In our text analysis, we tried to establish a connection between the translators’ personal ideologies and the patterns of translational framing and reframing using CDA. We used Fairclough’s lexical, grammatical and structural choices questions along with Halliday’s list, which has been used as a foundation for many CDA-based investigations, as a starting point for our analysis. We focused on four aspects of the translations of the book under investigation, namely lexical and naming choices, euphemisms, over-completeness and additions, and thematization. In our analysis of these aspects, we look at the reasoning behind them, how they might affect readers, understanding of the text, and how these choices relate to the translators’ personal ideology.
3.2.1. Lexical and Naming Choices
Lexical choices undoubtedly imply ideological tendencies of translators. Van Dijk maintains “…the powerful position of the speaker may be emphasized by a very formal setting, attire, tone of voice, lexical choice, and so on” (
Van Dijk 2006, p. 376). Lexical choices provide a clear example of how a single word might present a different reading of the text. It is always the first step to analyze the use of words within a text or a discourse analysis (
Richardson 2007, p. 47).
An example of ideological lexical choices can be found in renditions of certain lexical items in both texts. For instance:
ST. p. 88 |
“The difference between the two is not only in manifest scale but also in quality of Orientalist conviction.” |
TT1. p. 114 | TT2. p. 143 |
الإيمان الإستشراقي (ʔal.ʔi:.man ʔal.ʔes.tiʃ.ra.qi:) | العقيدة الإستشراقية (ʔal.ʕa.qi:.da ʔal.ʔes.tiʃ.ra.qi:.ja) |
Conviction means “a firm belief” (
Webster 1996, p. 214), and it holds neutral connotations in the original text, suggesting that these Orientalist beliefs are not shared by everyone, but it is something that orientalists hold as true; rendering it as
qa.na.ʕa or
eʕ.ti.qad would have sufficed. Both translators used terms that are linked to faith and are well known to Muslims as part of Islam. Both terms refer to a firm belief in God, and both suggest that these beliefs are held on a massive scale similar to a religion, but they both differ in the connotation.
Iman refers to a belief that changes over time, by increasing or decreasing, while
ʕa.qi:.da refers to a belief that is constant with time. The reader may get the sense from TT1 that the West is currently experiencing a temporary state and that orientalists’ beliefs are subject to change. This framing of the narrative provides the sense that the West has good intentions and that it might modify its behavior in reaction to a change in its views. Abu Deeb’s translation portrays a worldview in which the West acts in accordance with its beliefs at the moment. In this manner, Abu Deeb’s translation justifies Western colonial practices and makes an effort to provide a moral portrait of Western society. TT2 offers a story of persistent and current orientalist attitudes, and Enani frames the worldview in this passage as though Western attitudes are permanent. Enani does not excuse the actions of the West in this portion of the narrative, and he tries to utilize the text as a kind of resistance and offers an alternative account to how the West portrays their deeds. However, the narrative in both texts is that these orientalist notions are religious in origin.
Another example of lexical choices is as follows:
ST. p. 74 |
“The Islamic lands sit adjacent to and even on top of the biblical lands” |
TT1. p. 101 | TT2. p. 143 |
الأصقاع التوراتية (ʔal.ʔasˤ.qa:ʕ ʔal.taw.ra.ti:.ja) | الأماكن المذكورة في الكتاب المقدس (ʔal.ʔa.ma:.ken ʔal.mað.ku:.ra fi: ʔal.ki.tab ʔal.mu.qa.das) |
In the source text, Said attempts to explain the threat that Islam has imposed on the Christian West from the Western view. These lands are where biblical stories have taken place, so for the West these are what they consider as “biblical lands”. That phrase has been translated in a literal sense in Abu Deeb’s translation, in an attempt to preserve authenticity. Abu Deeb is providing the story with an alternative theological interpretation of Western behavior and policies toward the East. By designating these areas as biblical, it gives the activities a moral sanction and stakes a claim to both Christianity and the places where it first emerged from. Once more, the way the events are framed justifies Western behavior and makes an effort to portray Westerners as either victims of outdated Christian beliefs that predated modernity or as acting in accordance with religious principles.
In Enani’s translation, he took the trouble to render it as the places that are mentioned in the holy book. Enani is more biased toward the Arab and Muslim world than Abu Deeb, and he strives to make sure that the rendition does not express the West’s right to such lands, despite the author’s attempts to explain how the West views the Islamic world as sitting on top of the lands that they perceive as biblical. Enani reclaims the lands by referring to them as the lands listed in the bible, which deprives the Western story of their claim. This shift in framing results in a rewriting of the narrative. Enani takes on the role of an activist by making an effort to rectify terminology and ideas that are widely used in the West. Although we can argue that Abu Deeb is neutral and primarily retaining the original text, Enani obviously alters the term to remove the West’s right to claim any Muslim or Arab area.
One more example of the lexical choices which the translators have made is in the rendition of Simon Ockley’s book
History of the Saracens. The term
Saracens was used by the West to refer to Arabs and Muslims during the times of the Roman Empire and later during the Crusades; it originates from the Arabic word
ʃarqi: - شرقي, literally meaning
easterner (
Webster 1996, p. 886). In the source text, “
History of the Saracens” is merely the title of Ockley’s book, and it holds no hidden ideologies for Said; it holds Ockley’s. The term holds an ethnic and religious marker to Muslims and Arabs (
Daniel 1979, p. 53).
ST. p. 75 |
“History of the Saracens” |
TT1. p. 103 | TT2. p. 146 |
العرب (ʔal.ʕa.rab) | المسلمين (ʔal.mu:s.li.mi:n) |
Even while both translations capture what the term Saracens refers to, they fall short of capturing the original’s concept and purpose. One choice that both could have made is using Arab and Muslims—ʔal.ʕa.rab wa ʔal.mus.li:.mu:n. Yet, once more, Abu Deeb betrays his own commitment to objectivity and authenticity. The fact that Abu Deeb used Arab—ʔal.ʕa.rab—might imply that he is trying to emphasize the ethnic identity and, in a way, isolate Arabs from their Islamic presence and identity. Enani, on the other hand, emphasizes the religious identity by using Muslims—ʔal.mus.li.mi:n—this could give the impression that the West is interested or targeting the Arabs for their religious identity, and this also could mean that Abu Deeb chose Arab—ʔal.ʕa.rab—because he wants to paint a less prejudiced picture of the West by focusing on ethnic identity, rather than the religious one. Abu Deeb seeks to characterize the conflict as Arab vs. West in contrast to Enani’s attempt to frame it as Muslim vs. Christian as part of a larger ontological narrative that seeks to define Arabs’ position in the world and their relationship to the West.
In Abu Deeb’s narratives, Abu Deeb makes an effort to overcome the “we vs. them” dichotomy by arguing that cultural differences rather than theological differences separate the East and the West. Enani, on the other hand, stresses the theological component of the gap, arguing that rather than cultural factors, this division is the result of religious convictions. Enani makes an effort to highlight the religious rather than technological or cultural distinctions between the East and the West.
3.2.2. Euphemisms
“A Euphemism refers to a word which is substituted for a more conventional or familiar one as a way of avoiding negative values” (
Fairclough 1989). Euphemisms may provide evidence of the presence of ideology insertions in translations.
In a quote from Gibbon’s
Decline and fall, which Said cited in his book, Gibbon discusses the achievements of Muslims since
the flight of the Prophet Mohammad from Mecca. Gibbon uses a negative connotation to refer to the prophet’s action:
“One hundred years after his flight from mecca the arms and reign of his successors extended from India to the Atlantic ocean, over the various and distant provinces…”
Consider the translations after noticing that the Gibbon uses the word “flight”:
ST. p. 74 One hundred years after his flight from mecca |
TT1. p. 102 | TT2. p. 144 |
هربه (ha.ra.bi.hi) | هجرته (hig.ra.ti.hi) |
Again, following Abu Deeb’s translation methodology, he stayed true to the English text while seeking to uphold popular ideas, the West has about the prophet. As an example of Enani’s bias in his translation toward Arabs and Muslims, he utilized the term immigration—hig.ra that Muslims typically use. In this way, Enani is rectifying the West, as opposed to Abu Deeb, who is aiming to convey Western ideas about Islam. The narrative is presented in a way that paints the prophet in a negative light and characterizes Muslims’ actions as cowardly—an image that orientalists strive to represent and perpetuate in their discourse. Enani strives to establish the Muslim account in this context, attempting to frame the prophet’s move to Al-Madina in terms of the Islamic belief, that the move was a divine inspiration from God. However, he runs the risk of giving the reader the impression that the Western viewpoint concurs with that of the Muslims. Enani portrays it as immigration, in which people often move when their current circumstances are not ideal, correcting the story in Abu Deeb’s work as well as the original text from which the quote from Said’s book was taken. Abu Deeb frames it as a cowardly decision in his endorsement of Gibbon’s comments. Additionally, he runs the risk of promoting ideas that are unpopular but could subsequently be accepted by the Muslim audience, or could expand the ever-expanding divide between the West and the East. While Enani tries to eliminate the “otherness” that has been ascribed to the East, Abu Deeb’s translation continues to portray the East as “the cowardly other”.
Another example can be seen in the rendition of the word
militant:
ST. p. 75 “the “militant” orient came to stand for what Henri Baudet has called…” |
TT1. p. 102 | TT2. p. 144 |
الهجومي الناشط (ʔal.hu.gu:.mi: ʔal.na.ʃetˤ) | المقاتل (ʔal.mu.qa.tel) |
The word “militant” holds aggressive and violent connotations (
Webster 1996, p. 633), and this is the term used in the source text. Said uses the term in his text using quotation marks to emphasize that this is what the orientalists has prescribed to the East and it is not an opinion that he personally holds. Once more, the author is trying to convey the viewpoint of the West and orientalists about the East, specifically Islam and Arabs, by using these terms. Abu Deeb’s rendition captures the meaning of the original, even though he added the word
active—ʔal.na.ʃetˤ (
Baalbaki 1995, p. 1172)—which does not exist in the original text, and in doing so he goes against his own principles by overexplaining a word. Enani, on the other hand, used warrier—
mu.qa.tel (
Baalbaki 1995, p. 1085)—which holds a more positive meaning than the word “militant”, an apparent euphemism and another example of Enani’s bias toward Arabs and Muslims. By depicting Muslims and Arabs as heroic, Enani tries to frame the story in their favor and gives the Muslim conquests justification, aligning the narrative to the popular one among Muslims. On the other hand, Abu Deeb matches his story with the viewpoint of the West by depicting Muslims as radicalized and dangerous.
Abu Deeb uses this case to support the stereotype that the West has painted of the East as being uncivilized and irrationally barbarian, presenting it as the group standing in opposition to the advanced and logical West. By portraying Muslims and Arabs as combatants, Enani, on the other hand, aims to undermine the notions that orientalists are using to represent the East, another activist initiative that challenges the dominant Western narrative.
In the quote below, three adjectives are used to describe Egyptians, Chinese, and Indians consecutively: scheming, perfidious, and half-naked. In the source text, Said explains De Lesseps’ justification for building the Suez Canal. De Lesseps explains that even though the project might fail and it would cost a ridiculous amount of money, this Canal would become a European achievement that none of the scheming Egyptians, naked Indians and perfidious Chinese had managed (cited in
Said 2003, p. 90). De Lesseps mentioned three ancient civilizations that are known for their achievements in the past, and by using scheming, perfidious, and half-naked to describe them, his intent is to downgrade and insult them. Two of these adjectives were rendered using words that captured the meaning of
perfidious—
ma.kar/ɣa.dar (
Al-Maany 2022b)—and
half-naked—ʃib.hu ʕa:.ren (
Al-Maany 2022a,
2022c). Each translation substantially changed the original description, as “
scheming” which has a negative connotation (
Webster 1996, p. 893). It refers to keeping secrets and planning in cunning and improper ways, and neither rendition accurately translates this:
“… to do what scheming Egyptians, perfidious Chinese, and half –naked Indians could never have done for themselves”.
ST. p. 90 “… to do what scheming Egyptians,…” |
TT1. p. 116 | TT2. p. 166 |
المصري المخطط ( ʔal.masˤ.ri: ʔal.mu.xa.tˤetˤ) | المصري الحاذق ( ʔal.masˤ.ri: ʔal.ħa:.ðeq) |
Notice that the Egyptians are referred to in the plural in the original text, while the two translations use the singular, but this is not the point of our discussion. What is important here is the positive implications of the translated words planner—mu.xa.tˤetˤ—and slick—ʔal.ħa:.ðeq—compared to the negative connotation of the original word. It should be mentioned that the translated adjective of Egyptians is the one with the most positive connotations compared to those describing the Chinese and Indians, which have almost perfectly captured those of the original. Both translators made an effort to portray Egyptians in a more favorable light than that in Said’s text, framing them in the role of the smart Arab. However, this could present a problem for the narrative presented to the readers. They may get the impression that the West views Egyptians favorably, which is contrary to their actual portrayal by the West in Orientalism as being cunning and deceitful. The stereotypical image that was employed in the original text has been toned down in both texts. The Egyptians are no longer portrayed as dishonest by either translators.
The following two instances are not euphemisms, but they are both noteworthy due to how drastically they differ from the originals:
“… an orientalist had to decide whether his loyalties and sympathies lay with the orient or with the conquering west”. (
Said 2003, p. 80) Said explains that an orientalist had to choose between his loyalties to the conquering West or his sympathies toward the Orient, since Napoleon had considered the Orient a project and nothing more (
Said 2003, p. 80). The use of the term “conquering west” reflects the authors own negative view of the Napoleon project, but it can also be seen as the view of a sympathetic orientalist who is only interested in studying the Orient but has no political interests.
The word “conquering” in this context refers to the West in a derogatory and accusatory manner; however, the translations paint a different picture: ST. p. 80 “… with the conquering west” |
TT1. p. 107 | TT2. p. 153 |
الغرب الفاتحين (ʔal.ɣarb ʔal.fa.ti.ħi:n) | الغرب الغازي (ʔal.ɣarb ʔal.ɣa:.zi:) |
Abu Deeb uses the term fa:.teħ that does not have an exact equivalent in English, but it refers to “opening a region to Islam”; it has a positive connotation to Muslims, and presents an air of holiness to the action. The narrative is told in Abu Deeb’s translation in the same way that orientalists portrayed their colonial endeavors—as attempts to modernize and civilize the old world, as opposed to an act of exploitation. The story here is an effort to defend the colonial project and cast the West in the role of the valiant knight in shining armor. On the other hand, Ennai uses the word ɣa:.zi:, which has a less holy sense to it, and it more often has negative connotations. Even though Enani uses the word fa.teħ to translate “conquer” in other places of his translation, he here frames Western conquests as illegitimate, and in that he aligns the narrative to the Muslim viewpoints. By portraying the West as invaders, Enani devalues this depiction and eliminates any defense for the colonial missions. In contrast, Abu Deeb elevates the conquests of the West, which could be another indication of his prejudice in favor of the West, by framing the West in a favorable light implied in his use of ʔal.fa:.ti.ħi:n. Contrary to the worldview narrative, which holds that the West is selfish and that its conquests were made for economic gain, Abu Deeb portrays Western conquests as holy, carried out in the name of God, and that they share a similar goal to Muslims.
In the following instance, the word
supplants in the second case refers to something that supersedes and replaces something, but notice how Enani rendered it:
“Instead, history as recorded in the Description supplants Egyptian or oriental history by identifying itself directly and immediately with world history…”
Said is explaining Fourier’s
Description de l’Egypte, in which he describes the oriental nature, temperament, mentality, and customs (
Said 2003, p. 86). The extract comes from Said’s own comments on Fourier’s description by saying that what he wrote is not a “description” and what he did “supplants” Egyptian or Oriental history as whole. This reflects Said’s own negative view of what is called a description of Egypt.
ST. p. 86 |
the Description supplants Egyptian or oriental history |
TT1. p. 112 | TT2. p. 160 |
يقتلع التاريخ ... ويحل محله (jaq.ta.leʕ ʔal.ta:.rix ..... wa ja.ħu.lu ma.ħa.lah) | يغتصب (jaɣ.ta.sˤeb) |
Enani uses the term “to rape/ to seize—
jaɣ.ta.sˤeb“ (
Baalbaki 1995, p. 135) instead of the more accurate term that Abu Deeb chose to use: “to uproot history….and replace it—
jaq.ta.leʕ ʔal.ta:.rix ..... wa ja.ħu.lu ma.ħa.lah”. The quote refers to Fourier’s book “
Description de l’Egypte”, in which Fourier takes it upon himself to describe Egypt in an orientalist way, by replacing its original history with a made up one. Enani depicts the attempts to modify Egypt’s history as an act of rape, emphasizing that it was done against the will of Egyptians. In contrast to the typical narrative the West uses to justify colonization, both translators steered the narrative in a path that would portray the West as the aggressor. According to the Western version of events, the East is less developed than the West, and since the West is stronger and more civilized, it has a responsibility to cultivate and dominate the East.
In order to convey a gruesome picture of the act of rewriting oriental history and replacing it with one that fits the Western portrayal of the East, Enani intensifies the term “supplant” by adding the phrase “rapes history”. Abu Deeb’s interpretation of the phrase, which comes the closest to Said’s wording, is sufficient.
3.2.3. Overcompleteness, Additions, and Deletion
Overcompleteness according to
Van Dijk (
1980, p. 92) indicates, “If in a sequence of a certain degree of completeness we have a subsequence that specifies more facts than needed”. As noted earlier, Enani’s offers further information, primarily definitions for concepts that are absent from the original text. The original quote comes from Fourier, in his
Description de l’Egypte, in which he precedes to downgrade the Orient by describing their present state as being plunged into barbarism.
ST. p. 85 |
“This country, which has transmitted its knowledge to so many nations, is today plunged into barbarism” (p. 85) |
TT1. p. 111 | TT2. p. 159 |
غارق الآن في البربرية (ɣa:.re.qun fi: ʔal.bar.ba:.ri:.jah) | غارق اليوم في لجة الهمجية (ɣa:.re.qun fi: lag.ga.ti ʔal.ha.ma.gi:.jah) |
Enani adds the word Lag.ga which refers to the mixing of sounds in a commotion, an addition that does not exist in the ST, and it brings an extra meaning to the word ha.ma.gi:.ja. Thus, TT2 gives a narrative of what is happening to Muslims and Arabs in particular now; it suggests that their deterioration is just the result of being trapped in a savage upheaval for which they bear no responsibility. On the other hand, TT1 retains the original text intended meaning, which would support the claim that Muslims and Arabs are trapped in their own savagery.
The standard picture of Arabs and Muslims as savages in nature is supported by Abu Deeb’s translation, which was common at the time due to their inferior rank. Enani tries to downplay the role that the West is trying to give to Muslims and Arabs while trying to recast the event as being caused by an outside force that is trapping them in this savagery.
There are instances where certain extracts of the original text are completely dropped from the translation. For example, Enani’s translation ignored some phrases and lexical items that dealt with the prophet. The next example is cited in Allawzi’s Dissertation (
Allawzi 2015). Said explains how the image of the prophet Muhammad has changed since the middle ages toward a much more negative view. During the middle ages, the prophet was seen as a free spirit and a collector of followers; this changed as he became considered a false prophet and has been linked to sodomy, debauchery, and lechery (
Said 2003, p. 62). Said is explaining the negative connotations that the orientalists have attached to the prophet.
ST. p. 62 “Similarly, since Mohammed was viewed as the disseminator of a false Revelation, he became as well the epitome of lechery, debauchery, sodomy, and a whole battery of assorted treacheries, all of which derived “logically” from his doctrinal impostures”. |
TT1. pp. 91–92 | TT2. p. 128 |
وبطريقة مشابهة، فما دام محمد قد اعتبر ناشراً لوحي زائف، فقد أصبح هو كذلك تجسيداً للشبق، والفسق، والشذوذ الجنسي ، وسلسلة كاملة من الخيانات المتنوعة التي اشتقت جميعاً بصورة ((منطقية)) من انتحالاته المذهبية. | و على غرار ذلك، فلما كان ينظر إلى محمد –صلى الله عليه وسلم– باعتباره نبياً ينشر تنزيلاً زائفاً، فلقد أصبح أيضاً جماع صور الفساد، وهي النظرة المستقاة، منطقياً، من اعتباره دجالاً. |
Enani has changed the narrative to suit his own bias toward Arabs and Muslims by removing the derogatory terms that were present in the original text, such as “lechery, debauchery, sodomy, and a whole battery of assorted treacheries”, replacing them with what can be rendered as “he became an image of corruption”. By doing so, Enani has acted as a protector of the reader and the prophet, shielding both from the derogatory terms. This move could backfire, as he might run the risk of skewing the story to show that the attitudes of the West toward the prophet are not as bad as they truly are.
The (Peace be upon him—sˤa.la: ʔal.la.hu ʕa.la.ji:.hi wa sa.lam) that Enani inserts after the prophet’s name in the same example does not appear in the original text. Enani is giving the passage a religious tone, which is completely absent from the original text; with his attempt to pay respect to his Muslim beliefs, he runs the risk of suggesting that the author of these words holds respect for Muslim beliefs. The word prophet—na.bi:.jan—which is likewise absent from the original text, is another addition that Enani inserts here. The original author of these words did not in any way refer to Muhammad as a prophet, but Enani attempts to present the text in an Islamic way, and as a consequence he risks the interpretation that the West is on the Muslims’ and Arabs’ side.
Abu Deeb, on the other hand, preserves the original text in his rendering, and in doing so, he acts as a passive participant in the devaluing of Islamic symbols, siding in that way with the West. Abu Deeb supports the Western characterization of the prophet and Muslims as the height of depravity and wickedness, those who permit a man like this prophet to serve as their own Islamic leader. By doing so, he runs the risk of spreading unpopular ideas about the prophet, which might eventually become the norm for Muslims and Arabs or could widen the already expanding divide between the West and Muslims.
3.2.4. Thematization
“The clause as a message is a configuration of two thematic statuses, Theme + Rheme” (
Halliday and Matthiessen 1997, p. 21). This position of the rheme and the theme can also indicate ideological implications. According to
Van Dijk (
2006), “it is possible to make some changes in the thematic structure to emphasize or deemphasize some phrases of the sentence and these changes can take place by the people who are in contact with the power resources”. Given that languages do not share the same syntactic structures, it may be challenging to identify this in translations.
In the translation provided Abu Deeb, he claims to be totally true to the original text and the author, yet he occasionally deviates from the original text’s paragraph structure and links two paragraphs that he may have assumed to have a common theme. For example: the translated paragraph below is divided into two in the original text because Said illustrates how Europe had complete power over the East, with the exception of the Islamic world, which posed a constant challenge to Europeans. The first paragraph’s theme is the general European supremacy in the East, while the second paragraph’s theme explains how the Islamic world was more difficult for Europe to entirely rule:
ST (
Said 2003, pp. 73–74):
Paragraph 1: “Islam excepted, the orient for Europe was until the nineteenth century a domain with a continuous history of unchallenged Western dominance. This is patently true of the British experience in India, the Portuguese experience in the East Indies, China, and Japan, and the French and Italian experiences in various regions of the Orient. … for much of its history, then, Orientalism carries within it the stamp of a problematic European attitude towards Islam, and it is this acutely sensitive aspect of orientalism around which my interest in this study turn”.
Paragraph 2: “Doubtless Islam was a real provocation in many ways. It lay uneasily close to Christianity, geographically and culturally. It drew on the Judeo-Hellenic tradition, it borrowed creatively from Christianity, it could boast of unrivaled military and political successes… That Islam outstripped and outshone Rome cannot have been absent from the mind of any European past or present. Even Gibbon was no exception, as is evident in the following passage from the Decline and fall”.
By connecting the two paragraphs in Abu Deeb’s translation, he gets rid of the thematic progression that Said used in his text. The second theme has become the rheme of the first theme. The portion that is underlined denotes the transition between the two paragraphs.
“بالنسبة لأوروبا كان الشرق، بإستثناء الإسلام، حتى القرن التاسع عشر ميداناً ذا تاريخ مستمر من السيطرة الغربية التي لم تتحد. ويصدق هذا بجلاء على التجربة البريطانية في الهند، وعلى التجربة البرتغالية في جزر الهند الشرقية، والصين، واليابان، وعلى التجربتين الفرنسية والايطالية في أقاليم مختلفة من الشرق. فقد حمل الاستشراق في داخله، إذن، لمعظم تاريخه، سمة موقف أوروبي إشكالي بإزاء الاسلام؛ وحول هذا الجانب شديد الحساسية من الإستشراق سيتمحور إهتمامي في الدراسة الحاضرة. لقد كان الإسلام، دون شك، استفزازاً حقيقياً بطرق عديدة. فقد كان قريباً من المسيحية قرباً مقلقاً جغرافياً وثقافياً.”
“For Europe the east was, with the exception to Islam, until the nineteenth century a domain with a continuous history of western control that was not challenged. And this is patently true on the British experience in India, and the Portuguese experience in the East Indies, and China, and Japan, and on the French and the Italian experiences in various regions of the Orient. Orientalism carried within it, so, for the majority of its history the stamp of a problematic European attitude towards Islam; and around this acutely sensitive aspect of the orientalism will revolve my interest in the present study. It was Islam, no doubt, a real provocation in many ways. It was close from the Christian lands a worrisome closeness both geographically and culturally.”
The framing of the text and the reader’s inferences may be impacted by manipulating theme and rheme. In the first instance, the original text claims that despite the strong West’s expansion of control over the East, Islamic territories continued to be the only steadfast foe of the West, portraying Muslims as a challenging and resolute foe and giving Muslims a special status. The reader is informed that Islam is the major focus of attention as a specific instance of defying the West by its presentation as the theme of the second paragraph; however, this status to the issue has been removed in the Arabic translation. Islam is being further pushed down the theme’s priority list.
Abu Deeb plays his role in diminishing the importance of Islam as an opponent and as a defiant force to the Western forces. Islam and Muslims in the role of the defiant do not fall into the image of the other that the Western discourse wants to present, and by being pushed down as the theme of the paragraph, the topic loses its position of importance.
Abu Deeb frequently deviates from the paragraph divisions. For instance:
The theme of ST’s first paragraph is the obstacle posed by Islamic regions to accessing Indian resources, while the second paragraph focuses on the effects of Napoleon’s invasion of Egypt and Syria on Orientalism.
ST (p. 76)
Paragraph 1: “Access to Indian (Oriental) riches had always to be made by first crossing the Islamic provinces and withstanding the dangerous effect of Islam as a system of quasi-Arian belief. … What was more inevitable than that Napoleon should choose to harass Britain’s Oriental empire by first intercepting its Islamic through-way, Egypt?”
Paragraph 2:“Although it was almost immediately preceded by at least two major Orientalist projects, Napoleon’s invasion of Egypt in 1798 and his foray into Syria have had by far the greater consequence for the modern history of Orientalism.”
In Abu Deeb’s translation (TT1) he eliminates the second theme as it becomes part of the rheme of the first theme, de-emphasizing the theme of the invasion of Egypt and Syria. This cannot be seen in Enani’s translation (TT2):
TT1 (p. 103)
“فأي شيء كان أكثر حتمية من أن يختار نابليون الاستمرار في مضايقته لأمبراطورية بريطانيا الشرقية بأن يعترض أولاً سبيلها الاسلامي، مصر؟ ورغم أن غزو نابليون لمصر عام 1798 كان قد سبقه، مباشرة تقريباً، مشروعان استشراقيان رئيسيان على الأقل، فإن هذا الغزو، ثم الاندفاعة القصيرة إلى سورية، كان لهما دون منازع الأثر العظيم في تاريخ الاستشراق الحديث.”
“Anything was more inevitable than Napoleon choosing to continue to harass the Eastern British Empire by first intercepting its Islamic through-way, Egypt? And although that Napoleon invasion of Egypt in the year 1798 was preceded, almost immediately, by two main orientalists’ projects at least, so it is this invasion, and his short foray into Syria, had the unchallenged greater consequence in the history of modern orientalism.”
TT2 (p. 146)
كان على كل من يريد أن يصل إلى كنوز الهند (الشرقية) أن يعبر أولاً، وفي كل الأحوال، البلدان الإسلامية وأن يقاوم تأثير الإسلام الخطر باعتباره مذهباً عقائدياً شبه أريوسى. ... وكان من الحتوم ولا شك أن يختار نابليون مضايقة” امبراطورية بريطانيا الشرقية ابتداءً بقطع طريق مواصلاتها الإسلامى في مصر.”
كان قد سبق نابليون -مباشرة تقريباً- في غزوه لمصر عام 1798 وإغارته على الشام، مشروعان استشراقيان كبيران على الأقل، ولكن عواقب حملة نابليون بالنسبة لتاريخ الإستشراق الحديث كانت أكبر من عواقب هذين المشروعين.
“For those who wanted to reach to riches of India (Eastern) they had to first cross, and in all cases, the Islamic countries and to resist the dangerous influence of Islam as a system of quasi-Arian belief. …. And it was inevitable and doubtless for Napoleon to choose “to harass” the Eastern British Empire beginning with intercepting the Islamic through-way in Egypt.”
“Napoleon’s invasion to Egypt and invasion of Syria in the year 1798 was preceded—almost immediately—two great orientalists’ projects at least, but the consequences of Napoleon campaign for modern orientalist history was larger than the consequences of these two the projects.”
By doing this, the significance of the impacts of Napoleon’s campaigns on orientalism is once again downplayed, and it is hoped that the reader would be less affected by the event.