Parenting and Coping During a Crisis: A Qualitative Cross-Cultural Study Two Years After COVID-19

Abstract

The COVID-19 pandemic unprecedentedly challenged families worldwide, yet little is known about how parents from diverse cultural contexts retrospectively interpret their parenting roles and coping strategies. This study explores parenting adjustments two years after the pandemic’s onset among five cultural groups: Bulgarian and Spanish (Eastern and Western Europe), Israeli Arabs and Jews (Middle East), and U.S. families. Fifty parents, primarily mothers of children aged 2–8, were recruited through snowball sampling. Semi-structured interviews were conducted using the Parenting Pentagon Model (PPM), which includes five constructs: Partnership, Parental Leadership, Love, Encouraging Independence, and Adherence to Rules. Data were analyzed using grounded theory and directed content analysis. Across cultures, Love and Parental Leadership were central to maintaining emotional stability and family cohesion. Partnership showed cultural variation: Bulgarian and Spanish parents often shared responsibilities, while U.S. mothers reported handling childcare alone, heightening work–life tension. Israeli-Arab fathers became more involved in caregiving, while Israeli-Jewish mothers described both strengthened and strained partnerships. Coping strategies were shaped by cultural values and family demographics (e.g., family size). The findings emphasize parents’ vital role in fostering family resilience during crises and stress the importance of culturally sensitive support to enhance families’ adaptive capacity for future challenges.

1. Introduction

Parenting during a crisis requires rapid adaptation to new stressors, disruptions in daily routines, and shifts in caregiving responsibilities (Bornstein, 2021). Across global crises, including pandemics, natural disasters, economic downturns, and armed conflicts, parents are required to balance increased childcare demands, financial uncertainties, and emotional strain (Brown et al., 2020; Walsh, 2016).

Research highlights that parental resilience—the ability to adapt while maintaining family stability—is crucial in mitigating the adverse effects of a crisis on child development (Prime et al., 2020; Walsh, 2016). However, parenting responses to crises are not uniform but rather influenced by cultural norms, family structures, and the availability of external support systems (Ikeda et al., 2024).

The COVID-19 pandemic, with its prolonged waves and global reach, created an unprecedented and sustained crisis context that significantly impacted family life. It also offered a unique opportunity to examine how families across diverse cultures adjusted their parenting strategies over time. While prior research has addressed the psychological effects of the pandemic on parental stress, coping, and behavior (Brooks et al., 2020; Chung et al., 2022; Clemens et al., 2021; Spinelli et al., 2020), less is known about how parents retrospectively perceive their adaptation and the lasting shifts in their parenting practices.

This study explores these retrospective insights through a cross-cultural lens, involving parents from five distinct cultural contexts: Bulgaria (Eastern Europe), Israeli-Arabs and Jews (Middle East), Spain (Western Europe), and the United States (mainly Maryland). Each group reflects unique historical, social, and familial norms. Bulgarian parenting blends patriarchal traditions with Western influences, reflecting the country’s post-socialist transformation (Luleva, 2016). Israeli-Arab families emphasize collectivism and interdependence, with evolving gender roles due to modernization (Shechory-Bitton et al., 2015). Israeli-Jewish parenting balances individualistic Western approaches with strong family-centric values (Oryan, 2014). In Spain, parenting is shaped by collectivist ideals, emotional closeness, and parental control (García & Gracia, 2009), while American parenting emphasizes individualism and encourages children’s self-expression and autonomy (Bornstein, 2015).

These diverse cultural perspectives provide a comparative framework for understanding how parents adapt their parenting to crises, both pandemic-related and more broadly. We invited parents to reflect on their beneficial parenting behaviors following the outbreak of the pandemic through the lens of the Parenting Pentagon Model (PPM; Aram et al., 2022). The PPM outlines five key constructs of beneficial parenting: (1) Partnership—collaboration between caregivers in managing parenting responsibilities; (2) Leadership—setting values and household lifestyle, making key family decisions, and being an example; (3) Love—expressions of emotional warmth, empathy, physical affection, and care; (4) Encouraging Independence—supporting children’s autonomy and independent problem-solving skills; (5) Adherence to Rules—establishing and maintaining household norms and discipline. These constructs are based on rich clinical and cross-cultural empirical research findings regarding beneficial parenting behaviors associated with children’s well-being and development (e.g., Bellon et al., 2017; Carroll, 2021; Jones et al., 2014; Konishi et al., 2018). The PPM provides a structured framework for understanding beneficial parental behaviors and assists in identifying parental coping strategies in a crisis.

Adaptive parenting strategies are essential for supporting children’s ability to cope with crisis-induced stressors, as they help foster emotional security, promote resilience, and provide consistent structure during times of uncertainty (Vladislav et al., 2024). Family Systems Theory (Carr, 2015) and Walsh’s Resilience Model (Walsh, 2016) suggest that family resilience is strengthened through effective communication, role flexibility, and shared belief systems. Additionally, emerging evidence in developmental science, particularly through the lens of differential susceptibility theory, highlights complex neurocognitive and emotional dynamics that influence adaptation processes within parent–child dyads under conditions of environmental stress. For example, the way parents create a safe space for their children to express negative emotions, process feelings, and seek comfort during times of distress, can impact the emotional support available within the family (Christou et al., 2025; Ellis & Boyce, 2011). At the same time, cultural factors significantly influence parenting behaviors in response to crises (Selin, 2013). For example, collectivist cultures that prioritize the needs and goals of the group over the individual’s needs often rely on intergenerational and community-based support systems available to parents and children. On the other hand, individualistic cultures that prioritize an individual’s needs, goals, and rights emphasize parental autonomy and self-sufficiency (Harkness et al., 2007). We qualitatively analyzed parents’ responses from semi-structured interviews using the PPM framework to explore how parents retrospectively perceived their adaptive parenting behaviors two years after the pandemic’s onset, and what coping resources they relied on during the crisis. Examining these dimensions across multiple cultural contexts allows for a deeper understanding of both universal and culturally specific parenting adaptations in times of a global crisis.

1.1. COVID-19 as a Case Study of Crisis

The COVID-19 pandemic represents a unique opportunity to examine parenting adaptation in extreme circumstances. Lockdowns, school closures, and remote work placed unprecedented demands on families, increasing stress and role strain for parents worldwide (Bornstein, 2021). While previous pandemics (e.g., SARS, Ebola) also disrupted family life, COVID-19’s prolonged duration, global impact, and economic uncertainty created distinct challenges (Brooks et al., 2020).

An earlier quantitative study (Aram et al., 2022) revealed that Love behaviors were the most prominent across the studied cultures, indicating their centrality in parenting. Partnership between the spouses was the least frequent across cultures, suggesting that collaboration between parents was the most challenging. Further, parental stress, role adjustments, and coping strategies varied across cultural contexts, reflecting each society’s norms and values. Additionally, coping with the lockdown circumstances was more difficult for larger families and older parents. Larger households often faced increased stress due to limited space, competing needs for resources like computers for remote work or schooling, and heightened interpersonal tensions. Older parents, particularly those with school-age children, struggled with the demands of homeschooling while managing their own work responsibilities or health concerns (Prokupek et al., 2023; Reader & Andersen, 2022).

Despite these findings, little is known about the coping resources parents utilized during the crisis and how they perceive their adaptations. A qualitative approach allows for a deeper exploration of the emotional, cognitive, and behavioral shifts parents experienced and the coping resources utilized, shedding light on how cultural expectations and diversity shaped parenting during a crisis (Charmaz, 2006).

1.2. Study Objectives

Our study uses the PPM analytical framework to examine how parents from diverse cultural backgrounds retrospectively assess their parenting behaviors, coping resources, and role adjustments two years after the pandemic’s onset.

We specifically addressed the following research questions:

• How do parents of young children perceive their parenting behaviors from the initial lockdown of the COVID-19 pandemic (spring 2020) to two years after the onset of the pandemic (spring 2022)?
• What resources did parents of young children use to cope with and adapt to the crisis, and how do these strategies vary across cultural contexts?

Drawing on findings from a previous quantitative study (Aram et al., 2022), we hypothesized that parents of young children from diverse cultural backgrounds may perceive their parenting behaviors differently during times of crisis, and that their coping resources may also differ accordingly.

This study offers insights into the behaviors of parents of young children during times of crisis and seeks to shed light on expressions of resilience that contribute to family well-being. These findings may be relevant for families across diverse cultural contexts who face significant life challenges, including disruptions to daily routines caused by natural disasters, economic instability, and exposure to war or armed conflict.

2. Methods

2.1. Procedure

When the COVID-19 pandemic began, we contacted colleagues and researchers we were familiar with, inviting them to collaborate on cross-cultural research we had started in Israel. At that time, we were uncertain about how long the pandemic would last and how it would affect family dynamics. The initial data collection took place during the first lockdown (spring 2020). One year later, the collaboration continued with a follow-up data collection, which led to the publication of several articles and book chapters focused on parenting behaviors during times of crisis (e.g., Aram et al., 2022). Two years after the initial pandemic lockdown, during the period of transition out of COVID-19 restrictions, we jointly decided to collect qualitative data to gain deeper insights into its long-term impact. Data collection took place between March and December 2022 across the five cultural contexts. Throughout this period, the research team engaged in continuous dialog to clarify ambiguities, ensure consistency in data collection procedures, and strengthen intercultural alignment and validity. We aimed to explore parenting adaptation and resilience during the pandemic and to identify both universal patterns and culturally specific expressions of parenting in response to the crisis. Tel Aviv University’s Ethics Committee granted ethical approval for the study.

2.2. Participants

Participants were drawn from five culturally distinct groups: Eastern and Western Europe, the Middle East, and the U.S. They were recruited through snowball sampling. We acknowledge that snowball sampling can be useful when physical access is limited, but it has its drawbacks, such as reduced sample diversity and self-selection bias. It may primarily attract more motivated participants, resulting in a small, mainly educated, middle-class sample. Indeed, participating families shared similar demographic characteristics, including nuclear family structures, consisting of parents raising young children, suburban-to-urban middle-class environments, and high parental education levels. That is, our sample is mainly representative of a relatively well-educated, middle-class population in Western contexts, which limits the generalizability of findings (Biernacki & Waldorf, 1981). These issues are further discussed in the study’s Limitations section.

The sample comprised 50 parents (10 per cultural group), each raising at least one child aged 2–8 during the first COVID-19 lockdown in 2020. This developmental stage requires particularly high levels of parental involvement and adaptability in times of crisis (UNESCO, 2024). All parents reported that their children, referenced in the study, were enrolled in regular education settings. The sample size was guided by the principle of saturation, which was reached when further interviews yielded no substantially new information (Hennink & Kaiser, 2022). Despite the significant upheaval that families experienced at the beginning of the crisis, they did not require systemic financial support, such as unemployment benefits. During lockdowns, parents were required to balance work responsibilities with the needs of their children and household duties. Given the young age of the children, this often demands greater involvement. For school-aged children, in particular, parents were also responsible for supporting distance learning.

Table 1. Demographic characteristics of the sample (N = 50; 10 parents per culture).

	Participating Parents
	Gender	Age (M in Years)	Education Level (%)	Employment During the First Lockdown (%)	Child’s Age (M in Months)	Number of Children per Family (M)
Bulgaria	Mothers: 10	36	BA: 20% MA: 70% Ph.D: 10%	Home: 70% Hybrid: 20% N/A: 10%	91	1.90
Israeli Arabs	Mothers: 9 Father: 1	35	BA: 30% MA: 50% Ph.D: 20%	Workplace: 70% Hybrid: 30%	87	2.50
Israeli Jews	Mothers: 9 Father: 1	41	Secondary: 10% BA: 20% MA: 60% Ph.D: 10%	Home: 10% Workplace: 50% Hybrid: 40% N/A: 20%	87	2.80
Spain	Mothers: 5 Fathers: 5	41	Certificate: 20% BA: 10% MA: 10% Ph.D: 60%	Home: 70% Workplace: 10% Hybrid: 10% N/A: 10%	78	1.40
the U.S.	Mothers: 8 Fathers: 2	31	Secondary: 10% Certificate: 10% BA: 10% MA: 20% Ph.D: 50%	Home: 10% Hybrid: 90%	73	2.60

presents the demographic characteristics of participants from each cultural group, listed alphabetically.

Most participants in each cultural group were mothers, except in Spain. The average age of parents ranged from 31 years in the U.S. to 41 years in Israel (Jewish) and Spain. Most parents had an academic education. Regarding employment, all parents continued to work and earn a living, except for three parents who were unemployed even before the COVID-19 outbreak. Parents in Israel and Bulgaria primarily worked outside the home or in hybrid settings, while those in Spain and the U.S. predominantly worked from home. The mean age of the participating children varied, ranging from 73 months in the U.S. to 91 months in Bulgaria. Additionally, Israeli-Jewish parents reported the highest average number of children per family, with an average of 2.8, while Spanish parents had the lowest average of 1.4.

2.3. Research Instruments

This study employed a qualitative design that allows for an in-depth examination of thoughts, emotions, and behaviors (Charmaz, 2006). Semi-structured, in-depth, video-based interviews were conducted via Zoom, allowing participants to reflect on their parenting challenges and coping and resilience strategies two years after the initial pandemic lockdown. Researchers and their assistants, familiar with the PPM and its cultural context, conducted the interviews within each cultural group. Each interview lasted between 45 and 60 min, with an average duration of 52 min. All interviews were transcribed verbatim and translated into English, except those conducted in the United States.

The interview guide (Appendix A) was based on the Parenting Pentagon Model (PPM) questionnaire (Aram et al., 2022). It was initially developed in Hebrew, Arabic, and English and later translated into Bulgarian and Spanish using a back-and-forth translation process conducted by native speakers to ensure linguistic and cultural accuracy.

The original questionnaire underwent a thorough validation process, including assessments of internal consistency, and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), which supported the structural integrity of the PPM (Meoded Karabanov et al., 2021). The overall reliability of the PPM index was high (Cronbach’s α = 0.95). Additional evidence supporting the questionnaire’s validity was provided by quantitative studies that employed it during the COVID-19 lockdown, and across various contexts and cultures (e.g., Alon et al., 2025; Aram et al., 2022; Meoded Karabanov et al., 2021; Montesino et al., 2021).

For the development of the qualitative version of the questionnaire, selected items were adapted from the quantitative instrument. We made linguistic and cultural adjustments in collaboration with researchers from five different cultures, and after this comprehensive process, the final version of the qualitative questionnaire was established.

The interviews were structured around five thematic sections, each corresponding to a PPM construct. The Partnership section explored dividing roles between parents and co-parenting strategies (e.g., “Are you happy about the division of roles in your family?”). The Leadership section explored decision-making processes, household structure-setting, and taking responsibility (e.g., “To what extent do you feel you are leading your family?”). The Love Behaviors section explored affectionate behaviors and expressions of care (e.g., “How do you express love toward your children?”). The Encouraging Independence section explored how parents supported autonomy in their children (e.g., “How do you encourage your children’s independence in their daily lives?”), while the Adherence to Rules section examined how household norms were established and adjusted during the crisis (e.g., “How do you perceive rule setting in your family?”).

In addition, the participant’s “name” was formed using the initials of each culture (BL for Bulgaria, IA for Israeli Arab, IJ for Israeli Jew, SP for Spain, and US for the United States), followed by a consecutive number (numbered 01-10), parent’s role (M for mothers and F for fathers), and child’s age. For example, “BL09, M, 3” refers to a Bulgarian mother of a 3-year-old, as indicated by the number nine (Appendix B).

2.4. Data Analysis

This study employed grounded theory to explore parents’ retrospective perceptions of their behaviors during the COVID-19 pandemic and how these behaviors have changed since the outbreak. Grounded theory is a qualitative methodology that aims to generate theory directly from the data, rather than test pre-existing hypotheses. As a systematic yet flexible approach, it enables the development of theoretical insights grounded in participants’ lived experiences (Charmaz, 2006). The retrospective approach was purposefully selected, considering the unique challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. The emotionally charged and disruptive nature of the crisis allowed participants to recall and reflect on their parenting behaviors, clearly and deeply (Snelgrove & Havitz, 2010). Furthermore, retrospective reports are valuable for understanding perceived changes over time, as they enable individuals to integrate past experiences with current perspectives, leading to insights gained through reflection (Fraser, 2004).

We also used a deductive approach, directed content analysis, to complement the grounded theory and expand upon the theoretical framework of the PPM (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). Directed content analysis is a qualitative method used to validate or extend existing theory by coding data according to predetermined categories derived from the theory itself. This hybrid approach enabled both the development of new insights and a structured analysis guided by the five constructs of the PPM framework.

The first author conducted the coding using the five PPM constructs as predefined categories. The data were organized into five primary themes (e.g., Partnership, Leadership, etc.) and 15 subthemes reflecting various parenting behaviors (e.g., division of roles, co-parenting strategies). Thematic findings were systematically integrated with the PPM to explore cross-cultural similarities and differences in parenting behaviors (see Figure 1). Additionally, inductive coding identified emergent subthemes, such as specific coping resources parents relied upon during the pandemic. The analysis followed a structured process of holistic reading. First, each transcript was read in its entirety to capture an overall sense of the participant’s experiences and narrative tone. Then, the transcript was reread and coded according to the PPM constructs. Parental perspectives were categorized into their subthemes, with particular attention to coping resources that helped parents navigate and adapt during the pandemic. Later, inductively, additional subthemes were identified beyond the PPM constructs to capture unique cultural nuances and unfamiliar patterns.

To enhance intercoder reliability and analytical consistency, cross-cultural findings were regularly reviewed in collaboration with research partners. This process ensured that interpretations accurately reflected the intended meanings within each cultural context. Thematic codes were discussed and refined iteratively to maintain conceptual clarity while preserving cultural nuances.

Additionally, the first author maintained a reflexive journal throughout the analytical process to track assumptions, potential biases, and decision-making processes. To ensure theoretical trustworthiness, the findings were also cross-referenced with broader theoretical and empirical literature, reinforcing their relevance and coherence within the existing body of knowledge. These steps collectively contributed to maintaining analytical rigor across all five cultural groups.

3. Findings

The findings revealed universal trends and culturally specific variations, offering insights into how families coped with disruptions caused by the pandemic. Parents’ perspectives are presented in descending order, from the highest to the lowest degree of beneficial parental behavior related to each construct, and accompanied by illustrative quotations.

3.1. Partnership

Across cultures, parents described their partnership experiences during the COVID-19 lockdown, revealing varying levels of cooperation, role division, and adaptation. Spanish and Bulgarian parents frequently emphasized egalitarian and communicative partnerships. They shared responsibilities and based their connection on mutual understanding: “We both collaborate; when I can, since I have a more irregular schedule, I go to pick up the child. If we can, we both go together to school to pick him up” (SP01, F, 7); “I know that if he had more time, I know that he could contribute more” (SP07, M, 4); “We try to share equally; of course, in some situations, I must be more leading and more dominant. I take a little more responsibility for the care of the children” (BL03, M, 6); and “We communicate all the time” (BL02, M, 5). Conflicts were kept private: “never in front of the children” (SP02, M, 4). Findings also revealed that lockdown brought growth: “Visible changes in our attitude at home, and they are positive. We just reinvented ourselves” (BL02, M, 5).

Israeli-Jewish and U.S. parents expressed a broader spectrum of experiences. Among Israeli-Jewish parents, some described full cooperation: “We complement each other very well. We both do everything” (IJ04, M, 4), while others noted the following: “The partnership is partial. I am the one who is connected to the WhatsApp groups.” As with the Spanish and Bulgarian parents, disagreements were usually addressed privately: “often at night, after the children were asleep” (IJ04, M, 4). For many, the lockdown enhanced paternal engagement (IJ07, M, 6). U.S. mothers also reported varied dynamics. Some felt the division was unequal: “It’s not balanced. I guess there is a partnership in certain things. Maybe if my husband is off, he’ll bathe the baby or put her down [to sleep]” (US01, M, 2), while others highlighted strong co-parenting: “My husband and I co-parent pretty strongly, so we’re like co-leads” (US07, M, 5). Conflict resolution often involved discussion and information-seeking (US05, M, 6). However, the lockdown sometimes strained relationships: “That was really hard on our relationship” (US05, M, 6).

In contrast, Israeli-Arab mothers commonly described more traditional, gendered partnerships, often framed with acceptance. Fathers “helped” when available: “As soon as he is home, he helps and supports” (IA04, M, 8). Disagreements were resolved through discussion and persuasion, occurring when “one of us has to convince the other well enough, bring good enough arguments” (IA03, M, 6). Nevertheless, participants noted positive changes: “Our partnership improved, it improved miraculously” (IA06, M, 5). Among Israeli Arabs, the lockdown fostered greater paternal involvement, which often continued beyond the crisis.

3.2. Leadership

Across cultures, parents described their parental leadership during the COVID-19 lockdown, revealing varying styles. U.S. parents demonstrated the highest levels of beneficial behavior, often led by mothers due to spouses’ work demands. One explained, “I definitely feel like I lead the household more because my husband’s hours are not flexible” (US01, M, 2). They fostered “inclusivity and kindness” (US08, M, 6) and managed household responsibilities during lockdowns, sometimes with support from extended family, such as grandparents, who “also were in a leadership kind of parenting role” (US05, M, 6).

Israeli-Arab mothers also displayed strong leadership, particularly in decision-making and guiding their children’s education and values: “I lead entirely according to my values and beliefs …” (IA03, M, 6). They promoted empathy, mutual respect, and religious values. Despite emotional strain and disruptions to routine during lockdowns (IA05, M, 4), many experienced strengthened family unity: “It was not an easy period, but it allowed us to understand the importance of being a family, the togetherness of the family” (IA01, M, 8).

Like Israeli-Arab mothers, Bulgarian and Spanish parents showed structured leadership, emphasizing values, optimism, and adaptability. For example: “I try to show them other successful people who achieved a lot and remained good and human despite everything…In every negative situation, we can get something positive” (BL01, M, 8). During lockdowns, they initiated and helped children stay socially connected to friends through video calls “to know that life goes on in some way” (BL02, M, 5). A Spanish father added, “We try to put our daily life in order.” (SP04, F, 3). Their leadership during this period supported family resilience and focused on “teaching generosity, listening, and respect” (SP01, F, 7).

Israeli-Jewish parents showed diverse leadership styles—from leading structured routines to emotional support. Some stressed planning and values: “I try to plan—starting with the daily routine… and respect between the sisters” (IJ03, M, 5). However, others gave up maintaining leadership due to exhaustion and emotional strain: “There were moments when there was no leadership. There was fatigue, there was exhaustion” (IJ10, M, 5). Still, some found meaning in leading during lockdowns: “I think my children remained relatively sane after this pandemic because I was at home. I was leading them. When we could, I took them out” (IJ01, M, 6).

3.3. Love Behaviors

Expressions of love were prominently reported across all cultural groups, most often through physical affection, shared time, and emotional attentiveness. Israeli-Arab and Bulgarian mothers especially emphasized emotional closeness—frequent hugging, playing, and verbal affirmations. One mother shared, “I hug all the time. I’ll just hug for no reason” (IA10, M, 8), while a Bulgarian parent said, “I play with them, spend time with them, cuddle them” (BL04, M, 8). For many, the lockdown created more opportunities to engage emotionally with their children, strengthening familial bonds.

Spanish, Israeli-Jewish, and U.S. parents echoed these expressions. A Spanish mother stated, “Our demonstration of affection is very physical … always trying to generate a positive and strong relationship” (SP07, M, 4). U.S. mothers described verbal and physical affirmation: “I give lots of kisses, lots of cuddles, verbally tell them I love them, and spend time with them” (US06, M, 2). Israeli-Jewish parents added that attentiveness to emotional needs was a key part of expressing love: “When they ask for things, and I know that something is important to them, I try to make it happen” (IJ06, M, 7).

At the same time, some parents across all groups described emotional strain that limited their capacity to express love. U.S. and Israeli-Jewish parents in particular mentioned exhaustion, guilt, and stress. As one Israeli parent reflected, “During the first lockdown, it was very difficult for me to express love” (IJ04, M, 4). Similarly, some Israeli-Arab parents expressed regret for previous emotional absence: “I started feeling guilty that I hadn’t stayed with them before because of my career and neglected them a bit” (IA04, M, 8). Others sought to reassure their children in the face of fear: “I felt like I needed to give her more confidence that the world would be okay” (IA06, M, 5).

While the forms of expressing love were culturally varied, they were universally framed as a central coping strategy and means of maintaining closeness during uncertainty. We have shortened this section to ensure conceptual balance across constructs while preserving key emotional and cultural insights.

3.3.1. Encouraging Independence

U.S. parents strongly encouraged independence, viewing it as integral to their children’s development. One mother said, “I think we’ve tried, age-appropriately, to push them, encourage them to do things on their own, but also set boundaries for safety and household management” (US05, M, 6). The lockdowns increased children’s autonomy (US08, M, 6).

Bulgarian parents also emphasized self-sufficiency and independent thinking from an early age. One mother said, “I allowed her to take care of herself when she was even younger.” (BL03, M, 6). At the same time, another stressed the importance of independent thought, saying, “She should have her own opinion and not be guided by others. At home, I leave her with more and more things to deal with independently” (BL10, M, 8). Still, they limited independence in risky situations (BL09, M, 3). Some parents used the lockdown period as an opportunity to teach practical life skills through everyday tasks, such as home maintenance. One mother shared, “I ambitiously decided to teach him how to peel potatoes” (BL02, M, 5).

Spanish parents viewed independence as key to their child’s self-confidence and growth. A father reflected, “It’s beneficial for her self-confidence. I encourage independence by letting her do it herself” (SP10, F, 2). A mother explained, “He practically does it all by himself. We supervise him, but he does it all himself” (SP02, M, 4). The effects of the lockdown varied; some saw acceleration in their child’s maturity (SP01, F, 7), while others noted a setback due to the slower pace of life (SP02, M, 4).

Israeli-Jewish and Arab parents encouraged independence during the lockdown by teaching new skills, such as “doing in the kitchen” (IJ08, M, 5), or by promoting “making the right decisions” (IA02, F, 5). At the same time, many felt a strong need to protect their children. One mother reflected, “I didn’t want them to do anything… I was afraid for them, I felt responsible for them” (IA01, M, 8), while others limited their child’s independence to express care, indulgence, and maintain closeness (IJ04, M, 4).

3.3.2. Adherence to Rules

Bulgarian and Spanish parents emphasized the importance of clear rules at home based on values of mutual respect, e.g., “Children need boundaries” (BL06, M, 5) and “If we say that we don’t shout at home, we don’t shout” (SP04, F, 3). When rules were broken, sometimes consequences included taking away favorite digital devices (BL09, M, 3). During lockdowns, rules were adjusted to fit new routines, allowing more screen time and freedom of action, to enable parents to manage work and childcare (SP01, F, 7; BL02, M, 5).

Israeli-Jewish parents described a flexible approach to rules; guidelines remained but were relaxed when children were tired or overwhelmed (IJ07, M, 6). During lockdowns, routines were more flexible, but mothers saw this as an opportunity for growth and learning to be more adaptable (IJ10, M, 5).

Israeli-Arab parents often struggled to enforce rules consistently, particularly during the lockdowns. The fatigue of constant enforcement led to a relaxation of rules. One mother admitted, “I found myself simply doing things because I didn’t have the energy to reiterate the house rules”. Post-lockdown, efforts were made to restore the rules again (IA01, M, 8).

U.S. parents reported having rules often around bedtimes and sleep. One mother said, “I think we have about the right number of rules. We’re stricter about some things that I think are good, like bedtimes and sleep” (US05, M, 6). Another added, “We just have like general rules that everyone seems to know. There probably could be more rules, sometimes. But we’re like more of a go-with-the-flow of whatever situation is happening” (US08, M, 6). Rule-breaking was handled verbally, focusing on kindness and respect for each other (US08, M, 6). During the lockdown, some parents relaxed their rules but later sought to re-establish structure (US07, M, 5).

3.3.3. Summary of the Main Findings

Parents’ reflections revealed that across cultures, they adapted their family dynamics during the COVID-19 lockdowns, revealing both shared strategies and culturally distinct patterns. While Love behaviors were consistent across cultures, how families balanced their Partnership, exercised Leadership, fostered their children’s Independence, and adhered to Rules at home varied considerably. Regarding Partnership, Spanish and Bulgarian parents reported egalitarian role division and open communication. Israeli-Jewish and U.S. parents expressed a wider range of experiences, from strong collaboration to strain, while Israeli-Arab partnerships remained more traditional but showed positive shifts in paternal involvement.

Regarding Leadership, U.S. and Israeli-Arab mothers often led household and educational efforts, reflecting strong maternal leadership. Spanish and Bulgarian parents emphasized shared and structured leadership, promoting values and optimism. Israeli-Jewish parents demonstrated diverse approaches, with some experiencing leadership fatigue.

Expressions of Love were emphasized cross-culturally through physical affection, verbal affirmations, and shared time. While many parents reported strengthened bonds, others struggled with emotional exhaustion that hindered their ability to express love consistently.

Encouraging Independence varied, with U.S., Bulgarian, and Spanish parents actively promoting autonomy through daily tasks. In contrast, some Israeli-Arab and Jewish parents expressed tension between encouraging independence and protecting their children during uncertainty.

Regarding Adherence to Rules, Bulgarian and Spanish parents emphasized consistent boundaries, while U.S. and Israeli parents adopted more flexible approaches. Israeli-Arab parents struggled with enforcement due to emotional strain, later attempting to restore structure post-lockdown. These findings highlight the interplay between cultural values and adaptive strategies in responding to the challenges of a global crisis.

Reflecting on the lockdown period, it is noteworthy that many parents came to a better understanding of their partners. The new reality prompted families to reinvent themselves in meaningful ways. Parents discovered joy in raising their children and learned to cherish quality time together. They also reported learning to “let go” and to relinquish the fear of losing control. Many noted developing greater resilience, alongside personal and marital growth, which had a positive impact on all family members. While the extended time at home with their children, combined with fears surrounding the pandemic, initially triggered uncertainty and rising stress, parents reflected that, in retrospect, they had successfully navigated this challenging period.

These observations emphasize the relationship between cultural values and adaptation strategies in addressing the challenges posed by the global crisis.

Table 2. Themes and subthemes across cultures.

Theme	Bulgarian Parents	Israeli-Arab Parents	Israeli-Jewish Parents	Spanish Parents	U.S. Parents
Partnership	Strong role-sharing and mutual support strengthened co-parenting. Coping: Open communication, shared responsibilities, and adaptability.	Mother-led partnerships with increased paternal involvement during lockdown. Coping: Acceptance of role division and persuasion for resolving disagreements.	Range of partnerships from mother-led to equal involvement. Coping: A discussion on conflict resolution and increased collaboration during lockdown.	Strong egalitarian partnerships with active involvement from both spouses. Coping: Mutual understanding, extensive communication, and adaptation to employment changes.	Varied partnerships, from balanced to imbalanced responsibilities. Coping: Discussion, research for conflict resolution, adapting to work-childcare balance.
Leadership	Structured yet adaptable leadership emphasizing moral guidance and shared responsibility. Coping: Optimism, reorganizing children’s social lives.	Mothers often carried a primary leadership role in decision-making and education. Coping: Instilling values and deepening family bonds.	A spectrum of leadership styles, from structured planning to emotional guidance. Coping: Creating stability and fostering emotional closeness.	Strong shared leadership with both parents maintaining order and instilling values. Coping: Organization, balancing responsibilities.	Strong emphasis on leadership roles, often mother-led due to work commitments. Coping: Creating a safe environment, emphasizing inclusivity and kindness.
Love Behaviors	Emphasized physical affection and increased quality time. Coping: Play, shared experiences, intensified love behaviors.	Frequent hugging, verbal affirmations, and shared laughter. Coping: Cherishing time together, providing emotional reassurance.	A mix of physical affection, attentiveness to needs, and verbal encouragement. Coping: Recognizing emotions and adapting to emotional exhaustion.	Frequent physical affection and shared time. Coping: Generating positive relationships, balancing affection with stress management.	Emphasized verbal affirmations and physical closeness. Coping: Emotional regulation, strengthening bonds through extended time together.
Encouraging Independence	Emphasized self-sufficiency and independent thinking from an early age. Coping: Teaching practical life skills during lockdown.	Traditionally encouraged independence, but became more protective during lockdown. Coping: Balancing safety concerns with autonomy.	Mixed approaches, some actively encouraging new skills, others limiting independence. Coping: Adapting to lockdown constraints.	Viewed independence as crucial for self-confidence and growth. Coping: Supervised autonomy, adapting to lockdown’s impact on maturity.	Strongly encouraged age-appropriate independence. Coping: Balancing autonomy with safety and increased independence due to childcare needs.
Adherence to Rules	Clear rules with consequences for breaking them. Coping: Adapting to new rules and flexible screen time.	Struggled to enforce rules consistently during lockdown. Coping: Relaxation of rules due to fatigue, efforts to reinstate post-lockdown.	Flexible approach to rules with clear guidelines. Coping: Adapting routines, viewing flexibility as an opportunity for growth and self-awareness.	Clear rules based on values of respect. Coping: Enforcing through example and discipline, adapting to increased parental availability.	A moderate number of rules, focusing on bedtimes and sleep. Coping: Flexible enforcement, verbal reinforcement, and efforts to reinstate the rules at home.

illustrates the various themes and subthemes, along with parents’ coping strategies across different cultures, summarizing the qualitative insights gathered from interviews with parents.

4. Discussion

This study explored how parents across five cultural contexts retrospectively reflected on their adaptation of parenting strategies and coping mechanisms in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. By applying the Parenting Pentagon Model (PPM), our findings provide a structured framework for understanding shifts in Partnership, Leadership, Love behaviors, Independence, and Adherence to Rules during a global crisis. The results reinforce resilience theories, emphasizing how adaptive strategies, cultural values, and access to coping resources mitigate the effects of crises on family well-being (Walsh, 2016). They also shed light on how parental characteristics may shape and influence children’s development and responses across various contexts (Christou et al., 2025; Ellis & Boyce, 2011). While expressions of love were prioritized, variations emerged in how parents adjusted their partnership roles and leadership, encouraged their children’s independence, and promoted autonomy and adherence to home rules. These findings align with previous research showing that cultural norms shape whether crises reinforce or disrupt traditional caregiving roles (Bornstein, 2021; Miller & Bairoliya, 2022).

Some families embraced egalitarian co-parenting, while others experienced a deepening of gendered caregiving divisions, often burdening mothers disproportionately. The sections below contextualize these findings within prior literature, highlighting the role of coping resources and cultural resilience mechanisms in shaping parenting responses during the pandemic.

4.1. Partnership and Gender Norms

The COVID-19 lockdowns offered a unique context for examining how families adapted caregiving roles in response to the crisis. Findings suggest that pre-existing gender norms significantly influenced these adaptations (Harkness et al., 2007; Ranji et al., 2021). In Bulgaria, Spain, and among some American and Israeli-Jewish families, co-parenting models emphasizing shared responsibilities promoted family cohesion and mutual support (Dwairy & Achoui, 2006; Sumari et al., 2017). These egalitarian partnerships fostered resilience by reinforcing interconnectedness and a collective approach to parenting.

Some American and Israeli-Jewish mothers reported intensified caregiving burdens, potentially reflecting intensive mothering ideologies prevalent in individualistic societies (Collins et al., 2021; Landivar et al., 2020). This pattern highlights how cultural expectations can exacerbate gender disparities in caregiving during crises.

Israeli-Arab families demonstrated increased paternal involvement, reflecting a shift away from traditional patriarchal models. Among more educated couples, this shift aligns with selective gender equality observed in Arab Palestinian families (Sabbah-Karkabi, 2023).

Families with clearly defined roles—particularly in Bulgaria, Spain, and among Israeli-Jewish parents—benefited from greater stability and coordination, supporting Walsh’s (2016) view that organized family systems enhance resilience. Across cultural groups, many mothers reported that increased collaboration fostered mutual appreciation and emotional resilience. For some, the crisis led to a redefinition of roles and renewed recognition of their partners, contributing to deeper familial bonds and a shared sense of purpose.

4.2. Leadership and Stability

The study’s findings highlight the significance of parental leadership in maintaining family stability. The cultural differences in how leadership is expressed align with existing research on parenting values in various societies (Harkness et al., 2007). Bulgarian and Spanish parents viewed leadership as a shared responsibility, emphasizing structured decision-making and household organization, while Israeli-Arab and Jewish parents demonstrated a more centralized leadership dynamic, with mothers primarily taking on educational and disciplinary roles.

The leadership strain reported by Israeli-Jewish and U.S. parents aligns with prior research on the emotional toll of pandemic-induced parenting stress, particularly among primary caregivers (Cohen et al., 2022). Spanish and Bulgarian parents, however, mitigated this stress by establishing daily schedules and dividing tasks, as a way to cope with the uncertainty and frequent changes in daily routines caused by the pandemic. This approach, as reinforced by this study, can significantly reduce family conflict and strengthen adaptive coping mechanisms in crisis settings (Bates et al., 2021).

Israeli-Arab and Jewish parents relied on religious and moral principles to guide their family decision-making. This aligns with previous research highlighting the importance of religious values in family resilience (Dwairy & Achoui, 2006). U.S. parents emphasized leadership that promotes their children’s well-being and security, reflecting trends in authoritative parenting styles observed in earlier studies in North America (Heaton et al., 2023).

4.3. Expressions of Love as Emotional Coping

Across all cultures, love behaviors emerged as an emotional coping strategy, reinforcing prior research demonstrating that physical affection and verbal reassurances act as protective factors for children during crisis (Eisenberg et al., 2003). However, how parents expressed love differed across cultural contexts, influenced by social expectations regarding emotional expression and physical closeness (Harkness et al., 2007; Lansford, 2022; Sumari et al., 2017). Bulgarian and Spanish parents described strengthened emotional bonds due to extended time together, consistent with studies that suggest collectivist cultures emphasize family cohesion during adversity (Theiss, 2018). Israeli-Arab and Jewish parents also reported that the lockdown conditions allowed them to get to know their children better, and they valued the opportunity to spend time with their children. Parental love creates a positive cycle in which the child feels secure and loved, leading to more positive behavior toward the parent, strengthening their bond, and enhancing the well-being of both (Nelson et al., 2014).

Some parents in the United States and Israel reported experiencing emotional exhaustion, which affected their ability to provide consistent warmth to their children. Amongst the participants in this study, the number of children in the family among American and Israeli parents ranged between one and four children, notably larger than the European families, which had one to two children. These findings align with previous research indicating that parental stress is more pronounced in larger families and that burnout can diminish emotional availability, disrupting parent–child interactions (Brooks et al., 2020; Hong & Liu, 2021; Woine et al., 2024). Previous research indicated that parents of larger families reported exhibiting fewer Love behaviors (Aram et al., 2022). Researchers suggest that the increased parenting burden during the lockdown may have negatively impacted parental well-being and strained couple relationships. This frustration, in turn, could have affected parent–child interactions (Lemish & Elias, 2020). Additionally, these findings may reflect the heightened educational demands placed on parents with multiple school-aged children, each requiring support for their distinct programs, requirements, and assignments. This situation likely increased parents’ fatigue and economic or emotional stress, resulting in a decrease in affectionate and supportive behaviors.

To cope, parents engaged in bonding activities with their children cross-culturally, while U.S. parents turned to digital resources, aligning with findings that indicate technology-based interventions can enhance parental emotional regulation (Flujas-Contreras et al., 2019).

4.4. Encouraging Independence in Response to Practical Demands

Cultural differences played a significant role in shaping approaches to fostering children’s independence during the pandemic. However, the pandemic often necessitated a shift towards encouraging independence out of practical needs, driven by parents’ remote work demands and economic pressures (Bornstein, 2021). In our research, many American parents encouraged their children to become more independent due to increased childcare needs during the lockdown. Previous research has shown that coping with lockdown conditions was particularly challenging for larger families and older parents (Aram et al., 2022). In response, many parents reported encouraging greater independence among their children during this period. Autonomy-supportive parenting refers to practices that promote, acknowledge, and respect children’s perspectives (Grolnick, 2003). The dual demands of working from home while simultaneously caring for children likely increased parents’ reliance on their children’s self-management. Compared to toddlers, older children were better able to take responsibility for their activities, enabling parents to grant them more independence and autonomy (Matte-Gagné et al., 2015).

The participating parents ranged in age from 35 to 41 years old. During the pandemic, younger parents (ages 20 to 30) were more likely to take leave from work, while those in their late thirties faced the demands of both their careers and parenting (Henehan, 2021). The older parents in our study, mostly mothers, were often at more advanced and demanding stages of their careers. As a result, balancing work and home responsibilities may have been particularly challenging for them, leading to reports of encouraging their child’s independence.

By reflecting their cultural emphasis on early independence, Bulgarian and Spanish parents proactively encouraged self-sufficiency (Yu et al., 2015). This approach aligns with research indicating that these cultures view early independence as a positive developmental marker. To support this, the parents found unique opportunities to emphasize this independence in tasks related to home maintenance, such as involving children in cooking, cleaning, and other household chores.

Israeli-Arab and Jewish parents showed more varied responses, with some maintaining their focus on fostering independence and others becoming more protective due to heightened safety concerns during the crisis. The study highlights that encouraging children’s independence can often be challenging for Israeli parents (Scharf & Natan, 2022).

4.5. Adherence to Rules and Flexibility

The COVID-19 pandemic significantly influenced parental approaches to rule-setting and maintaining daily routines across cultures. While the need for structure remained, strategies for maintaining adherence to rules varied. Bulgarian and Spanish parents demonstrated adaptability, balancing structure with flexibility to accommodate pandemic-related stressors, such as increased screen time due to remote learning and parents’ work demands. This approach aligns with research indicating that maintaining routine stability while allowing for necessary adjustments can reduce household conflict during crises (Walsh, 2016).

Israeli-Arab and Jewish parents reported facing more significant challenges in maintaining consistent discipline. This aligns with studies suggesting parental fatigue during crises can weaken rule enforcement (Power et al., 2023). U.S. parents exhibited a distinct pattern, initially relaxing rules due to increased stress and disrupted routines but later seeking to re-establish structure.

Parents across cultures believed that the rules they had established at home were adapted to meet a new reality. They felt it was important to respond appropriately to each situation as it arose. This flexibility contributed to their ability to adjust their approaches and recognize that home rules could be managed differently, ultimately benefiting their family’s well-being.

Taken together, the five constructs of the Parenting Pentagon Model (PPM) represent a holistic framework for understanding how families responded to the unprecedented challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. Each of the five constructs within this model highlights a distinct aspect of parenting, and their interaction reveals the complex, dynamic processes involved in parental adaptation and resilience.

For example, parental Love behaviors towards their children can serve as an emotional anchor, supporting both partnership and leadership. This emotional warmth can foster spousal cooperation, allowing parents to lead their families with empathy and stability (Aivalioti & Pezirkianidis, 2020; Davidov & Grusec, 2006; Sabey et al., 2018). Effective parental leadership often rests on a strong foundation of partnership between the spouses. Parents who share responsibilities tend to maintain stability, adhere to rules, and guide their children through uncertain times more effectively (Sumari et al., 2017).

Additionally, the balance between encouraging the child’s independence and adhering to rules is influenced by various factors, including cultural values, stress levels, parents’ work demands, and situational needs. In households where parents successfully encourage independence while maintaining consistent routines, children tend to show greater adaptability (Bates et al., 2021). However, when parents experience fatigue or emotional strain, achieving this balance can be challenging (Liu et al., 2021).

Ultimately, the interplay among the five constructs reflects a family’s overall resilience. Families that effectively integrate collaborative caregiving (partnership), values and household norms (leadership), emotional warmth (love), children’s autonomy support (encouraging independence), and household routines (adherence to rules) are generally better equipped to navigate the prolonged uncertainties of the pandemic or other crisis situations. This integrative perspective highlights the value of the PPM framework in capturing not only the distinct components of parenting but also their combined contribution to family functioning during times of crisis.

A critical reflection on the interplay among PPM constructs shows that strengths in some areas cannot fully compensate for weaknesses in others. For example, parents may display high Love and strong Partnership yet struggle to foster Independence or Rules (Dwairy & Achoui, 2006). Such imbalances highlight the need to view parenting as a dynamic, integrated system. Parent training and family support programs are therefore essential for raising awareness of the connections among the five PPM constructs and equipping parents with tools to reflect on and improve their parenting across all areas (Mikolajczak & Roskam, 2018).

4.6. Limitations and Future Directions

Although this study offers valuable insights into cross-cultural parenting behaviors during the COVID-19 pandemic by allowing parents to retrospectively examine the changes that occurred in their families in a reflective manner, several limitations must be acknowledged. The reliance on retrospective self-reports introduces potential recall bias, as parents may reconstruct their experiences in ways that align with social desirability or current perceptions (Ben-Arieh & Haj-Yahia, 2006). To mitigate this, the study employed open-ended questions to encourage diverse and authentic reflections, and findings were triangulated with existing literature to enhance validity. However, it is recommended that future research prioritize real-time data collection during crises to reduce recall distortions and better capture parenting adaptations as they occur (Bonanno et al., 2010). Nonetheless, the retrospective approach provided a feasible and ethically appropriate alternative for gathering data from a diverse, cross-cultural sample (Brock & Wiest, 2012) and remains consistent with prior research on collective trauma and global crises, where retrospective narratives revealed coping strategies and long-term adjustments (e.g., Khawaja et al., 2008). Therefore, the retrospective reports provided a valuable perspective to examine parental responses across cultures during a specific historical moment.

Another limitation concerns the underrepresentation of fathers in most cultural groups, except in Spain. Although both mothers and fathers were approached, mothers were more likely to agree to participate in the study, reflecting a consistent trend in which mothers are more likely to participate in our studies than fathers (e.g., Aram et al., 2022). This gender imbalance limits the ability to draw conclusions regarding the partnership dynamics between spouses. We therefore recommend that future qualitative studies aim for a more balanced representation of mothers and fathers, potentially through targeted recruitment strategies or quota sampling methods. Another limitation is the sample’s socioeconomic composition, which primarily included highly educated parents, who often have greater access to coping resources, such as flexible work arrangements, professional support networks, and advanced parenting knowledge. These advantages may not reflect the experiences of less educated or economically disadvantaged families, who likely faced greater childcare instability, financial stress, and fewer external support systems during the pandemic. While the sample may not fully represent the diversity of parental populations, it does include a significant group of highly educated mothers who balance multiple roles, such as professional work, childrearing, and household management. This demographic is particularly important for understanding parenting adaptations during times of crisis, as these mothers often play a crucial role in navigating family routines, emotional regulation, and educational responsibilities. Their experiences offer valuable insights into the challenges of balancing career and caregiving, particularly under the unique pressures of the COVID-19 pandemic. Future research should strive for greater socioeconomic, racial, and geographic diversity, incorporating perspectives from low-income and marginalized communities where parenting adaptations and resilience strategies may differ significantly.

It is also recommended that future cross-cultural studies incorporate clearer intercultural standardization procedures across cultures to enhance the comparability and cultural validity of the data. In addition, future studies may benefit from combining qualitative and quantitative approaches, using mixed-methods designs to triangulate rich narrative data with scalable measures of parenting stress, family resilience, or child outcomes. Such methodological advancements can improve the robustness and applicability of findings for policy and intervention development.

5. Conclusions

This study applied the PPM framework to provide a structured understanding of how families from diverse cultural backgrounds adapted to the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings highlight that key resilience strategies include partnership, adaptive leadership, love behaviors, fostering a child’s independence, and flexible rule-setting (Aivalioti & Pezirkianidis, 2020; Vladislav et al., 2024; Walsh, 2016). These constructs serve as a foundation for developing interventions aimed at strengthening family functioning during and after crises. To translate these findings into practice, we recommend several concrete actions that reflect the practical significance of the five PPM constructs.

We recommend several concrete actions. First, parental support initiatives should include guidance on adaptive beneficial parenting, particularly during crises. These programs may involve workshops, digital toolkits, or interventions that promote co-parenting dynamics to support family stability (e.g., role division and shared responsibility). Second, both public health services and community-based organizations providing mental health support for parents, especially mothers, who often bear a disproportionate burden, should be expanded. This aim is to address emotional fatigue, enhance emotional availability, and prevent parental burnout. Programs designed to help parents remain emotionally present and responsive can include reflective practices and parenting circles that focus on reinforcing emotional availability (Mikolajczak & Roskam, 2018; Prime et al., 2020). Third, culturally sensitive parenting resources should be developed and made accessible through community organizations, health clinics, and educational settings to support parents effectively. For instance, they can guide parents to encourage children’s independence and adherence to home rules while respecting family hierarchies and boundaries. Research has shown that culturally adapted interventions improve parental engagement and program outcomes by addressing culturally rooted parenting values and family structures (Kumpfer et al., 2002). Fourth, the development of peer-based community networks may provide families with social support, opportunities for shared learning, and access to coping strategies tailored to their specific circumstances (Hosokawa & Katsura, 2024). These networks can promote informal support aligned with the PPM by fostering connection, empathy, and the exchange of practical strategies among parents facing similar challenges. Finally, policy responses to future crises should adopt a comprehensive approach that goes beyond emergency childcare solutions. Family-centered policies should include provisions for remote work flexibility, accessible digital infrastructure, and home-based educational support. Integrating the PPM framework into such policy planning can help strengthen family resilience not only during pandemics but also in the face of other global challenges such as economic insecurity, environmental stress, and displacement.