Institutional Compassion in Student Transition to University: Findings from the Nurture-U Compassionate Campus Project

Abstract

Compassionate university practices can increase students’ sense of belonging and lead to higher wellbeing. This study presents qualitative data from a UK university collected as part of the Nurture-U Compassionate Campus project. Experiences of transition to university were gathered from 32 students across five focus groups. Data were analysed using narrative analysis, conducted jointly by an academic researcher and Nurture-U student advisors. Results are presented across three phases: (1) Expectations: participants hoped for liberal and inclusive university environments, but the university’s reputation as a white, middle-class university raised concerns for some. (2) Navigating a new social environment: on arrival, compassion was visible in welcoming individuals, but lacked where participants felt othered. (3) Finding your people: many found friends who had shared experiences, but this took time and could cause further isolation. Participants identified specific compassionate practices universities could implement in universities supporting transition. These included (i) implementing communication prior to arrival that actively promotes and highlights available support, (ii) creating structures where students and staff can interact and support each other in small groups, and (iii) holding accessible and free events for students to interact which are not reliant on societies.

1. Introduction

Compassion is the combination of noticing others’ suffering and taking action to alleviate it. Institutional compassion has been discussed in the context of the NHS, Whitehall, and increasingly higher education (Lawrence, 2021; Waddington, 2016; Waddington & Bonaparte, 2024). Waddington argues that if a university’s leading role is to help students learn, then they must be, at their essence, caring (2016). This involves universities building policies and processes that prioritise human experience above metrics and bureaucracy, building safe environments where students and staff can interact with honesty and mutual respect. This has been conceptualised as an antithetical stance to the neoliberal university agenda, which idolises achievement and revenue (Lawrence, 2021; Troiani & Dutson, 2021). However, amid concerns that compassion increasingly becomes a ‘buzzword’ in university rhetoric, there are calls for clarifying student and staff perceptions of the concept, highlighting practical measures that can build compassionate campuses (Waddington & Bonaparte, 2024). This paper aims to explore this from a student perspective in the context of the transition to university in the UK, as part of the [Nurture-U Compassionate Campus Project].

1.1. Compassion and University Culture

Seemingly in response to the accumulating need for resources within the higher education sector, universities have increasingly placed value on ambition, competition, and impact (Lawrence, 2021). Growing discourse questions whether education should be judged in this way, in terms of economic gain or private acquisition of knowledge, or on its own terms as development of knowledge to be actively shared in the form of collaborative citizenship (MacKenzie & Maginess, 2018).

Recent calls for increasing compassion in higher education highlight benefits such as higher wellbeing, stronger working relationships and higher innovation and creativity (Waddington, 2019). However, in a context where burnout and breakdown of both staff and students are increasing, sceptics argue that compassionate policies or initiatives occurring without deeper organisational change will result in a greater burden on individual staff members with little impact on students (Brewster et al., 2021; Dickinson, 2024).

Hence, an exploration of specific and practical aspects of compassion and the lack thereof in student experience is warranted. Waddington (2019) explores the notion that the essence of an organisation can be defined as “the things you stop noticing after working 6 months at an institution” (p. 242), i.e., the aspects that individuals within a community take for granted and that newcomers must learn in order to belong. This project thus explored compassion in relation to student transition to university, aiming to provide a unique take on these concepts in higher education and how they relate to student wellbeing.

1.2. Compassion in Transition

In this paper, we consider institutional compassion as it relates to optimising the environment where students are living and studying to promote positive wellbeing. Universities, with new academic and social environments compared to school, undoubtedly epitomise transition and change. Holmegaard et al. (2013) describe how, over the period prior to and starting university, individuals “construct new coherent narratives about how they belong… and how it fits with their perceptions of themselves” (p. 759). The literature has shown that successful transition to university impacts students’ sense of purpose (Ang et al., 2019), readiness for employment (Daniels & Brooker, 2014), retention, and achievement (Gillen-O’Neel, 2019; Pedler et al., 2021). Research and policy are embedded in student resilience and their capability to adapt (Brewer et al., 2019). A ‘successful’ transition is commonly conceptualised by retention (staying with studies beyond one year) and the awarding of high grades (Coertjens et al., 2016). However, it has been argued that in order for individuals to feel secure in their transition, institutional policies must create environments where caring behaviours are truly valued (Maratos et al., 2019).

University attendance is seen as a success in its impact on social mobility, linked with higher salaries and job satisfaction (Milburn, 2012). However, even in this ‘successful’ scenario of attending university, there are distinct challenges to individuals’ mental health in the expectation of independence and freedom alongside navigation of new locations, support systems, and academic priorities (Byrom et al., 2025). These challenges can manifest differently through social, physical, psychological and educational spaces (Ahn & Davis, 2019; Kahu et al., 2022; Wong, 2023). Importantly, increasing research is showing that if students come from minority, underrepresented groups, there are added barriers to this negotiation and adaptation that are needed for their successful transition (Berryman & Eley, 2019; Christie et al., 2008). These may include cultural adaptation for students from other countries or social classes, and limited access to resources for adapting, such as time, finances or family support (Ulriksen et al., 2017).

MacKenzie and Maginess (2018) contend that “imaginative dwelling in the life of the student” is “crucial” for university leaders and staff to create compassionate environments. Gravett argues that metaphors of the transition to university which exist in most university policies are inaccurate, creating an image of a smooth bridge or pathway leading to a successful new way of being. She instead describes transitions as rhizomes, “divergent, fluid and multiple” (p1512), emphasising the diversity of change both within and between individuals (Gravett, 2019). Recent research emphasises the role that socio-cultural expectations and people’s experiences prior to university have in their experiences and social connection once university begins (Priestley et al., 2025). Furthermore, students have described the concept of ‘transition’ as more than the arrival at university, but extending to the years before and after this time (Cage et al., 2021). Increasing our understanding of what different individuals need as they make their transition to university, how this is shaped in different ways by their experiences, and how individual transitions can vary can aid a deeper understanding of how universities can compassionately support those embarking on their university journey.

Pre-university factors, specifically childhood adverse experiences, existing mental health problems and financial stress, are predictive of suicide-related outcomes at university (Sheldon et al., 2021). While universities as institutions do not have control of the experiences of students prior to admission, a compassionate approach argues for the identification of these pre-existing barriers to inclusion and proactive initiatives to remove them. Transitioning to university is a key stage in this journey which institutions could target to make a difference in the student experience, which is embedded in compassion.

1.3. The Nurture-U Compassionate Campus Project

The data presented in this paper were collected as part of the Nurture-U Compassionate Campus project. The wider Nurture-U project is being conducted across six universities in the UK, using a range of approaches to explore student mental health and wellbeing (for more details, visit www.nurtureuniversity.co.uk, accessed on 1 April 2025). The Nurture-U Compassionate Campus workstream aims to examine university policy and culture in terms of “inclusive citizenship, positive associations with others, and models of other-regard [allowing] for campus communities to flourish” (p. 3) (Lawrence, 2021). The objective of Compassionate Campus was to collect student stories on their experiences of compassion on university campuses, encompassing feelings of safety and belongingness as well as experiences where this has felt lacking or absent. These stories have been developed into video case studies and a report to guide universities in implementing compassionate policies (see www.nurtureuniversity.co.uk/compassionatecampus, accessed on 1 April 2025).

This paper presents data from a single university case study within this wider project, the University of Exeter. Exeter is situated in the southwest of England in the rural county of Devon. The city of Exeter has a population of approximately 140,000, with the university consisting of just under 30,000 students. It is part of the UK Russell Group: universities which describe themselves as ‘world-class’ in research and teaching (https://russellgroup.ac.uk/, accessed on 1 April 2025). The University of Exeter represents a number of other Russell Group universities, such as Warwick, Bath or Durham, as a campus university on the edge of a city with a high intake of privately educated students. Recent statistics show that approximately 30% of students at Exeter came from fee-paying schools. Around a quarter of students come from overseas, but data from 2022 suggests that Exeter is one of the least ethnically diverse campuses in the UK, with just over 10% of students from non-white backgrounds (Shaw, 2022), compared to 25% of the total students in the UK (Higher Education Statistics Agency, 2023). Approximately 17% of students in the University of Exeter reported a disability (University of Exeter, 2024), with the 2023 percentage of students nationally with a disability being reported as 19% (Higher Education Statistics Agency, 2023).

The aim of this study was to (1) provide a narrative account of the experiences of students from underrepresented groups as they navigate this campus university environment and (2) identify how compassionate practices from the institution (or lack thereof) affect these experiences. The aim is that this case study enables universities to reflect on belonging within their own settings and work with students to identify how positive changes can be made to university policies and the conduct of faculty, staff, and students in cultivating a more compassionate campus culture.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Participant Recruitment

Focus groups were held in May 2022 and January 2023. Participants were recruited through advertising in university newsletters and on social media. There were two focus groups held in 2022. For these, we advertised “a paid discussion group” for students to talk about “Compassion on Campus” and “cultural issues on campus”. From these discussions, the issues of racism, ableism, or classism at the University of Exeter were identified as core themes for the three further focus groups held in 2023. Advertising for these groups had the same wording as the initial adverts, but specifically asked, “Have you experienced racism, classism or ableism on campus? Interested students contacted the researchers, who then emailed information sheets and consent forms. Consent forms were signed electronically prior to the focus groups.

As this was a qualitative study, with the aim of providing rich and detailed discussion in a space where student participants felt comfortable, we did not use questionnaires to collect specific sociodemographic data of participants. Given the nature of the advertising and the self-identification of experiences and backgrounds that arose in the resulting discussions, we are comfortable reporting that the participants came from a diverse range of backgrounds that are underrepresented at the University of Exeter.

2.2. Data Collection

A total of 32 students participated: 16 in the initial two general groups, 4 in the group advertised as discussing Ableism, 7 discussing Racism, and 5 Classism. The focus groups were all two hours long with two comfort breaks. To aid inclusion, the focus groups were all hybrid, with some participants attending through Microsoft Teams.

Four researchers (JD, PC, FT, LL) were present in the focus groups to allow a sharing of roles in facilitation, recording and hybrid technology management, and additional co-facilitation to manage group dynamics and ensure all group participants had the opportunity to speak. A topic guide was followed, which aimed to explore student experiences of compassion on campus, with questions based around areas of accommodation, curricula, inside and outside spaces, and institutional culture. Participants were assured of the confidentiality of the groups and there was an additional room booked for anyone who needed time away from the discussion.

Recordings were obtained through Microsoft Teams and Dictaphones and then transcribed by the study authors. Once transcriptions were checked and anonymised, recordings were deleted.

2.3. Data Analysis

Initial analysis was conducted for these focus groups alongside focus groups from King’s College London as part of a wider cross-university project. This process followed Braun and Clarke’s six steps of Reflexive Thematic Analysis (Braun et al., 2023); details of the methods and results will be published elsewhere (Dooley et al., 2024, under review).

The first two steps of Braun and Clarke’s reflexive thematic analysis for the cross-university data, i.e., data familiarisation and generation of codes, were initially conducted separately by two researchers at their separate universities as part of the Nurture-U Compassionate Campus project. Researchers then met to discuss similarities and differences in this initial coding and how to combine it into further codes, categories and themes. In these discussions, we noticed an entire subset of codes that occurred solely in the University of Exeter data. These codes were on the subject of expectations prior to university and how these were met or not met. Hence, we agreed as a research team to omit these from the combined university analysis and perform a separate analysis as a case study around the transition to a campus university.

These codes became the starting point of the narrative analysis for this project. Our narrative approach followed Mishler’s (1995) typology, “Reconstructing the told from the telling” (p. 95). Given the topic of the focus groups were around experiences of compassion rather than transitions, the student’s tellings of their journey before and after arriving at the University of Exeter were not unilateral or with clear temporal markers. Hence, the initial analysis involved author JD extracting talk from the transcripts that were on the topic of students experiences prior, on arrival, and in the initial weeks and months at university, and rearranging them chronologically.

At this stage, Nurture-U student advisors VF, AG, PM individually coded the data according to meaning and experiences, aiming to identify what Mishler (1995) describes as a “sequence of changes” (p. 95) over the period of transition to university as described by students. Author JD synthesised the individual coding into paragraphs describing each narrative stage. This synthesised description of the data was checked with VF, AG, PM to verify if it reflected their individual interpretations.

The benefit of this joint analysis process between students with different university experiences alongside university staff was to reduce any potential bias that may have arisen from our individual opinions. We are aware that given we are all staff and students at the University of Exeter that we might have potential experiences and viewpoints that impacted on the theme generation.

3. Results

The findings are presented according to the following narrative stages: ‘Expectations’—students’ thoughts and perspectives prior to arriving at university; ‘Navigating a new social environment’—initial experiences and the need to acclimatise and adapt; and ‘Finding your people’—participants’ experiences of making friendships and connections (or not) over time. In each section, we highlight initiatives from the institution that conveyed compassion at this stage in the university transition, or where these may be lacking. The focus group the quotes came from is in brackets (General 1, General 2, Classism, Ableism, Racism).

3.1. Expectations

Students generally reported positive expectations around coming to the University of Exeter, which were influenced by previous visits to the campus and research into their chosen courses. Some remembered a feeling that this university was ‘the one’ for them and the excitement that came with that.

My mum literally said to me like that this is the place for you, the way you were like in awe of the campus like just looking around. On the tour that we did, it was just like incredible.

(Classism)

Others were more practical and less emotion-led in their choice. For example, several undergraduates chose [the University of Exeter] due to proximity to their family homes and some international students’ choices were dependent on funding. International and postgraduate students were particularly influenced by the university’s research reputation.

So we are looking into that ranking and then not just that we look also into the research culture… the purpose of coming here is to gain knowledge.

(General 2)

Many students did not consider the culture or community of the university prior to arrival.

I didn’t really understand the importance of that at the time.

(General, 2)

But others described hopes that a change of culture to their previous location would have a positive influence on their wellbeing, specifically rooted in a belief that the university would be compassionate, welcoming difference.

I was expecting everyone to be like, I guess not totally, fully comfortable with, you know my Asperger’s, but I mean expecting it to be open, quite understanding.

(Ableism)

My sexuality was a big thing back in my country… one of my reasons for coming to the UK was to feel free.

(Classism)

However, many students expressed fears prior to arrival, specifically of being a person of colour in a predominantly white region of the country. Multiple students said that academic advisors at their schools or friends had advised them not to attend, citing Exeter’s reputation of a homogeneous and intolerant culture. One student said she had heard the university compared to “the film Get Out” where black people are persecuted, which resulted in her feeling “scared”. For these students, the decision to attend anyway was made by placing more importance on the academic benefits over risks of a hostile environment.

There was a racism scandal with the Law Society… I was like, I’m going to study law and I’m black. So what’s this going to be like? … I thought Exeter ticks every other box. So I’m just, I’m gonna focus on that and still apply.

(General 1)

Even for those who did not have these specific concerns, they described a pre-existing knowledge of an “Exetah” stereotype, gleaned from social media or older siblings and friends already at university. This was a depiction of a student majority as white from privileged backgrounds who socialise through sports teams and nightlife. For some, this caused apprehension about having to be someone they were not in order to fit in.

So before going to uni you’re just aware of a certain stereotype… you felt like you had to change to be something a little bit different so that you can like fit in a bit more… it’s a little bit daunting.

(General 2)

Compassionate Initiatives Affecting Expectations

Most students did not name university initiatives that impacted their feelings prior to attending, except for those who had indicated that they would need academic support. These students gained reassurance from the fact university services reached out prior to arrival to find out what support would be needed. It may be that this proactive communication from the university to a student could be a practical act of compassion from the institution that would alleviate concerns about feeling unwelcome on arrival.

3.2. Navigating a New Social Environment

For many students, the hope that university would be more accommodating than their hometowns was fulfilled. Compassion was visible through diversity and staff and students being actively approachable.

At my school, there were 9 people of colour, and that’s including like literally everyone. And people would just all assume we were from the same place… Exeter for me has been better than that.

(Classism)

I would go and sit in the Forum library, then I would, you know, see students smiling and they would be really welcoming. And that was kind of reassuring to me that I was not marginalised )

(General 2)

Conversely, others found the University of Exeter’s environment exclusive on arrival, with significant cultural differences to what they were used to that they saw as arising from a lack of diversity. This specifically stemmed from initial interactions with peers which exacerbated feelings of otherness.

I used to walk around campus with my ID like here (holds student badge in centre of chest)… people look at you like, “are you lost?”… it was quite clear, even looking around, I’m not supposed to be here.

(Racism)

I just remember my first couple seminars looking around me being like, oh my goodness… everyone was asking each other what [fee paying] school they went to, so they could suss each other out… this whole culture which is just absolutely beyond me.

(Classism)

A lot of importance was placed on the initial few weeks at university for social success, which led to disillusionment for those who did not form close friendships at that time. Many students reported feelings of trying to “belong” with groups in their accommodation or courses and the loneliness that stems from these attempts failing.

There was a group of guys I made friends with. But then with as soon we started hanging around, I realize that I’m trying very hard to fit in… and after three weeks it died on its own because we were having nothing in common.

(Classism)

International students had extra challenges with adapting to a new culture and language so far from home.

Although I pass the OUS exam but you know you need to go to a new place and you need to speak a new language. And you will feel alone because your family, your friends, is far away from you.

(General 1)

The “Exetah” stereotype, revolving around sports and socialising with alcohol, was confirmed for all students on arrival. Many reported initial feelings of isolation and withdrawal if there were physical, financial, societal or cultural barriers to engaging in these mainstream activities.

I would try so hard to reach out to (my course mates), to put myself outside of my comfort zone and message them… like most of them do sports or like, they go out to nightclubs… if you can’t do those things, they’re not gonna let you into their group.

(General 1)

The impression of separatism led to an “us versus them” mentality, which was described as going both ways, with those who felt they were underrepresented also casting judgement on the perceived majority. There was a recognition that everyone was changing to fit in, but for those who appeared to belong, these adaptations were to become part of a “community”. Many felt they would never be able to be part of this culture, or if they did manage to, they would have to work twice as hard to belong. This led to feelings of isolation and despair.

It’s like I just sit there and I think I have no experience like you do and I just feel so stupid next to you.

(Classism)

Going along to lectures and you know, there might be kind of like the like ‘North Face lot’ and you know it’s very intimidating.

(General 1)

Compassionate Initiatives in Navigating New Environments

Many participants attributed these feelings of difference to university structures, which they felt led to separatism. One example was the fact differences in accommodation pricing led to inevitable cultural segregation.

If you enter (specific Accommodation), you’re going to be like, whoa, hold on a minute, these are not my people.

(Classism)

There were university initiatives to encourage diversity in student selection that were not followed through with additional support in the first weeks and months of arrival, meaning students felt specific anger towards the institution when feeling othered and out of place.

It’s meant to like, you know, broaden who’s coming in and everything, but like, yeah, as soon as I got to uni I just felt like I kind of stuck out like a sore thumb.

(Classism)

Hence, compassionate university initiatives that could aid students at this stage of transition could involve communication around embracing difference, promoting a variety of ways to connect with peers in the initial weeks, and consideration of the culture around residences. Specific support students who are attending through widening participation schemes would also remove feelings of abandonment and imposter syndrome.

3.3. Finding Your People

For many, a sense of belonging developed gradually, altering their initial perceptions of the University of Exeter as a challenging social environment.

It took a lot longer to form like deep friendships… it was more like the end of first year if anything.

(General 2)

One way of doing this was to change expectations on where and when friendships would be made. Where students found it hard to connect with others on their course or accommodations, they found success in student societies and online platforms like Discord and Facebook. These platforms allowed participants to connect with others who shared their experiences but had the caveat that this way of making friendships also led to segregation.

It’s now got to the point where like the only people I really talk to are people who are in the neurodivergent and disabled students’ society.

(Ableism)

Now all those stigma, prejudice, thought processes come haunting back… you are with that particular set or group who you wanted to leave behind.

(Classism)

Additionally, there was frustration in how societies were put forward as the primary way to meet people, but they could often be exclusionary, and there were few alternatives if societies do not work.

Even in the societies, everyone knows each other… And I’m very talkative person, so it’s not even like I wouldn’t, like, have a conversation with them to break down that barrier but trying to break down the barrier enough to get into their friendship group is near enough impossible.

(Classism)

I joined LBGTQ society because I wanted a safe space for me, but even I reached out to the committee members after a month stating that I do not feel belong… all the events were going to [a local bar], getting drunk.

(Classism)

Students highlighted how it took time to find their identity as a young adult moving away from home, what their interests were and how they wanted to live their lives. It was this that impacted their feelings of belonging to university and meant that they were much more fulfilled over time.

A lot of my initial friendships were definitely kind of surrounding, like going out… I just realised that actually it was really hard to make organic friendships… It’s only literally now in my 4th year that I’ve actually really found my people.

(General 2)

However, many students were not in the position to reflect on their adaptations in this way. Participants in earlier stages of their studies or on shorter courses reported abandoning any attempts to connect with new people.

I don’t feel that I will be able to make such good friends… I just try to enjoy my own company instead of actually reaching out to people again and again.

(Classism)

The only break I have (from academic work) is going to (paid) work outside of uni and because I don’t have that I don’t really have friends.

(Classism)

Where students had not found close connections, it impacted on their mental and physical health and this, in turn, affects their academic performance.

And that obviously impacts on my studies, I mean like the pressure of making friends and trying to fit in when you actually don’t, but you want to.

(Classism)

Compassionate Initiatives in Finding Your People

All the students highlighted how positive it was when university structures aided connection, especially the role of staff who listen to their experiences and offer support and opportunities to meet new people.

I do have that kind of like personal connection with the lecturers and get on with them and find that they actually understand me and that they actually want to help me… But I can understand that obviously maybe in slightly bigger subjects that would be more of an issue.

(Classism)

It is called “give it a go”… I’m going to Oxford next week to watch Mamma Mia… This is helping us experience what UK is all about and it’s super affordable.

(Classism)

Notably, compassionate input from staff, such as academics and disability support services, were key to fostering this sense of belonging. However, the reverse was also true, where students felt let down if their experiences of structures that were set up to support them were undermined by specific interactions. Many of these complaints were around the personal tutoring system. Again, students often blamed the institution rather than individuals, interpreting the lack of engagement with students related to staff being pressured by the institution to focus on their other priorities.

That sensitivity or, you know, being genuinely concerned was lacking because I think, personal tutors are very busy with their own research.

(General 2)

Students wanted universities to take more proactive steps in providing more inclusive and compassionate environments, for example through increasing representation in the staff and student body, and creating spaces and opportunities for people of different backgrounds to meet that is not predicated on a certain level of finances. Initiatives such as these would thereby help foster a greater sense of belonging and connection among the student body and with the institution. Lack of intervention and support from the university in helping students form connections meant students had to do this themselves, adding an extra strain on top of their academic and wider commitments.

A lot of the societies and groups like the students run them and they don’t really get any help like running them… plan all the events, contact the places, pay for it, sort like the bank account… not having to put it all on students would help us.

(General 1)

I don’t feel comfortable around a lot of like private school “Exetah” type people because I know that they haven’t experienced or met people like me before… But I don’t want to be the person that’s teaching them that, hey, I’m I deserve rights as a human being and I’m also like you.

(Ableism)

Hence, compassionate initiatives involve universities actively supporting staff and students to promote inclusive environments, beyond rhetoric and relying on the good will of individuals. This involves creating time, resources, and financial or professional incentives to form compassionate environments.

4. Discussion

This paper has presented a narrative analysis of the transition of underrepresented students attending a Russell Group campus university in the UK. While this is a case study of the University of Exeter, it is likely to be representative of the many similar universities across the country. The findings suggest that students frequently experienced difficulties in the transition to university in cultivating friendships and forging a sense of belonging. While many students were, over time, able to find their own way to form relationships with peers and the university, some faced persistent barriers, which adversely impacted their mental wellbeing and academic progress. Students highlighted compassionate initiatives that would support this transition: enhancing communication that embraces difference and highlights support prior to arrival, removing structural barriers to integration in class sizes and residences, and providing incentives and practical support to staff and students to promote inclusion. These factors are crucial to creating spaces where students from diverse backgrounds feel welcomed and understood.

Students reported choosing the University of Exeter based on rank and reputation, with some having no expectations beyond that prior to arrival. However, the “Exetah” stereotype of white, privately educated students, whose main social activities revolve around sport and nightlife, was damaging to many of the participants’ sense of belonging. For some, this was little more than a meme. However, for others, particularly students of colour who had heard about the incidents that had necessitated a university-wide review of racism in 2018, there were clear levels of concern and fear. Studies demonstrate that while factors such as parents and school influence will impact what university students choose, universities themselves can have a strong positive impact on students as they begin the transition into higher education (O’Toole et al., 2024). This was demonstrated by students in this project, who felt positive about their move to university when there had been prior contact about services that could help them with their learning. This coheres with the idea of ‘academic hospitality’, where universities are not only welcoming to students of all backgrounds, but actively engage with them to share experiences and support in order to “account for the complex structural and subjective factors that characterise students’ mobilities from one (academic, social, cultural) environment to something very different” (p. 176) (Ploner, 2018). Communication with students prior to university which actively names potential differences and places support for those who may feel this way is likely to work as a compassionate initiative to support students in transition.

Interestingly, the “Exetah” stereotype challenged a sense of belonging for both those who fit the stereotype and those who do not. However, the “struggle” for those from underrepresented backgrounds that has been described in research for decades (Leathwood & O’Connell, 2003) was clearly still happening in 2024. There are a range of identities that contribute to people feeling as if they do not belong, including social class, prior education, where they lived before university, ethnicity, neurodiversity and disability. Olaniyan (2021) qualitatively compared the experiences of minority ethnic students in Russell Group and non-Russell Group universities. She found that while “othering” (p. 777) occurred at both, students at the Russell Group universities reported more discrimination in the form of white, privileged students, making them feel like they should not be at that institution (Olaniyan, 2021). This was also key to the narratives behind the “Exetah” stereotype, which exacerbated isolation and imposter syndrome. As discussed in the introduction, these data were the result of a sub-analysis of a wider group of data which included the experiences of students from the University of Exeter. The data from the University of Exeter did not include this description of feeling othered, which may result from the University of Exeter being a much more diverse institution due to its location in the centre of the capital city of the UK. Anecdotally, while Exeter students do not report feeling excluded from a dominant student majority, they do report not feeling like anyone really ‘belongs’, i.e., that there is not a core King’s culture to belong to. Hence, there are challenges in different universities for different reasons, and it is important for each university to examine this when considering the wellbeing of students on campus. Compassionate approaches would not be ‘one size fits all’; they would require reflection in each institution, and within courses and campuses within that institution, on what is needed for their particular students and staff.

As discussed in the introduction, there are many studies that link belonging and retention for students (Pedler et al., 2021), but few of these examine the impact that the concepts of majority vs. minority, or “us vs. them”, have on this. Many students in this study reported that feeling like outsiders makes them feel isolated and worthless. Universities need to actively promote inclusivity in a way that addresses this imposter syndrome for underrepresented students, for example through mentorship schemes or inclusive academic spaces (Ramsey & Brown, 2017). Increasing representation was identified as another way of doing this. The University of Exeter, similar to other universities, has strong rhetoric around increasing diversity and decolonising the curriculum, and this study highlights the need to do this beyond “diversity double-speak” (Doharty et al., 2020) and dedicating time and resources to making sure students, and staff, from all backgrounds feel that they belong. Similarly, Graham and Moir (2022) argue that the concept of ‘belonging’ needs to move beyond encouraging students to adapt to a dominant academic culture and instead focus on support for individual staff and students to create an environment of authenticity. This mirrors participants in this study, who wish to make friends and enjoy university life but also stay true to their identities and backgrounds.

The students described how compassionate institutional structures could positively impact their sense of belonging. This primarily involved simply feeling ‘heard’, by individual faculty members or student societies who demonstrated understanding and accommodation. Crawford et al. (2023) demonstrated that students’ feelings of being supported had a stronger effect on their sense of belonging than their individual characteristics. Hence, avenues for personal connection are vital to wellbeing, and should be the rule, not the rarity. To enable these, institutions must consider structures that allow compassion, with students having smaller groups within academic programmes or residences with key staff members for support. Additionally, personal and seemingly small adaptations to teaching have been shown to greatly impact student experience, such as learning names, promoting small group discussion, and relating personal stories (Mendoza & Venables, 2023).

A key finding from this project is that an institutional reliance on individuals to cultivate compassion and belonging creates problems. There is a need to have structures around individuals to ensure it is not a burden on those staff and students who are making the extra efforts to be inclusive. Those who are helping others are often doing so in the context of other academic and work pressures. Individuals may be both more willing and more able to be compassionate if there is increased support from the institution (Dickinson, 2024). This is important because, if there is a failing from an individual, for example, personal tutors who do not respond to emails, this can have a disproportionate impact on a student who has nowhere else to turn.

An active lack of institutional compassion was identified by universities not encouraging different students to mix. Research shows that “creating an institutional ethos that supports students to acquire knowledge about the cultural and historical backgrounds of diverse racial and ethnic groups in the university” (p437) can help students disregard stereotypes (Owusu-Agyeman, 2021). The United Kingdom has an embedded culture embracing elite and historical institutions and the only way to change the exclusivity of these is to actively change norms. As suggested by the study participants, an example of this is the current stratification of university accommodation based on differing prices for differing services (e.g., catered vs. non-catered, ensuites vs. shared bathrooms). Universities could take a different approach to allocating accommodation to students, which perhaps focuses on increasing diversity and accessibility over bringing in funds. While there will be complexities in changing services in this way, it might be that a radical approach is needed to truly increase diversity and inclusivity on campus.

An important aspect of students’ negative experiences was the gap between expectation and reality, which has also been explored in other studies (Holmegaard et al., 2013). Societal expectations on what university life ‘should’ be like have a strong impact on loneliness (Kirwan et al., 2023). The pressure to make friends quickly and the disappointment if this did not happen was evident in the participants’ narratives. Not integrating socially is a prominent reason for university students to leave higher education, particularly for those in underrepresented groups (Kauser et al., 2021). As found in other studies (Pittman & Richmond, 2008), the participants from the University of Exeter described friendships as taking time. However, students on year-long masters or paid employment did not perceive themselves as having this time, which further increased their isolation. Students reported frustration at exclusive university systems, for example, society events that revolved around alcohol or were too expensive, which again has been found in other university settings (Gambles et al., 2022; Scanlon et al., 2019). However, in this study, these exclusionary factors were embedded in the “Exetah” student majority culture, with students describing how the sports societies specifically provided multiple barriers to inclusion by creating an elitist atmosphere around sports which was seen as particular to private schools.

This case study of student transition and belonging in a Russell Group campus university in the UK highlights the importance of the university’s role in providing compassionate structures that address the diverse needs of the student population and promote meaningful interpersonal connections. This study was conducted in the context of the Nurture-U Compassionate Campus project. Through the collection of student stories, this study has demonstrated that compassion exists on our campus through the kindness of individual staff members and students themselves. However, the need for increased compassion at an institutional level was highlighted. The Compassionate Campus team are developing recommendations to work alongside the Mental Health Charter, which will be published on www.nurtureuniversity.co.uk/compassionatecampus (accessed on 1 April 2025) and more widely in 2025.

Table 1. Questions to consider relating to themes (see www.nurtureuniversity.co.uk (accessed on 1 April 2025) for the full report).

Expectations:	- Do measures to support transition into university promote wellbeing, academic integration and social connectedness for all students? How do you know this? - What information and resources are needed to respond to changes and needs in the student population? - Do staff have allocated time, resources, and support to prioritise wellbeing?
Navigating new social environments:	- How does the university ensure that student accommodation is inclusive and supportive? - Are all students supported to build friendships in their residential environments - Are students supported in creating their own peer networks? - Does the university provide appropriate free and accessible social spaces for students and staff? - Are support services culturally competent?
Finding your people:	- What steps are being taken to remove financial barriers to inclusion and connection? - Do academics understand how to support students from disadvantages or marginalised backgrounds? - Does the university provide funding and support for student societies and groups that promote inclusion?Are there structures in place to provide accreditation and professional recognition for staff working to improve compassion?

displays initial questions that institutions and individual universities could ask themselves related to the data in this paper, with the aim of encouraging institutions to examine their systems and ensure they promote compassion and belonging.

There were some important limitations to our study. Firstly, we did not hold focus groups with staff members and university leads, who would have an integral viewpoint on compassionate initiatives in the institution. Secondly, while we know from our recruitment methodology and the participants’ descriptions of their experiences that our sample was underrepresented, we did not purposefully recruit across the spectrum of backgrounds and experiences that would have allowed for more generalisable findings. It would have been an additional strength to talk to students who were in the perceived majority in terms of their social and cultural backgrounds, to identify the differences and similarities in their experiences of transition to university. Further research exploring these factors in different university settings would enrich the results. Due to the inductive nature of this study, we did not explore ideas for compassionate practices in more detail with participants, and this would also have enabled us to draw out more specific and pragmatic recommendations and suggestions for future work.

5. Concluding Remarks

The Nurture-U Compassionate Campus project aims to highlight the student voice around issues of wellbeing, mental health, belonging and compassion on campus. The complexities and intricacies surrounding these challenges and the impact on different students, as well as the view of staff, have been captured by visual researcher Dr Polly Cardfor the Nurture-U project (please see www.nurtureuniversity.co.uk/compassionatecampus). To highlight the importance of the student voice, we would like to end this paper with a short narrative from one of our student researchers, on how analysing the focus group data made her reflect on her own experiences:

“The stereotype is something any Exeter student will understand and relate to. It took me a while to realise that, although many of my peers came from more privileged backgrounds, I had still made it to the same university and was doing just as well as anyone else. On arrival at university, I sought almost immediate friendship in my housemates, some of which have become lifelong friends; however, I would say I somewhat struggled to build connections with course mates, partly due to the sheer size of my cohort. I did give a few societies a go, but as many of the participants reflected, they were often expensive and difficult to maintain alongside my studies and paid work. I haven’t needed much in the way of structured support, but the lack of effort from personal tutors and lecturers at times was noteworthy. Us students are aware that the staff members are very busy, but a little definitely goes a long way. I would say after three years, I have eventually found belonging, but that wasn’t without wondering many a time if I was where I should be.”