavior among Peruvian university students. In our model, higher levels of background, understood as a combination of cooking experience, prior exposure to foodborne disease, and formal or informal education about food safety, are related to more frequent self-reported safe practices. However, the size of this association is moderate, and the explained variance in food safety behavior remains partial, indicating that background is a helpful but not sufficient condition for consistent safe food handling. This pattern is compatible with the “knowledge-practice gap” described in the literature, whereby exposure to food safety content and accumulated experience improves what students know but does not automatically ensure that safe practices are applied under real-life constraints [
4,
5]. In our data, the coexistence of intermediate levels of background with persistent risky behaviors (such as limited thermometer use or incomplete prevention of cross-contamination) suggests that prior experience may sometimes consolidate shortcuts or permissive norms when it is not accompanied by structured training and feedback [
8]. This is consistent with studies that emphasize the ambivalent role of informal learning and digital sources: they can provide useful information but also normalize unsafe practices or minimize perceived risk [
15,
22]. From the perspective of the Theory of Planned Behavior, one plausible interpretation is that background contributes to shaping beliefs and perceived control, but its impact on behavior is filtered by subjective norms, convenience, and competing goals (e.g., time pressure, taste, and cost) [
16]. In practical terms, these findings support the idea that interventions should not rely solely on increasing exposure or general experience, but rather on integrating hands-on training, clear feedback on performance, and environmental supports that make safe options easier to implement in student kitchens.
Hypothesis 2 is also confirmed, showing that attitudes toward food safety are positively associated with food safety behavior among Peruvian university students. In line with studies conducted in different regions, more favorable attitudes are linked to better performance in temperature control, hand hygiene, and prevention of cross-contamination [
4,
8,
9,
10]. In our model, attitudes show a stronger standardized coefficient than background, but both predictors contribute jointly to explaining food safety behavior, which reaches an R
2 of 0.318. This level of explained variance is moderate and indicates that attitudes are an important proximal correlate of behavior rather than a sole determinant. The pattern observed is compatible with the idea that students who attribute higher importance to food safety, perceive greater benefits in preventive behaviors, and experience more concern about foodborne disease are more likely to report safer practices, especially when they also feel capable of performing them. At the same time, the persistence of unsafe behaviors despite generally favorable attitudes suggests that other factors—such as habits, perceived effort, and social expectations in shared kitchens—continue to play a substantial role [
5,
11]. Overall, our findings reinforce calls for interventions that explicitly target attitudes and perceived control, not just knowledge, by working on risk appraisal, emotional engagement, and the practical feasibility of safe behaviors in everyday student routines.
Hypothesis 3 is confirmed by showing that food safety background is positively associated with attitudes toward food safety among Peruvian university students. This result is consistent with international evidence indicating that academic training and accumulated practice tend to foster more positive attitudes toward safe food handling [
5,
9,
17], At the same time, the magnitude of this association is modest: in our model, background explains only 5.7% of the variance in attitudes (R
2 = 0.057), which means that most of the variability in attitudes is attributable to other determinants not captured here. This is coherent with theoretical models that highlight the contribution of social norms, self-efficacy, perceived behavioral control, and past habits in shaping attitudes and intentions [
15,
16]. Lived experiences such as having suffered a foodborne disease may activate affective components (e.g., disgust, concern), whereas formal education provides procedural frameworks that can strengthen positive evaluations of safe practices. Nevertheless, our findings suggest that—at least in this sample—background operates as a modest predictor among many others and that changing attitudes will likely require acting simultaneously on social influences, emotional responses, and structural barriers, rather than relying exclusively on increasing exposure or training hours.
Hypothesis 4 is also supported, showing that attitudes mediate the relationship between background (experience and education) and food safety behavior. Because both the indirect (mediated) effect and the direct effect of background on behavior were statistically significant, the mediation observed corresponds to complementary partial mediation [
40]. In practical terms, this means that background exerts its influence on behavior through two routes: a direct pathway and an indirect pathway via attitudes. The indirect path BFS → AFS → FSB explains approximately 30% of the total effect of background on behavior in the overall sample, which indicates that the mediation is statistically robust but of modest magnitude. Thus, attitudes help to translate prior experience and educational exposure into safer practices, but they account for only a portion of this translation. A considerable part of the effect of background on behavior is likely transmitted through other mechanisms not explicitly modeled here, such as social norms, habits, peer behavior, perceived time constraints, and self-efficacy for implementing specific practices [
5,
15,
41]. These results are congruent with studies showing that students with training or experience in food handling may still maintain unsafe behaviors when the perceived benefits of change are low, safe options are inconvenient, or their social environment does not reinforce prevention [
4,
6,
7]. From an intervention standpoint, our findings suggest that strengthening attitudes is a relevant—but not sufficient—lever for improving food safety behavior: programs will need to combine attitudinal work (reframing beliefs and perceived value of prevention) with practical training, peer-based normative reinforcement, and environmental changes that reduce friction and make safe practices more attainable in daily life.
Regarding Hypothesis 5, although level differences were observed between men and women in some dimensions of food safety behavior (e.g., higher scores in personal hygiene, food hygiene, and cross-contamination among women), gender did not moderate the structural relationships among background, attitudes, and behavior. That is, the pattern of associations between the constructs was statistically similar in both groups, and multigroup comparisons did not reveal significant differences in the main paths at the 5% level. This is consistent with studies in university populations and young adults that report gender differences in average levels of knowledge or self-reported practices, but not systematic moderation of the links proposed by the Theory of Planned Behavior [
5,
15,
41]. A plausible interpretation is that women’s higher scores in hygiene-related behaviors reflect gendered socialization patterns around cleanliness and food preparation, as well as a greater involvement in cooking tasks, whereas the psychological mechanisms that connect background, attitudes, and behavior (e.g., perceived norms, perceived control) operate in a comparable way in men and women under similar living conditions. In our context, shared constraints such as time pressure, limited equipment, and crowded refrigerators may shape the weight of attitudes and perceived control in similar directions for both sexes, thereby attenuating potential moderating effects of gender. From a practical perspective, these results suggest that educational interventions can be designed with broadly similar core components for male and female students, while taking into account that women may start from slightly higher baseline levels of certain safe behaviors. It is important to avoid interpreting these mean differences as evidence of functional or behavioral superiority of any gender; rather, they point to different starting points that do not translate into distinct structural pathways in the model. Future research in other cultural and socioeconomic settings may help to clarify under which conditions gender becomes a more salient moderator of domestic food safety behavior.
4.1. Implications
The findings of this study offer a set of implications that can be organized across three interdependent levels: professional practice, institutional and sectoral policy, and theory.
First, in terms of professional practice, the results show that simply transmitting knowledge does not guarantee the adoption of safe behaviors; therefore, training programs should not focus exclusively on information delivery but place greater emphasis on strengthening attitudes as an important proximal driver of change, while also addressing skills and contextual barriers. This implies developing active teaching strategies that integrate procedural training (use of thermometers, prevention of cross-contamination, effective hygiene), emotionally engaging experiences that reinforce the perceived relevance of food safety, and supervised practice spaces that increase instrumental self-efficacy. In turn, professional practice should extend into everyday support through contextual reminders, peer tutoring, and the creation of environments that make it easier and more accessible to “do the right thing” under time pressure and resource constraints.
Second, at the level of university and sectoral policy, the results support the need to institutionalize minimum guidelines that ensure basic structural conditions for safe behavior: student kitchens equipped with adequate refrigerators, availability of functioning thermometers, color-coded surfaces, and auditable cleaning protocols. Policy should go beyond isolated informational campaigns and incorporate mechanisms for ongoing monitoring and feedback, as well as incentives for student participation in food safety initiatives. Universities could integrate food safety modules into general education courses, distribute low-cost kits for first-year students, and establish student ambassador programs that model safe norms and behaviors. From a sectoral perspective, authorities could promote the development of guidelines tailored specifically to university populations, ensure their inclusion in institutional accreditation processes, and prioritize funding for evidence-based interventions that activate attitudes and reduce contextual barriers.
Third, the theoretical implications point to the consolidation and expansion of explanatory models of food safety behavior. The evidence supports the Theory of Planned Behavior but also highlights the need to enrich it with constructs related to social norms, perceived control, and habit formation, given that background factors explain only a limited proportion of the variance in attitudes and behaviors. This reinforces the view that translating knowledge into practice depends on motivational, social, and environmental factors, inviting the development of multilevel conceptual frameworks that articulate individual variables with contextual determinants. The identification of a statistically significant yet modest partial mediation also suggests the existence of additional, unmodeled pathways—such as the influence of emotions (e.g., disgust, concern), peer normative pressure, and practical constraints—that should be incorporated into future theoretical refinements. Moreover, the absence of gender moderation in the structural paths indicates that the basic psychological mechanisms linking background, attitudes, and behavior may operate similarly in men and women living under comparable conditions, which has implications for designing broadly applicable, gender-inclusive theoretical models.
4.2. Results Limitations
This study presents several limitations that should be considered when interpreting the findings. First, the cross-sectional design impedes causal interpretation of the observed relationships, so the mediation of attitudes can only be understood at a statistical level. Future studies should employ longitudinal or experimental designs to assess directionality and changes over time. Second, the use of non-probabilistic convenience sampling and online recruitment may limit representativeness, with an overrepresentation of women, younger students, and those from private universities. This constrains the generalization of the results to all Peruvian university students, and future research should use probabilistic or stratified sampling strategies that include a greater diversity of institutions and regions.
Third, the use of self-report measures introduces risks of social desirability bias and common method variance, which may have inflated some of the observed associations. For future studies, incorporating objective and observational methods (e.g., refrigerator audits, practical cooking tasks, electronic temperature logs) would help strengthen the validity of the measures. Fourth, although composite reliability and AVE values met recommended thresholds, some subdimensions presented Cronbach’s alpha values slightly below 0.70 and heterogeneous response formats, which may have attenuated certain relationships and indicate the need for further refinement of the instruments. It would be advisable to standardize response scales, re-examine items with lower internal consistency, and explore alternative specifications—such as formative or composite models—for background variables, given their compositional nature.
Fifth, the explained variance was modest for attitudes and moderate for behavior, suggesting the influence of relevant variables not included in the model (such as peer norms, socioeconomic conditions, habit strength, or availability of equipment). Incorporating these factors in future models would improve the precision of the estimates and provide a more comprehensive picture of domestic food safety behavior in young adults. Finally, the study is restricted to Peruvian university students, so generalization to other countries and cultural contexts should be made with caution. Multicenter replications and cross-cultural invariance analyses would be key steps to assess the robustness and transferability of the findings.
5. Conclusions
In summary, the results show that food safety background is associated with university students’ practices, but its impact is only partial and remains limited when considered in isolation. Attitudes toward food safety emerge as an important proximal factor associated with safer behaviors and operate as a statistically significant, yet modest, mediator of the relationship between background and behavior. This partial and moderate mediation indicates that attitudes help translate prior exposure and experience into practice, while a substantial proportion of the influence of background on behavior is likely transmitted through other mechanisms not captured in this model. These findings underscore the need to design interventions that do not focus solely on transmitting information, but instead promote strong beliefs, self-efficacy, and positive motivations, reinforced by environments and social norms that facilitate responsible behavior in student contexts.
The main contribution of this study lies in empirically documenting, in a Peruvian university population, that the relationships between background, attitudes, and food safety behavior are consistent with a model of partial mediation of modest magnitude and that these structural relationships remain stable across genders. This provides relevant evidence for the design of educational and public health strategies that can be applied to both male and female students, while recognizing differences in baseline levels of certain practices. Looking ahead, longitudinal and intervention studies are needed to assess whether changes in attitudes and self-efficacy lead to sustained improvements in food safety behavior, as well as research that explicitly incorporates other key variables from the Theory of Planned Behavior (subjective norms, perceived behavioral control) and contextual factors (living conditions, access to equipment, time constraints). It would also be pertinent to replicate and extend this model in other universities and regions of Latin America, to explore the potential of digital tools and experiential or simulation-based training programs, and to evaluate their impact both on reducing risky practices and on the incidence of foodborne diseases in young populations.