1. Introduction
Moral development is crucial for a meaningful life. The 2023 UN “World Happiness Report”, in its world happiness agenda for the next 10 years, states that the research priority number one should be on how to cultivate and promote virtuous character (
Helliwell et al., 2023). Young people today demonstrate a profound appreciation for both individual and social freedom, recognising the importance of responsibility in shaping a better world. Their capacity for commitment and solidarity was recently exemplified when hundreds of Spanish young people, regardless of faith, united to aid flood victims in Valencia. However, despite their immense potential to drive positive change, there is an increasing concern among scholars and educators about teenagers’ peer violence (
Skrzypiec et al., 2019), mental health and sleep deprivation (
Kansagra, 2020), fear of taking responsibility (
Faranda, 2020), and individualism and superficiality (
Carr, 2020), among other issues. These problems are partly due to a lack of moral character and virtue. Given that young people do not develop moral virtues by themselves, they have a right to be given support for this by society. Moral education at school has become more urgent (e.g.,
ICFE, 2021;
OECD, 2021), because it is actually the adult society’s responsibility to support young people to explore and become aware of the virtues that help them live a meaningful live, including the cultivation of practical wisdom and critical thinking which will enable them to discern complexities beyond superficial digital interactions and engage meaningfully with others and with the world around them.
Early adolescence represents a critical developmental stage for cultivating moral attitudes and forming a moral identity (
Doering, 2013;
Sengsavang, 2018). During the ages of 10 to 15, young adolescents experience significant and rapid changes across various aspects of their development and essential learning opportunities arise, including greater awareness of social influences, the shaping of identity, and the development of social–emotional competencies (
Hansen et al., 2021, preface).
The existence of age-based differences in moral development from early adolescence to late adulthood is well established in academic research (for a recent meta-analysis, see
Heintz & Ruch, 2022). Much research also supports the existence of gender differences in moral development, even if there is not unanimity (for tenants of the opposite view, see, e.g.,
Caravita et al., 2012;
Proios et al., 2012;
Zulfiqar, 2020). In this paper, the words ‘sex differences’ and ‘gender differences’, and the pairs male/female and boys/girls, were used interchangeably depending on the wording originally used in the literature discussed. Longitudinal studies found pronounced gender differences in the trajectories of development of morality in adolescence, females reporting higher morality than males due to differences in socialisation and developmental processes (
Crocetti et al., 2019). Some studies have explored the cognitive aspects of these differences in morality development. For instance, studies exploring adolescents’ moral judgement found that, for 14–15-year-old adolescents, average results were significantly and positively associated with being female, having (and practising) a religion and doing specific extra-curricular activities (
Walker et al., 2017), and highlighted quantitative and qualitative gender differences, favouring girls for slightly more mature moral judgments than boys (
Zulfiqar, 2023).
Harrison et al. (
2020) found that 11–14-year-old female students scored higher than their male counterparts in virtue perception and virtue reasoning through the curriculum, and recent research has discovered age- and sex-based differences in the moral intuitions of American early adolescents (
Bretl & Goering, 2022).
Research has also explored gender and age differences in adolescents’ morality regarding other not directly cognitive aspects, including the influence of gender in predicting affective morality judgments in adolescence (
Fragkaki et al., 2016), gender differences in prosocial behaviour (
Van der Graaff et al., 2018) and in loneliness profiles in adolescence (
Ribeiro et al., 2023), and gender as predictor of moral courage in late adolescence (
Bronstein et al., 2007).
Hardy et al. (
2014) explored how the moral ideal self may differ across adolescent age and gender, and
Lee et al. (
2019) also found gender and age differences in spiritual development among early adolescents (11–15 years of age) in Czech Republic. However, early adolescents’ perspectives are underrepresented in this body of research, particularly regarding age- and sex-based differences in their perceptions of their moral character development.
1.1. The Context of This Study
Moral education research is most topical in Latvia, which, like many other countries which have endured Soviet occupation, has experienced cardinal transformations of moral value systems in the last 30 years. Latvia is undergoing a renewal of moral education since 2015, when amendments to the Education Law (
Saeima of the Republic of Latvia, 1998) reinvigorated moral teaching at school (
Maslo et al., 2024). The new competence-based curriculum
Skola2030 (
2017) integrates moral education and uses the language of virtues and values, but there is still an ongoing ideological and pedagogical debate surrounding moral education, particularly virtue education, within its educational system. Responding to the high expectations in the educational sector regarding moral education, a multidisciplinary collaboration between researchers and educational specialists was started in 2017 at the University of Latvia, facilitating the initiation and implementation of multiple research projects in the field of moral education, including the development of a new moral curriculum.
In this context, in the spring of 2022, a team of researchers from the University of Latvia launched a 3-year-long longitudinal study examining school pupils’ perspectives about their moral development, which strengthened the scientific foundation of the new moral curriculum and added to the discussion on character education in Latvian sociopolitical context. The specificity of the present study will be better understood by contextualising it in relation to other publications derived from this ongoing research project. The initial focus of the project was not on gender differences: two previous project publications used both qualitative and quantitative data to report early adolescents’ general beliefs about moral growth at the beginning of the study (
Fernández González & Surikova, 2023), and the dynamics of those beliefs one year after (
Fernández González & Surikova, 2024). However, during the literature review implemented for the preparation of these reports, the importance of gender differences in early adolescents’ moral development, as reported above, became apparent, and a new crucial research question, which was addressed in this study, emerged as follows: what are the differences by sex and age regarding young adolescents’ perceptions of their moral character development in Latvia?
Therefore, the purpose of the study was to explore age- and sex-based differences in the way young adolescents in Latvia perceive the different aspects of the development of their moral character. The previously mentioned publications offered valuable insights into moral development across various age groups but did not focus explicitly on sex-based and age-based differences among young adolescents. This omission limited the understanding of how moral development may vary significantly between boys and girls, as well as across different age cohorts during adolescence in Latvia. By examining whether boys and girls experience moral growth differently at different ages, this study offers a more nuanced understanding of young adolescents’ perceptions of the development of their moral character.
1.2. Theoretical Framework
Moral growth is a multifaceted construct which includes the development of subjective aspects (e.g., moral identity, moral emotions and desires, moral motivation and freedom, and moral understanding), factual aspects (e.g., moral habituation and moral life), and social aspects (e.g., moral relationships, moral inspiration from others, and moral care for others), which are complementary. To investigate moral growth, this study relies on the theory of the “person of moral growth” (
Fernández González, 2019a,
2019b;
Fernández González & Akrivou, 2024), a model of moral development based on personalist virtue ethics. A key feature of contemporary personalism, as developed by various scholars, is its holistic understanding of the person, characterised by four core dimensions: interiority (
Marías, 1996), openness (
Merleau-Ponty, 1964), dynamicity (
Biesta, 2021;
Pérez Guerrero, 2022), and a dialogical dimension (
Buber, 1970;
Spaemann, 2006).
The theory of the “person of moral growth” operationalises these four dimensions (interiority, openness, dynamism, and dialogical dimension) into a moral growth model, which synthesises the multiple facets of moral growth (see
Fernández González and Akrivou (
2024) for more detail about how the dimensions of the person relate to the components of the model). The model includes four key processual components, which provided the basic structure of the research instrument, namely the following:
Moral growth beliefs (opinions about, and emotional attitudes towards, moral growth). This component is closely related to
Dweck’s (
2000) growth mindset theory, which was used for formulating Section A of the questionnaire (see
Section 2.4).
Moral growth status (level of free and conscious commitment to moral growth). This component was captured using
Marcia’s (
2002) identity status theory, which is the basis for the formulations used in Section B of the questionnaire (see
Section 2.4).
Moral growth practices (phronesis-driven practical engagement with virtue development). Section C of the questionnaire addresses this component using formulations drawn from an adapted version of
Duckworth’s (
2016) Virtue Grit Scale, and from
Smith et al.’s (
2008) Brief Moral Resilience Scale (see
Section 2.4).
Moral growth selfhood (self-awareness, self-satisfaction, and external support perceived for moral growth). This component is related to
Vroom’s (
1964) expectancy motivation theory, and it is captured in Section D of the questionnaire (see
Section 2.4).
4. Discussion
This study provided insights on sex-based differences in early adolescents’ perceptions of their own moral development, along with some age-based differences. In this section these results are discussed in the context of international research.
As regards participants’ perceived support for moral growth, previous studies conducted in the United States (
Bokhorst et al., 2010;
Rueger et al., 2010) and the Netherlands (
de Kemp et al., 2007) have highlighted gender differences in perceived support during early adolescence.
Bokhorst et al. (
2010) found that girls generally perceive greater support from teachers, classmates, and friends compared to boys, while parental support perceptions were similar for both genders. Similarly,
Rueger et al. (
2010) reported that girls ranked close friends as their primary source of support, followed by teachers, parents, classmates, and school personnel. In contrast, boys reported the highest levels of support from teachers and parents, with friends, school personnel, and classmates following in descending order. The current study also found that boys felt significantly higher support for moral development from their family than girls. It should be noted that, while girls seem to value peer relationships more and perceive lower family support, this does not mean that girls do not receive support from families, but that they show differing perceptions of support mechanisms. These differences reflect diverse pathways in moral development rather than relative vulnerabilities.
When looking more specifically at parental support, a recent study in the USA found that meaningful interactions with parents during early adolescence have an enduring impact on life satisfaction (
Park et al., 2023). Parental support plays a crucial role in both psychological and academic adjustment for both boys and girls (
Rueger et al., 2010). However, parental influence appears to be more pronounced for girls in mitigating antisocial behaviour.
de Kemp et al. (
2007) found that high levels of parental support were linked to lower antisocial tendencies exclusively among girls, suggesting that they may depend more on parental guidance in their moral and behavioural development. It should be noted that, while the general tendences in the findings of those studies and the present one may be similar, the comparison among them should be done cautiously, given the cultural differences between their empirical background (USA, the Netherlands and Latvia), and the time distance between the surveys (2007 and 2010 vs. 2022).
Parental support also plays a crucial role for moral growth, as demonstrated by recent studies in several countries. For instance, in the upper Midwestern region of the United States, it was found that there was a link between family attachment and moral strengths: more securely attached children more strongly endorsed interpersonal strengths (fairness, forgiveness, humour, and kindness), temperance strengths (honesty, persistence, and prudence), and the transcendent strength of spirituality (
Kerns et al., 2023). Also, in urban areas in Southern-Central Italy, family functioning was also found to be negatively associated with moral disengagement, and a low family functioning together with low conscientiousness increased the risk of bullying (
Mazzone & Camodeca, 2019).
The variations in how adolescent boys and girls perceive family support for moral growth found in this study could be shaped by a combination of factors, including parenting styles, cultural values, and broader societal influences, but more research is needed to confirm this hypothesis. In any case, it seems important to strengthen family relationships in adolescence to support their moral growth. In Latvia, as in many other countries around the world, this can be challenging because of the widespread family crisis: e.g., in 2020, Latvia had the highest divorce rates in the European Union (2.7 divorces per 1000 inhabitants), in 2021 there were 414 divorces per 1000 marriages, and in 2022, 45.5% of families had a single parent with one or more minor children (
Central Statistical Bureau of Latvia, 2022). In this context, establishing a sound and well-functioning family–school collaboration for character education is crucial, also because collaboration with the school can positively impact family relationships (
Surikova & Fernández González, 2022).
In this study, girls more than boys perceived friends as a support for developing character and friendships as a key strategy for moral growth. This sex-based difference finding is coherent with previous meta-analysis research, which found that females place high value on loyalty and connection with peers, compared with males (
Hall, 2011). Recently, a longitudinal study in the Netherlands also found that growth in prosocial behaviour starts earlier for girls than for boys, and that gender differences increase between early and mid-adolescence (
Van der Graaff et al., 2018), which confirms the findings of this study. More recently, research in diverse socio-economic areas of Montreal, Canada, has revealed that girls make bonds with friends earlier than boys, and that, as teenagers, girls talk more openly with their friends than boys do (
Miljkovitch et al., 2021), which is in line with the results of this study. The study also shows that older girls rated the school support significantly lower than younger boys and younger girls. This confirms older girls’ perception of the dominant role of friendships in their moral development, rather than the role of the school or the family. These findings, as well as the positive association of friend communication to life satisfaction and self-esteem at the age of 13 (
Park et al., 2023), suggests the convenience of promoting friendship interventions at school in Latvia, in particular for boys, such as the “FRIEND-SHIP” intervention program (
Hassani et al., 2023), which consists of various interactive techniques such as role-playing and arts-based activities, or the “My FRIENDS Youth” programme (
Filges et al., 2024), which uses a play-based and experiential learning approach to provide cognitive behavioural skills in a developmentally appropriate manner, using stories, games, videos, and other activities for reducing anxiety symptoms in early adolescents.
The results of this study indicate that girls believed more than boys that moral reasoning is necessary for developing character. This finding resonates with abundant research pointing to the predominance of adolescent girls over boys for making more thoughtful moral judgments (
Jaffee & Hyde, 2000;
Zulfiqar, 2023), to 11–14-year-old girls’ higher scores in moral perception and reasoning compared to males in the UK (
Arthur et al., 2015;
Harrison et al., 2020), and to girls’ higher levels of their perceived habits and values in Spain’s Baske country (
Azkarate-Morales et al., 2019) and higher levels of perspective taking than boys (
Eisenberg & Lennon, 1983). Another relevant finding of this study was that older girls stressed more than boys the importance of moral emotions for moral growth. This finding is not consistent with the meta-analysis by
Malti and Krettenauer (
2013), which did not find gender differences in moral emotions (ages 4–20). However, recent research has found that, in suburban middle schools in Kansas, USA, 13–14-year-old females were higher in empathy when compared with males (
Bretl & Goering, 2022), and that, in Northeastern Lithuania, females exhibit higher empathy than males particularly in middle adolescence (
Crocetti et al., 2019). In Belgium and the Netherlands, male gender was also found to be strongly related to deficits in affective morality in adolescence (
Fragkaki et al., 2016), and, in the Montreal area,
Scirocco and Recchia (
2022) found that girls made more references to moral emotions in their narratives than boys. While the existence of gender differences in adolescents’ moral reasoning and moral emotions is well established in research, this study highlights that there are also gender differences in the way early adolescents perceive the role of emotions and reasoning for their own moral growth, but more research is needed to draw practical educational conclusions based on this finding.
Older girls (13–14-years) participating in this study also stressed more than boys their ability to overcome difficulties for moral development. This finding is not consistent with previous research in northern New England, USA, which found that self-esteem was substantially lower for girls than for boys in late adolescence (
Bronstein et al., 2007). However,
Hardy et al. (
2014) found that, in the western region of the USA, girls had higher levels of moral ideal self than boys, which may be a motivator to overcome difficulties, but more research is needed to confirm this hypothesis.
The finding that girls and younger participants reported higher levels of practice of religious and/or spiritual activities for developing moral character (younger girls scored higher than younger boys, who scored higher than older girls, who scored higher than older boys), is consistent with studies reporting that child’s spirituality might decline with age (
Hay, 1998;
Michaelson et al., 2016), and that irrespective of age, in the Czech Republic, adolescent girls score higher than boys on all spirituality scales (
Lee et al., 2019). Given that spirituality is a significant health domain among children and adolescents (
Michaelson et al., 2016), these results suggest the convenience of following in Latvia
Eaude’s (
2004) advice that educators should consider gendered spirituality while they develop school curriculum and class activities. It should be noted that the formulation of the item “I involve in religious and/or spiritual activities” needs some clarification. Spirituality is a wide concept embracing both religious and non-religious dimensions of people’s quest for meaning and connection with the sacred. However, in Latvia, the expression ‘spiritual activities’ is often narrowly conflated with ‘religious activities’, because religious Christian values are explicitly mentioned in the preamble to the Constitution as part of the identity of Latvia (
Saeima of the Republic of Latvia, 1922), and other non-religious forms of spirituality are less frequent. Therefore, we decided to use the expression ‘religious activities’, which is more familiar for participants and would facilitate young adolescents’ personal engagement with the questionnaire. However, in order to let open the possibility of capturing a wider understanding of spirituality in this item, we decided to add ‘and/or spiritual activities’, given that the scientific community still often uses the term religiosity/spirituality (e.g.,
Jeserich et al., 2023).
Summarizing the discussion, the findings reveal distinct patterns regarding how boys and girls perceive the support they receive for moral growth, and the contexts where they thrive morally and the strategies they use for moral development. This research applied the processual model of moral growth (
Fernández González & Akrivou, 2024), comprising four components: (1) beliefs and emotions, (2) status, (3) practices (including (3a) goal-orientation to moral growth, and (3b) plans and areas for moral growth engagement), and (4) selfhood (awareness, satisfaction, and support). The findings showed that boys reported higher levels of perceived support from their families compared to girls (4th component of the model), which points to the relevance of family relationships for boys’ moral development. In contrast, girls viewed friendships as essential both as a strategy for moral growth (component 3b) and as support for character development (component 4), highlighting the importance they give to peer relationships during early adolescence. Regarding the contexts in which moral development occurs (component 3b), girls reported higher engagement in academic tasks and cultural activities, which they associated with moral growth. This suggests that educational and cultural settings are critical contexts for girls’ moral development. Meanwhile, boys demonstrated a preference for sports and outdoor activities, reflecting alternative developmental contexts that contribute to their moral growth. In terms of strategies for moral growth, girls placed a stronger emphasis on moral reasoning (component 1) and reported working harder on character development (component 3b). Older girls especially highlighted the importance of moral emotions (component 1) and demonstrated greater resilience in overcoming challenges related to moral growth (component 3a). On the other hand, boys appeared more confident in their ability to develop good habits and reported being more passionate about this process (component 3a).
6. Research Limitations and Future Research Directions
One of the important methodological limitations of this study is that, for analysing the scales used in the questionnaire, only the alpha coefficient was calculated for each section. A more robust factor analysis would be necessary to identify if all the items belong in each scale, followed by factor score creation and then analysis of variance by demographic characteristics. This will be a future task of this project, using the aggregated data from the three measurements, which will provide more robust data for CFA than the baseline data used in this study.
This study focuses solely on adolescents in Latvia, which may limit the generalisability of findings to other cultural or geographical contexts. The reliance on self-reported data may introduce biases, such as social desirability bias, affecting the accuracy of reported perceptions. Additionally, the cross-sectional nature of the study provides only a snapshot in time, making it challenging to determine causality or track developmental changes. The study also did not extensively explore the influence of external factors such as socio-economic status, school environment, or community support on moral development. Another limitation of the research is that conflating the terms ‘religious’ and ‘spiritual’ in a single item about youngsters’ involvement does not allow nuancedly capturing on which specific kind of spiritual activity they involved in (religious or non-religious). Finally, as noted above, one of the limits of the discussion is that the existing body of findings from Eastern countries of the cultural–spatial Central Europe (as defined in
Jordan, 2005) like Latvia is very scarce (only studies from Lithuania and the Czech Republic were found). It can be expected that future studies in this region would allow for a more tailored contextualisation of the results.
Future research should address these limitations. Longitudinal studies would help explore how perceptions of moral development evolve over time and the long-term impacts of perceived support mechanisms. Expanding the study to include adolescents from diverse cultural backgrounds would provide comparative insights and enhance the generalisability of findings. Incorporating qualitative methods, such as interviews or focus groups, could offer deeper insights into the reasons behind the observed differences in moral development perceptions. Research should also investigate how socio-economic status, educational environment, and community involvement impact moral development in adolescents. Additionally, designing and testing interventions aimed at strengthening family and peer support systems could provide practical insights into effective strategies for fostering moral development.