Adur Niesu employs suprasegmentals as an important means for lexical contrast, like many other syllable–tone languages of East and Southeast Asia. In Adur Niesu, two types of tonal alternation should be distinguished: tone sandhi and tone change. Similar distinction is made in Prinmi (
Ding 2014) and in Yongning Na (or Narua) (
Michaud 2017).
Tone sandhi refers to the phonologically conditioned tonal alternation by adjacent tones, regardless of the morphosyntactic factors. The most productive sandhi rule of Adur Niesu is 33 > 44 / _ 33, such as su33 ‘people’ + ʐɨ33 ‘big’ > su44ʐɨ33 ‘the elder’.
Tone change is governed by rules that are confined to specific morphosyntactic environments. It is the dominant form of tonal alternation in Adur Niesu. The tone change appears in the following morphosyntactic contexts: (1) compound words, (2) prefixed words, (3) patient marking, and (4) yes–no interrogation generated by reduplication.
Finally, floating tones in Adur Niesu can generate a surface kind of tonal alternation, although, in fact, it is the result of syllable reduction. After the syllable reduction, the tone becomes a floating tone and reassociates itself onto the preceding syllable, such as the so-called tonal change regarding the possessive pronouns, where the tone of the reduced genitive marker *ni21 of Proto-Nuosu proper was retained by the plain personal pronouns in Adur Niesu.
4.1. The Three Basic Tones
Identical to Suondi Niesu, Adur Niesu has three basic tones: high-level tone 55, mid-level tone 33, and low-falling tone 21. The minimal contrast between these three tonal categories is exemplified below (see
Figure 5).
42 | a | di21 | ‘to say’ | di33 | ‘be not good’ | di55 | ‘to wear (shoes)’ |
| b | ti21 | ‘to bury’ | ti33 | ‘be only’ | ti55 | ‘to make wear (shoes)’ |
| c | vi21 | ‘guest’ | vi33 | possessive pronominal enclitic | vi55 | ‘pig’ |
| d | hi21 | ‘to say’ | hi33 | ‘house’ | hi55 | ‘eight’ |
| e | tshɨ21 | ‘his, her, its’ | tshɨ33 | ‘he, she, it’ | tshɨ55 | ‘family line’ |
| f | to21 | ‘can’ | to33 | ‘to respond’ | to55 | ‘to light up’ |
There is a 44 (high-mid level) tone in Adur Niesu. See
Bradley (
1990) for the discussion of tone 44 in Nuosu. However, it is seen largely in cases of tone sandhi, which often results from either tone 33 or tone 21 in syllable combination. There is no co-occurrence of tone 44 with tone 55 at the lexical level. In
Figure 6, tone 44 is slightly higher than tone 33 in the word pi
33mo
44 ‘priest’, but tone 55 is much higher than tone 33 in the word nɛ
33ndʐa
55 ‘pretty woman’.
Tone 44 often appears in particles at the clause boundary, such as the sequential clitic ɕi
44 and change of state clitic o
44 in (43), and clause linker lɯ
44 in (44). If the clause boundary is occupied by content words, tone 44 is not used, such as lɨ̠
33 ‘to trap’ in (44). If not used at the clause boundary, tone 44 only appears in a few morphemes in Adur Niesu as citation forms, namely, mo
44 as a hesitator, sa
44 the comitative, di
44 the quotative, and ȵo
44 the experiential clitic.
43 | no21 | a21mu33 | tshɨ33 | ȵɛ21 | ma33 |
| 2pl.poss | daughter | this | two | clf |
| tʂhɨ55=ɕi44, | o33no33 | xa33 | a44nɛ33, | |
| tie=seq | distance | release | after | |
| no21 | zɯ33 | ma44 | sa33 | o44. |
| 2pl.poss | son | clf.def | comfortable | csm |
| ‘After (you) tie up your two daughters and abandon them in the wilderness, your son will recover.’ |
44 | to55 | pa21nɛ21=ko33 | lɨ̠33, | ga21mo21=ko33 | tsi44 | tɯ33 | lɯ44, |
| stamp | mud=loc | trap | road:big=loc | place inside | cont | clnk |
| bi55la33 | a33=to21 mu33 | thɯ33 | i55 | dʐɨ̠33 | ta33, …. | |
| exit:come | neg=can do | t/here | lie | cont | nf | |
| ‘(The horse, the bull and all the big beasts) stamped on (the frog) into the mud, (who was) being stuck firmly in the road2, and (the frog) could not come out, staying there,….’ |
4.2. Tone Sandhi: 33 > 44 / _ 33
The most productive tone sandhi in Adur Niesu is 33 > 44 / _ 33, regardless of the morphosyntactic environment. Other phonological processes may also occur, such as vowel assimilation in (45f) and (45g). The fundamental function of this tone sandhi is to dissimilate two adjacent same tone.
45 | a | su33 ‘people’ | + | ʐɨ33 ‘big’ | → | su44ʐɨ33 | ‘the elder’ |
| b | a33 | + | nɛ33 | → | a44nɛ33 | ‘after’ |
| c | bu33 | + | dzɯ33 | → | bu44dzɯ33 | ‘mate’ |
| d | ɔ33 | + | nɔ33 | → | ɔ44nɔ33 | ‘if’ |
| e | pu33 | + | thɯ33 | → | pu44thɯ33 | ‘Butuo (place name)’ |
| f | ti33 ‘cloud’ | + | nɛ33 ‘black’ | → | tɛ44nɛ33 | ‘dark cloud, nimbostratus’ |
| g | tʂhɯ33 ‘rice, oryza sativa’ | + | dza33 ‘grain’ | → | tʂha44dza33 | ‘rice’ |
This sandhi rule can also mark the compounding of the verbs. The rise to tone 44 suggests that it is a compound word and the interpretation is from left to right; see (46). But if the tone is not raised, namely, xɯ
33dzɯ
33 and ŋɯ
33dzɯ
33, the interpretation of xɯ
33 and ŋɯ
33 changes to ‘meat’ and ‘fish’, respectively. The expressions are thus understood as phrases, not words, meaning ‘to eat the meat’ and ‘to eat the fish’.
46 | a | xɯ33 ‘to cut off’ or ‘meat’ | + | dzɯ33 ‘eat’ | → | xɯ44dzɯ33 | ‘to cut and eat’ |
| b | ŋɯ33 ‘to borrow’ or ‘fish’ | + | dzɯ33 ‘eat’ | → | ŋɯ44dzɯ33 | ‘to borrow and eat’ |
However, exceptions about this lexical tone sandhi can easily be found in Adur Niesu, such as nɛ
33su
33 ‘the Niesu people’, ʐɨ
33lo
33 ‘well, sink’, ŋgɯ
33fu
33 ‘buckwheat pie’, and ȵɛ
33ɖʐɨ
33 ‘sun’. This sandhi pattern is also found in Nuosu (see
Lama 1998 and Bradley 1990 for sandhi rules of Nuosu), but with higher productivity than in Adur Niesu. For example, this sandhi rule applies to bo
44fu
33 ‘cheekbone’ in Nuosu, but not to bo
33fu
33 ‘cheekbone’ in Adur Niesu.
This tone sandhi seldom occurs in phrases in Adur Niesu. In (47), where all expressions can be understood as phrases, this sandhi rule does not apply. For example, (47d) does not refer to a particular kind of snake, but a generic term to cover all snakes living or happening to be found in the water. However, this restriction seems less rigid in Nuosu.
Gerner (
2013) reported that the demonstrative would rise to tone 44 in Nuosu if there was a following classifier of tone 33, such as ts
hɨ
44ma
33 (this
clf) ‘this one’ and ts
hɨ
44bo
33 (this
clf.pl) ‘these ones’. In contrast, the tone of the demonstrative is not raised in Adur Niesu, namely, ts
hɨ
33ma
33 ‘this one’. According to the Adur consultants, if the demonstrative is raised in tone, it means emphasis. It is more natural to keep the original tone 33 in this combination.
47 | a | ʐɨ33 | ‘water, river’ | + | dʑi33 | ‘clean’ | → | ʐɨ33dʑi33 | ‘clean water’ |
| b | lɯ33 | ‘cow’ | + | tʂhɨ33 | ‘manure’ | → | lɯ33tʂhɨ33 | ‘cow’s manure’ |
| c | ɣo33 | ‘bear’ | + | ʈʂɨ33 | ‘bile’ | → | ɣo33ʈʂɨ33 | ‘bile of the bear’ |
| d | ʐɨ33 | ‘water, river’ | + | ʂɨ33 | ‘snake’ | → | ʐɨ33ʂɨ33 | ‘snake(s) in the water (not a kind of snake)’ |
4.4. Tone Change in Compounds
Compounding is a productive means of word formation in Adur Niesu. Tone change can serve as a phonological criterion to distinguish compound words from phrases.
4.4.1. Tone 33 > 21/_ zɯ33
33 > 21 / _ zɯ
33 occurs in compound words of animacy marked with the diminutive marker zɯ
33, grammaticalized from the noun meaning ‘son’.
49 | a | tʂhɨ33 | ‘dog’ | + | zɯ33 | → | tʂhɨ21zɯ33 | ‘puppy’ |
| b | mu33 | ‘horse’ | + | zɯ33 | → | mu21zɯ33 | ‘pony’ |
| c | ŋɯ33 | ‘fish’ | + | zɯ33 | → | ŋɯ21zɯ33 | ‘young fish’ |
| d | ʂu33 | ‘pheasant’ | + | zɯ33 | → | ʂu21zɯ33 | ‘young pheasant’ |
If the tone change does not occur, the meaning is also changed, namely, it becomes a nominal–nominal genitive phrase meaning ‘the offspring of the animal
′.
2 Compare (50) with (49).
50 | a | tʂhɨ33 | ‘dog’ | + | zɯ33 | → | tʂhɨ33zɯ33 | ‘dog’s offspring’ |
| b | mu33 | ‘horse’ | + | zɯ33 | → | mu33zɯ33 | ‘horse’s offspring’ |
| c | ŋɯ33 | ‘fish’ | + | zɯ33 | → | ŋɯ33zɯ33 | ‘fish’s offspring’ |
| d | ʂu33 | ‘pheasant’ | + | zɯ33 | → | ʂu33zɯ33 | ‘pheasant’s offspring’ |
Moreover, if the compound words with the diminutive marker refer to inanimate beings, such as mountains, the tone change does not occur.
51 | a | bo33 | ‘mountain’ | + | zɯ33 | → | bo33zɯ33 | ‘small mountain’ |
| b | ʐɨ33 | ‘water, river’ | + | zɯ33 | → | ʐɨ33zɯ33 | ‘small river, creek’ |
| c | sɨ̠33 | ‘tree’ | + | zɯ33 | → | sɨ̠33zɯ33 | ‘small tree’ |
| d | tha33 | ‘jar’ | + | zɯ33 | → | tha33zɯ33 | ‘small jar’ |
This tone change does not happen to all animate beings if there is a ready expression for their offspring. For example, since there is an expression for ‘calf’, namely, ko
33li
33zɯ
33, lɯ
33zɯ
33 is, therefore, a phrase, meaning ‘offspring of the cow’, without the tone change. Other examples are:
| | | | | | | | Meaning | Terminology for offspring |
52 | a | ʑo33 | ‘sheep’ | + | zɯ33 | → | ʑo33zɯ33 | ‘offspring of the sheep’ | ʑɔ33la33zɯ33 ‘lamb’ |
| b | lɯ33 | ‘cow’ | + | zɯ33 | → | lɯ33zɯ33 | ‘offspring of the cow’ | ko33li33zɯ33 ‘calf’ |
| c | ʑɛ33 | ‘chicken’ | + | zɯ33 | → | ʑɛ33zɯ33 | ‘offspring of the chicken’ | ʑɛ33tsɨ55zɯ33 ‘chick’ |
4.4.2. Tones 33 > 21/_ pa55 and 33 > 21/_ pu33
The two rules of tone change are discussed together since both of them occur in similar semantic environment, namely, about the masculine gender of animate beings. The words are compounded with an animal formative and the masculine morpheme pa
55 and pu
33. Morpheme pa
55 is a reflex of PTB *p/ba ‘male, father, 3
rd pronoun’ and pu
33 is of PTB *pu ‘male, masculine suffix’ (see
Matisoff 2003). Adur Niesu uses the former to refer to ‘parents’, namely, p
ha
55mo
55, with additional aspiration. Both pa
55 and pu
33 will cause the preceding 33 tone to be lowered. The dog word tʂ
hɨ
33 can go with either masculine morpheme, and its tone is lowered in both compounding; see (53a) and (53g). Bearing the male morpheme pa
55, the word ‘horse’ mu
21pa
55 has extended its meaning to cover both male and female horses. As a consequence, another gender morpheme is needed to specify whether it is a male or female horse in modern Adur Niesu, namely, mu
21pu
33 ‘male horse’ and mu
21mo
21 ‘female horse’. In some cases, the masculine marker pu
33 is voiced, such as in lɛ
21bu
33 ‘ox’, but the tone change rule still holds.
53 | 33 > 21/ _ pa55 | | |
| a | tʂhɨ33 | ‘dog’ | + | pa55 | → | tʂhɨ21pa55 | ‘male dog’ |
| b | mu33 | ‘horse’ | + | pa55 | → | mu21pa55 | ‘male horse, horse’ |
| 33 > 21/ _ pu33 | | |
| c | fɛ33 | ‘mouse’ | + | pu33 | → | fɛ21pu33 | ‘male mouse’ |
| d | mu33 | ‘horse’ | + | pu33 | → | mu21pu33 | ‘male horse’ |
| e | ʂu33 | ‘pheasant’ | + | pu33 | → | ʂu21pu33 | ‘male pheasant’ |
| f | fa33 | ‘golden pheasant’ | + | pu33 | → | fa21pu33 | ‘male golden pheasant’ |
| g | tʂhɨ33 | ‘dog’ | + | pu33 | → | tʂhɨ21pu33(tʂhɨ21mo21) | ‘male dog (and female dog)’ |
However, if the preceding syllable bears the 55 tone, it will not be lowered due to the masculine syllable, for example, tʂhɨ55bu33 ‘male goat’ and vi55pa55 ‘female pig’.
4.4.3. Tone 33 > 21/_ mo21
This tone change occurs if the preceding syllable bearing tone 33 is followed by the feminine morpheme mo
21, a reflex of Proto-Loloish *ʔəC-ma³ ‘mother’ (
Bradley 1979). Like many Tibeto–Burman languages, Adur Niesu mo
21 can also function as an augmentative morpheme (see
Matisoff 1992). This rule of tone change is effective if mo
21 is used for two functions, i.e., a feminine marker and an augmentative marker, regardless of the animacy of the word. If the preceding syllable does not bear tone 33, this tone change does not apply, such as vi
55mo
21 (pig:female) ‘female pig’ and tɕi
55mo
21 (eagle:female) ‘female eagle’.
54 | a | mu33 | ‘horse’ | + | mo21 | → | mu21mo21 | ‘female horse’ |
| b | ʑo33 | ‘sheep’ | + | mo21 | → | ʑo21mo21 | ‘female sheep’ |
| c | lɯ33 | ‘cow’ | + | mo21 | → | lɯ21mo21 | ‘female cow’ |
| d | ɣo33 | ‘bear’ | + | mo21 | → | ɣo21mo21 | ‘female bear’ |
| e | tha33 | ‘jar’ | + | mo21 | → | tha21mo21 | ‘big jar’ |
| f | ʐɨ33 | ‘water’ | + | mo21 | → | ʐɨ21mo21 | ‘big river’ |
| g | bo33 | ‘mountain’ | + | mo21 | → | bo21mo21 | ‘big mountain’ |
| h | pi33 | ‘priest’ | + | mo21 | → | pi21mo21 | ‘big (highly experienced) priest’ |
Similar to the masculine marker pa55 in mu21pa55 which covers both male and female horse as a general term, mo21 can also be lexicalized with its feminine meaning being implicit, such as dʑɯ²¹mo²¹ ‘bee, queen bee’. But this rule of tone change still holds because of the feminine marker.
However, this tone change does not apply to other meanings derived from mo²¹. In Adur Niesu, besides ‘female’ and ‘big’, mo²¹ can also function as a nominal meaning ‘woman’ and ‘master’, such as nɛ
33mo
21 (black Yi:woman) ‘the women of the Black Yi (the historical noble class)’, ma
55mo
21 (teach:master) ‘teacher’, and a postposed modifier meaning ‘old’, such as ts
ho
33mo
44 (people:old) ‘old people’ and ɣo
33mo
44 (bear:old) ‘(old) bear’. This tone change does not apply to the above three meanings. Note the contrast between pi
33mo
44 ‘priest’ and pi
21mo
21 ‘big (highly experienced) priest’. The former is a general term and also the title to refer to a Yi priest, and the latter is only used for priests with experiences and achievements. For example, while dʑɯ
33k
hɯ
33pi
33mo
44 means simply ‘Priest Jike’, pi
21mo
21dʑɯ
33k
hɯ
33 is a nominal–nominal phrase, meaning ‘Jike, the highly experienced and accomplished priest’. Additionally, this rule of tone change serves as a criterion to distinguish two confusing meanings in Adur Niesu, namely, ‘old’ and ‘big’. In many languages of the world, ‘old’ and ‘big’ can be colexified (
Rzymski et al. 2019). If this tone change occurs in compound words, the meaning is not ‘old’, but ‘big’, for example, sɨ̠
21mo
21 ‘big tree’. To express ‘old tree’, a phrase is needed, namely, sɨ̠
33 a
33mo
21 (tree old) ‘old tree’.
4.4.4. Tone 33 > 21/_ ȵi55
This rule of tone change occurs in the semantic environment of dual marking, with the plural pronouns compounded with the dual morpheme ȵi
55.
55 | a | thu33 | ‘they’ | + | ȵi55 | → | thu21ȵi55 | ‘the two of them’ |
| b | no33 | ‘you (pl)’ | + | ȵi55 | → | no21ȵi55 | ‘the two of you’ |
| c | ŋo33 | ‘we (exclusive)’ | + | ȵi55 | → | ŋo21ȵi55 | ‘the two of us (exclusive)’ |
It should be noted that the dual marker ȵi55 is derived from, but different from, the cardinal word ȵi21 ‘two’. This can be proved by the evidence from a33sɨ55ȵi55 (1pl.inclusive dual) ‘the two of us (inclusive)’ where, without tone 33 on the preceding syllable, the dual marker still bears tone 55, not tone 21. Otherwise, ȵi21 will be considered to colexify ‘dual’ and ‘two’, which is an unlikely proposal for Adur Niesu.
4.4.5. Tone 33 > 44/ ha21 _
This tone change occurs in interrogatives of quantity, such as ‘how many’ and ‘how long’. The interrogative words are compounds, formed by the interrogative morpheme ha
21 and the adjectival roots; see
Table 16. Both ha
21 and the adjectival roots are bound morphemes, and cannot be used as full words. This tone change is also found in Nuosu; see
Table 16.
Adur Niesu ha21 should follow the derivational chain from the category of selection a21sɨ21 ‘which’ to the category of manner ha21mu33 (how:do) ‘how’.
First, typologically, the derivational direction from the interrogative category of selection to that of manner is attested, not the other way around (see
Hölzl 2018, p. 83). Second, Adur Niesu ha
21 ‘how’ and a
21sɨ
21 ‘which’ are closely related; the former should be a form after syllable reduction of the latter. After the syllable reduction of sɨ from a
21sɨ
21, a fricative glottal /h/ can often be epenthesized, such as ha
21ʐɨ
44 / a
21ʐɨ
44 ‘how big?’ and ha
21ȵo
44 / a
21ȵo
44 ‘how many?’. The epenthesized form now becomes the dominant form of this morpheme. A similar epenthesis is shown in (36).
Adur Niesu ha
21 can be interchangeably pronounced as a
21sɨ
21 as in a
21sɨ
21mu
33 / ha
21mu
33 (how:do) ‘how’ and as a
21sɨ
21t
hɯ
33 / ha
21t
hɯ
33 (which:time) ‘when’. Therefore, a
21sɨ
21 means both ‘which’ and ‘how’ in Adur Niesu. Treating a
21sɨ
21 as the
how form in Adur Niesu is attested by PL *ʔəs (
Bradley 1979, p. 334). The Nuosu k
hɯ
21 should be a reflex of the Proto-TB *ka (
Matisoff 2003). Unlike Adur Niesu, Nuosu k
hɯ
21 has lost its etymological connection with its modern
which word ɕi
44 (Shynra) and ɕa
42 (Yynuo). The possible reason is that, at a certain historical moment, there used to be two
which words in Nuosu: the canonical
which lexeme, cognate of the Proto-TB *ka, and an innovation derived from other interrogatives (e.g.,
where and
what). Gradually, the innovative form replaced the old
which lexeme (
Ding 2022).
Functioning as the interrogative category of selection, or ‘which’, a
21sɨ
21 is an adjective, placed after the head noun, such as ts
ho
33 a
21sɨ
21 ma
33 (people, which
clf) ‘which person’. Due to its being used for another function, namely, the interrogative of manner, the
which word a
21sɨ
21 has changed its adjectival word class, and is used as an adverb in the
how word, placed before verbs, namely, a
21sɨ
21mu
33 (how:do) or ha
21mu
33 (how:do) ‘how’. As a consequence, after the functional change, it is no longer acceptable to pronounce ha
21ȵo
44 ‘how many/much’ as *a
21sɨ
21ȵo
44 or a
21sɨ
21 ma
33 ‘which one’ as *ha
21 ma
33 in Adur Niesu. The irreversibility between ha
21 and a
21sɨ
21 in the selection interrogative and the quantity interrogative suggests that ha
21 has become a different morpheme with different word class and different function from a
21sɨ
21 ‘which’, although it is derived from the
which morpheme. The derivational path in Adur Niesu is proposed as below (see
Figure 7 and also
Ding 2022).
4.6. Tone Change in Patient Marking
There are three rules of tone change about patient marking, which are discussed together: patient33 > 44 / _ 33; patient33 > 21 / _ ko33; 21 > 44 / patient33_.
Since Adur Niesu is SOV, if there is only one argument in the clause, it could be agent or patient. In some cases, the default context is clear to tell the meaning, such as xɯ33dzɯ33 (meat eat) ‘to eat the meat’ as a non-reversible event. However, in many cases, ambiguity emerges. To disambiguate, other than the contexts, there are two main means to mark the patient of the clause.
First, the tone change of patient
33 > 44 / _ 33 is addressed. This tone change is on the patient. The argument is mostly monosyllabic personal pronouns before the main verb. The patient will change from tone 33 to tone 44. This strategy is often used when the main verb bears tone 33.
58 | nɯ33 | hi21 | ŋo44 | kɯ33. |
| 2sg | say | 1pl | make listen |
| ‘You tell us (of it).’ |
59 | i33 | ŋa44 | ɣɯ33=a21=da33. |
| sg.log | 1sg | win=neg=sp |
| ‘He/she cannot win over me.’ |
Compare (60a) and (60b). With the tone change, the ambiguity in (60a) can be eliminated in (60b). Despite the ambiguity in (60a), it will often be understood, without the tone change, as a resultative construction ‘someone stole his (belongings)’ in Adur Niesu, where the patient is placed sentence initially as the topic and the rest the comment.
3 Due to the analytic morphology of Adur Niesu, there is the possibility that this tone change is caused by some floating tone marking patient. However, since we do not have any supporting evidence, it is synchronically an issue of tone change.
60 | a | tshɨ33 | tsho33 | khu33. |
| | 3sg | people | steal |
| | ‘Someone stole his (belongings).’ or ‘he stole someone’s (belongings).’ |
| b | tshɨ33 | tsho44 | khu33. |
| | 3sg | people.p | steal |
| | ‘He stole someone’s (belongings).’ |
| c | tshɨ33 | tsho21=ko33 | khu33. |
| | 3sg | people=dom | steal |
| | ‘He stole someone’s (belongings).’ |
If the monosyllabic arguments are replaced by polysyllabic ones, the tone change cannot apply. To disambiguate (61a), an analytic means by differential object marker ko
33 is used to mark the patient; see (61b). Similarly, since there is the way to disambiguate, (61a), without the marking, it will often be understood as ‘dʑɛ
21nɛ
33 stole su̠
33ga
55′s (belongings)’.
61 | a | su̠33ga55 | dʑɛ21nɛ33 | khu33. |
| | surname | surname | steal |
| | ‘dʑɛ21nɛ33 stole su̠33ga55′s (belongings).’ or ‘su̠33ga55 stole dʑɛ21nɛ33′s (belongings).’ |
| b | su̠33ga55 | dʑɛ21nɛ33=ko33 | khu33. |
| | surname | surname=dom | steal |
| | ‘su̠33ga55 stole dʑɛ21nɛ33′s (belongings).’ |
The differential object marker (DOM) can also be used with monosyllabic patients for disambiguation; see (60c). In this case, the tone change rule of patient
33 > 21 / _ ko
33 is applied. The citation tone 33 of the person pronoun will be lowered to tone 21; see (62). The tone lowering or dissimilation before the DOM occurs regardless of the tonal value of the main verb.
62 | a | tshɨ33 | tsho33 | si55. |
| | 3sg | people | kill |
| | ‘Someone killed him.’ or ‘He killed someone’ |
| b | tshɨ33 | tsho21=ko33 | si55. |
| | 3sg | people=dom | kill |
| | ‘He killed someone.’ |
| c | tshɨ33 | tsho33 | vi55. |
| | 3sg | people | carry on shoulder |
| | ‘Someone shouldered him.’ or ‘He shouldered someone’ |
| d | tshɨ33 | tsho21=ko33 | vi55. |
| | 3sg | people=dom | carry on shoulder |
| | ‘He shouldered someone.’ |
| e | xo33thi55ɬa21ba33 | ʦhɨ21=ko33 | a21=hi21. |
| | name | 3sg=dom | neg=say |
| | ‘Hotihlabba ignored him.’ |
| f | nɯ33 | ŋa21=ko33 | phu44 | la33. |
| | 2sg | 1sg=dom | save | come |
| | ‘You come to save me.’ |
While the above two rules of tone change apply to the argument, the tone change 21 > 44 / patient
33_ applies to the main verb; see
Table 18.
Specifically, if the main verb bears tone 21, to mark the patient, the original tone 21 of the main verb will be raised to tone 44, suggesting the preceding argument is the patient of the verb, no longer the agent. In (63a), the citation form ‘to find, search’ in Adur Niesu is ʂɯ
21. If it is changed to tone 44, the preceding pronoun becomes the patient; see (63b). It is also acceptable to use the
DOM in (63c) with the patient changing its tone to 21. Please note that tonal rising for patient marking does not occur to the main verb bearing tone 33, such as ku
33 ‘to steal’, and such a sentence is not acceptable, i.e., *ts
hɨ
33 ts
ho
33 k
hu
44 (
3sg people steal, intended meaning: ‘he stole someone’s belongings’).
63 | a | ŋa33 | ʂɯ21 | o44. |
| | 1sg | find | pfv |
| | ‘I searched (, but in vain).’ |
| b | tshɨ33 | ŋa33 | ʂɯ44. |
| | 3sg | 1sg | find |
| | ‘He (is) looking for me.’ |
| c | tshɨ33 | ŋa21=ko33 | ʂɯ44. |
| | 3sg | 1sg=dom | find |
| | ‘He (is) looking for me.’ |
The following pairs are only contrastive in the tone of the verb. If the original tone 21 is changed to 44, the meaning is also changed; see (64) to (66).
64 | a | tsho33 | ndu21=ʂɨ33 | ŋu33. |
| | people | beat=nmlz | cop |
| | ‘(This wound) is (caused) by (someone’s) beating.’ |
| b | tsho33 | ndu44=ʂɨ33 | ŋu33. |
| | people | beat=nmlz | cop |
| | ‘(This is) something (used) to beat people’ |
65 | a | a44ta33 | pu21=nɯ44=ɕi44 | ʐɨ33 | kɯ33 | la33. |
| | father | carry=impf=seq | water | throw | come |
| | ‘Father carried (something) and threw into the water.’ |
| b | a44ta33 | pu44=nɯ44=ɕi44 | ʐɨ33 | kɯ33 | la33. |
| | father | carry=impf=seq | water | throw | come |
| | ‘(Someone) carried the father and threw (him) into the water.’ |
66 | a | ŋa33 | bɨ21 | o44. |
| | 1sg | give | pfv |
| | ‘I gave (it to someone).’ |
| b | ŋa33 | bɨ44 | o44. |
| | 1sg | give | pfv |
| | ‘Something (was) given to me.’ |
4.7. Tone Change in Reduplication for Interrogation
There are two rules for tone change to generate reduplication for yes–no interrogations: 33 > 44 / _ 33 and 21 > 33 / 21 _. It is clear that the two rules are consistently tone dissimilation, namely, adjacent same tones trigger dissimilation.
The first tone change, namely, 33 > 44 / _ 33, is productive in reduplicating monosyllabic verbs for yes–no questions; see (67). The first monosyllabic verb with tone 33 will rise to tone 44. See
Figure 8 for the tone change.
67 | a | zɨ33 | + | zɨ33 | → | zɨ44~zɨ33 | ‘to buy or not’ |
| b | ndo33 | + | ndo33 | → | ndo44~ndo33 | ‘to drink or not’ |
| c | la33 | + | la33 | → | la44~la33 | ‘to come or not’ |
| d | tɕo33 | + | tɕo33 | → | tɕo44~tɕo33 | ‘to turn or not’ |
The tone change rule is not applicable to disyllabic or multisyllabic verbs for interrogative. Therefore, it serves as a criterion to distinguish words and phrases in Adur Niesu. While (68a) and (68b) are verbs without the tone change, (68c) and (68d) are verb phrases with the tone change.
68 | a | ɬɛ33phɔ33 | ‘to fight back’ | + | phɔ33 | → | ɬɛ33phɔ33~phɔ33 | ‘to fight back or not’ |
| b | hi33tɕhi33 | ‘to fall down’ | + | tɕhi33 | → | hi33tɕhi33~tɕhi33 | ‘to fall down or not’ |
| c | ʐɨ33ndo33 | ‘to drink water’ | + | ndo33 | → | ʐɨ33ndo44~ndo33 | ‘to drink water or not’ |
| d | dzɯ33tɕhi33 | ‘want eat (something)’ | + | tɕhi33 | → | dzɯ33tɕhi44~tɕhi33 | ‘to want or not want to eat’ |
Another rule of tone change found in interrogations, namely, 21 > 33 / 21 _, differs from 33 > 44 / _ 33 in that it occurs in both word and phrase. For example, (69h) and (69i) are words and (69j) is a phrase; the tone change 21 > 33 / 21 _ is still applicable.
69 | a | hi21 ‘to say’ | + | hi21 | → | hi21~ hi33 | ‘to say or not’ |
| b | ʂɯ21 ‘to find’ | + | ʂɯ21 | → | ʂɯ21~ʂɯ33 | ‘to find or not’ |
| c | vu21 ‘to sell’ | + | vu21 | → | vu21~vu33 | ‘to sell or not’ |
| d | gɯ21 ‘to play’ | + | gɯ21 | → | gɯ21~gɯ33 | ‘to play or not’ |
| e | su21 ‘to resemble’ | + | su21 | → | su21~su33 | ‘to resemble or not’ |
| f | ndu21 ‘to hit’ | + | ndu21 | → | ndu21~ndu33 | ‘to hit or not’ |
| g | ŋo21 ‘to think’ | + | ŋo21 | → | ŋo21~ŋo33 | ‘to think or not’ |
| h | a33go21 ‘empty’ | + | go21 | → | a33go21~go33 | ‘be empty or not’ |
| i | mo33ŋgo21 ‘to undo the curse’ | + | ŋgo21 | → | mo33ŋgo21~ŋgo33 | ‘to undo the curse or not’ |
| j | xɯ33vu21 ‘to sell the meat’ | + | vu21 | → | xɯ33vu21~vu33 | ‘to sell the meat or not’ |
As was discussed in
Section 3.6, on the surface, there seems to be a third rule of tone change regarding reduplication for interrogation: 55 > 21 / 55 _. However, the tone lowering from 55 to 21 is not a tone change, but the result of the floating tone associated with the interrogative particle a
21 after syllable reduction.
4.8. Effect of Floating Tone
Finally, the effect of the floating tone is discussed. On the surface, it appears to be a kind of tonal alternation. However, different from tone sandhi and tone change, it is the effect of the tone of an additional syllable after syllable reduction, such as tone 21 left after the reduced interrogative particle a
21 in
Section 3.6.
Another case of floating tone is about tone 21 in Adur Niesu possessive pronouns. Tone 21 was originally borne by the Proto-Nuosu proper genitive marker *ni
21. This genitive marker is reduced in Adur Niesu and Nuosu, but still kept in Yynuo Nuosu as ni
42, such as a
33p
hu
33=ni
42 t
hɯ
42ʑɨ
33 (grandfather=
gen book) ‘grandfather’s book’.
Lama (
2022) reports the tonal change from Proto-Nuosu proper 21 to modern Yynuo Nuosu 42.
Therefore, the genitive marker overrides its floating tone to Adur Niesu plain personal pronouns, e.g., ŋa
33 + *ni
21 → ŋa
21 ‘my’. Take the noun phrases of locational description for example, modified by the possessive pronouns. Adur Niesu locational concepts are mainly expressed through nouns, such as ɖʐɨ
21 ‘lower part’ and ŋi
33 ‘front’. Most examples in (70) also experience tone dissimilation, namely, 21 > 44 / 21 _ in
Section 4.3.
70 | a | tshɨ21 ‘his, her, its’ | + | ɖʐɨ21 ‘lower part’ | → | tshɨ21ɖʐɨ44 | ‘beneath him/her/it (lit. the part below him/her/it)’ |
| | tshɨ21 ‘his, her, its’ | + | tɕo21 ‘direction’ | → | tshɨ21tɕo44 | ‘to him/her/it (lit. his/her/its direction)’ |
| | tshɨ21 ‘his, her, its’ | + | ŋi33 ‘front’ | → | tshɨ21ŋi33 | ‘in front of him/her/it (lit. his/her/its front)’ |
| b | ŋa21 ‘my’ | + | ɖʐɨ21 ‘lower part’ | → | ŋa21ɖʐɨ44 | ‘beneath me (lit. the part below me)’ |
| | ŋa21 ‘my’ | + | tɕo21 ‘direction’ | → | ŋa21tɕo44 | ‘to me (lit. my direction)’ |
| | ŋa21 ‘my’ | + | ŋi33 ‘front’ | → | ŋa21ŋi33 | ‘in front of me (lit. my front)’ |
| c | nɯ21 ‘your (sing.)’ | + | ɖʐɨ21 ‘lower part’ | → | nɯ21ɖʐɨ44 | ‘beneath you (lit. the part below you)’ |
| | nɯ21 ‘your (sing.)’ | + | tɕo21 ‘direction’ | → | nɯ21tɕo44 | ‘to you (lit. your direction)’ |
| | nɯ21 ‘your (sing.)’ | + | ŋi33 ‘front’ | → | nɯ21ŋi33 | ‘in front of you (lit. your front)’ |