The “Jiaoxiecheng” Narrative and Cultural Exchange Between Asia and Europe in the Tang Dynasty

Abstract

The “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative, compiled on the basis of the Japanese monk Ennin’s experiences in Tang China, began circulating in society from the late Heian period. Continuously evolved and adapted by later generations, it became a famous Buddhist setsuwa (anecdotal tale) in ancient Japan, yet it was not a Japanese original. The compilation and evolution of the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative were products of Eurasian cultural exchange during the Tang Dynasty. Its ideological origins lie in the excessive alienation of the Huichang Persecution of Buddhism and the constructed image of Emperor Wuzong among certain groups in Central China at that time. Furthermore, the nostalgia for the homeland revealed in the story’s depiction of Ennin’s experiences in Tang China is actually a microcosm of the homesickness felt by Japanese scholars who traveled to Tang for study and Buddhist teachings, set against the broader context of Sino-Japanese cultural exchange. The cross-cultural perspective presented by the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative provides an important reference for studying the openness of Tang culture and offers new textual evidence and dimensions for contemplating the relationship between ancient China and Eurasian cultures.

1. Introduction

In the Konjaku Monogatarishū 今昔物語集 (It was compiled (completed) in the early 12th century), there are three tales in which Ennin 圓仁 appears as the central figure. These include: Story 11 in Volume 11 of the “The Buddhism Section of Our Realm” 本朝佛法部,1 entitled “The Great Master Jikaku: His Journey to Song China and His Return after the Transmission of Exoteric and Esoteric Teachings” 慈覺大師、亘宋、伝顯密法帰來語; Story 27 in the same volume, “Account of the Great Master Jikaku’s Initial Founding of the Lengyan Cloister” 慈覺大師始建楞嚴院語; and Story 9 in Volume 12, “Account of the Relic Assembly Conducted on Mount Hiei” 於比叡山行舍利會語. The latter half of Story 11 contains the earliest appearance of the so-called “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative 絞擷城故事. This narrative recounts how Ennin, during his journey to Tang China in search of Buddhist teachings, encountered the Huichang Persecution of Buddhism and was forced to flee. During his escape, he mistakenly entered “Jiaoxiecheng”, a place whose inhabitants were said to subsist on killing people, extracting their blood, and using it to dye cloth. Initially unaware of the truth, Ennin believed he had found a rare refuge. Upon entering the city, however, he soon noticed many rooms from which moans could be heard, inside which people lay with pale faces and haggard appearances. When he inquired about this, one of them crawled to his side, stretched out a bony arm, and used a small stick to write the city’s secret on the ground:

“This is Jiaoxiecheng. Those who come here without knowing the truth are first made to take a drug that deprives them of speech, and then another drug that causes them to grow fat. After that, they are hoisted and kept suspended in a high place; their bodies are cut open in various spots, their blood is drawn and allowed to drip into jars, and that blood is used to dye and bind tie-dyed cloth. This goes on for years without anyone realizing it. They are kept alive by being fed, without knowing what is happening (text missing); if anyone questions them, they merely groan so as not to speak—on no account must they utter a word. We too unknowingly took those drugs and have suffered this fate. You must be on your guard and flee. The gate of return is firmly shut, and there is no way for anyone to get out by ordinary means.” 是ハ絞纈ノ城也。不知シテ此ニ来ヌル人ヲバ、先ヅ物ヲ不云ヌ藥ヲ令食テ、次ニ肥ユル藥ヲ令食ム。其後ニ、高キ所ニ釣リ保テ、所々ヲ差シ切テ、血ヲ出シテ壺ニ垂レ、其血ヲ以テ絞纈ヲ染テ結ツヽ世ヲ経ル所ヲ、不知シテ☐☐既ニ食ツル様ニシテ、人問フ事有ラバ、物ヲ不云ヌ様ニウメキテ、努々物宣フ事無カレ。我等モ其藥ヲ不知シテ食テ、カヽル目ヲ見ル也。相構テ逃ゲ可給キ也。迴リノ門ハ強ク差シテ、オボロケニテハ人可出キ様無キ也。

(Konjaku Monogatarishū, vol. 11, 1993, p. 41).2

Since its emergence in the late Heian period 平安時代, the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative has been continuously circulated and evolved in narratives about Ennin and various collections of old tales. However, there is limited specialized research on this story. In existing scholarship, Higashimoto, Sawako argues that the motifs of “inverted suspension” and “blood extraction” in the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative originated in China, were understood in Japan as the hellish punishment of “inverted suspension” and were subsequently associated with Jikaku Daishi, who was closely linked with notions of hell; she further points out that the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative represents a transformed version of a hell-journey tale (Higashimoto 1998, pp. 58–64). Ikegami, Junichi, by contrast, maintains that the formation of the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative is related to the identity consciousness and emotional stance centered on Japan that developed among Japanese envoys and monks traveling to Tang China (Ikegami 2001, pp. 314–17). Guo Xueni, meanwhile, suggests that the story reflects the Japanese intellectual imagination of China in the late Heian period, and that it was precisely through the interpretation and construction of images of China that monks and Confucian scholars of the late Heian era articulated a historical narrative of Japanese superiority (Guo 2018, pp. 82–88). From a review of previous studies, it is evident that few scholars have examined the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative in connection with similar types of tales circulating across the broader Eurasian region in the same period, in order to conduct a systematic analysis of its origins, formation, and evolution. Moreover, the relationship between the atmosphere of terror in Tang China, as recorded by Ennin in The Record of a Pilgrimage to Tang China in Search of the Law 入唐求法巡禮行記 (It records Ennin’s experiences in Tang China between 838 and 847 CE) and the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative, has not been sufficiently explored. In addition, certain episodes in the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative are related to the homesickness of those who traveled to Tang China in search of the Buddhist law during the Heian period, a point that has received almost no attention in earlier research. In light of these gaps, the present article reexamines the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative on the basis of previous scholarship.

2. The Accumulated Layers of the “Jiaoxiecheng” Narrative and Eurasian Cultural Exchange in the Tang Dynasty

Regarding the origin of the name “Jiaoxiecheng” in the story, Guo Xueni believes it is related to the term “jia xie” 夾纈 found in Ennin’s The Record of a Pilgrimage to Tang China in Search of the Law, and further maintains that the term “jia xie” here is simply another name for “jiaoxie” 絞擷. Jiaoxie was originally a folk resist-dyeing technique that emerged in China during the Warring States period. It reached its height in the Sui and Tang dynasties, and was later transmitted to Japan through the missions to Tang China, where it became greatly favored by the aristocracy of the Nara 奈良 and Heian periods. The reason that the Konjaku Monogatarishū uses the term jiaoxie to name a dyeing workshop in Tang China is, on the one hand, closely related to the accounts recorded in Ennin’s diary, and on the other hand, it also demonstrates the important status of jiaoxie in ancient Sino-Japanese cultural exchanges (Guo 2018, p. 85). However, the term “jia xie” can only explain the name “Jiaoxiecheng” but not the origin of the story itself. Higashimoto Sawako argues that the descriptions of city walls, building structures, the confinement of outsiders, and the escape through chanting Avalokiteśvara 觀音菩薩 in the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative are very similar to Story 1 in Volume 5 of the Konjaku Monogatarishū, “An Account of the Five Hundred Merchants of Siṃhala Traveling Together to the Land of the Rākṣasas” 僧伽羅五百商人共至羅刹國語. Furthermore, the scene of extracting blood from humans is similar to Story 31 in Volume 7 of the Konjaku Monogatarishū, “An Account of a Person Who Escaped Disaster by Copying the Lotus Sūtra in Order to Save a Horse” 為救馬寫法花經免難人語, whose scene originates from the “Northern Official Liang” 北齊仕人梁 story in Records of Miraculous Retribution. However, the difference is that the latter two stories involve extracting fat from humans rather than blood and do not include the scene of hanging people upside down found in the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative. Regarding this, Higashimoto Sawako further points out that the scene of hanging people upside down to extract blood in the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative also references Pei Xing’s 裴铏 Chuanqi story 傳奇 (It was probably compiled between 866 and 875 CE) “Lu Han” 盧涵 and related descriptions of hell scenes in Chinese and Japanese works (Higashimoto 1998, pp. 58–64). Higashimoto Sawako’s viewpoint is well-argued and convincing, but it can still be supplemented.

In fact, the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative as we see it today was ultimately formed through a complex process of cultural exchanges. However, these exchanges may not have been limited to China and Japan alone; they likely involved a broader scope. In addition to the stories mentioned by Higashimoto Sawako, the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative also resembles another story from Tang Dynasty 傳奇小說, namely, the “Banqiao Sanniangzi” 板橋三娘子故事 from Xue Yusi’s 薛漁思 Records of Hedong 河東記 (It was probably compiled between 834 and 838 CE).3 The “Banqiao Sanniangzi” mainly tells of a widow, Third Lady, who runs an inn in Banqiao 板橋, Bianzhou 汴州, during the Tang Dynasty. She secretly uses magic to turn guests who eat her pancakes into donkeys, thereby seizing their property. A traveler named Zhao Jihe 趙季和 secretly observes this in his room and later substitutes her poisoned pancakes with his own, causing Third Lady to turn into a donkey herself. He rides her for four years. On the road, near the Huayue Temple 華嶽廟, he meets an old man who reveals Third Lady’s identity, persuades Zhao Jihe to release her, and uses magic to restore her human form. Third Lady thanks him and quickly disappears, her whereabouts unknown. Some plot elements in the “Banqiao Sanniangzi” are very similar to those in the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative. For example, the perpetrators deceive people into a place that seems safe and comfortable under false pretenses. Additionally, descriptions such as the protagonist discovering the truth through cracks in the room, the perpetrators harming victims using food, and the protagonist escaping (or learning the truth) with the help of divine or supernatural figures share strong similarities. It can be said that there must be some connection between them.

The “Banqiao Sanniangzi” was introduced to Japan and adapted into the “Traveler’s Horse” 旅人馬 type story. The “Traveler’s Horse” type of narrative is a recurrent motif in zhiguai literature 志怪文學 and folk storytelling 民間故事. It typically depicts a traveler who encounters a horse of obscure or supernatural origin and, by following or mounting it, is led into an otherworldly realm—such as a ghostly domain, an immortal realm, or a space marked by temporal and spatial dislocation—whereupon a series of supernatural experiences unfolds. In such narratives, the horse functions as a liminal mediator between the real and the unreal, foregrounding the ambiguity and slippage between the two worlds and imbuing the story with a pronounced sense of the uncanny. Notably, Story 14 in Volume 31 of the Konjaku Monogatarishū, “The Monk Who Passed Through the Wilderness of Shikoku and Was Turned into a Horse After Entering the Deep Mountains” 路過四國荒郊的僧人誤入深山被打變馬 happens to be a “Traveler’s Horse” type story. In other words, the creation of the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative was likely influenced by the Konjaku Monogatarishū or other “Traveler’s Horse” type stories of the time. This point has also been affirmed by Japanese academia. For example, the Nihon Mukashibanashi Meii 日本昔話名彙 classifies the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative into the “Traveler’s Horse” system (Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai 1954, p. 97). Furthermore, the reason for calling “Traveler’s Horse” a type story is that it has been interpreted with local characteristics during its widespread circulation within Japan. The “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative and “The Monk Who Passed Through the Wilderness of Shikoku and Was Turned into a Horse After Entering the Deep Mountains” in the Konjaku Monogatarishū are just two of these versions.

Even more astonishing is that if we consider the extraction of human blood as a necessary plot element in the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative, this type of story also existed and evolved separately in various parts of Japan. According to statistics from the Nihon Mukashibanashi Meii, the “Traveler’s Horse” type story has derived versions with the same system but varying plots in at least Iwate 岩手, Akita 秋田, Fukushima 福島, Yamanashi 山梨, Kagoshima prefectures 鹿兒島, and others. Stories similar to the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative are also numerous. For example, in Ibaraki Prefecture 築波, there is the “Lazy Person (Fat Extractor)” 怠け者(脂しぼり) story; in Tokushima Prefecture, the “House That Extracts Blood” 血を榨る家 story; in Kagoshima Prefecture, the “Sumo Wrestler Izumikawa” 力士泉川 story, the “Fat Taker” 脂とりstory, etc. (Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai 1954, pp. 96–97).

Interestingly, the “Banqiao Sanniangzi” was not original to Xue Yusi either but was also the result of adaptation. Yang Xianyi pointed out, “This story originates from the West; the earliest record is probably the story of the witch Circe in Book 10 of the Greek epic Odyssey… This story is also found in Apuleius’s Metamorphoses. Apuleius was born in the 2nd century AD in Madaura, North Africa. His ‘human-to-donkey’ story claims to be based on ancient legends, likely originally a folk story circulating in the Near East.” (Yang 1983, p. 74). Liu Shouhua also pointed out that the “Banqiao Sanniangzi” is very similar to the story “Prince Badr Basim and Princess Jauhar” in the Arabic story collection One Thousand and One Nights (Liu 1995, pp. 231–32). Thus, the prototypes of the “Banqiao Sanniangzi” such as the “Story of Circe” and “Prince Badr Basim and Princess Jauhar” likely originated in the Near East of Europe and were introduced to China during the Tang Dynasty through cultural, trade, and other exchanges, where they were adapted. As Zhang Hongxun stated, “The open social environment of the Tang Dynasty not only led to the influx of exotic treasures and a large number of foreign merchants and envoys but also allowed foreign music, dance, painting, stories, legends, as well as religious philosophy, astronomy, calendars, etc., to be introduced, injecting vitality and energy into the prosperity of Tang culture. The novelists of the time, with their keen eyes, captured these foreign objects, customs, and exotic stories, committed them to writing, providing rich content for their novel creations and influencing later generations. The Third Lady of Banqiao is one example” (Zhang 2001, pp. 22–23).4 After the “Banqiao Sanniangzi” was established in China, it spread to Japan through Sino-Japanese cultural exchange and was adapted into the “Traveler’s Horse” type story. The “Traveler’s Horse” type story continued to evolve, becoming an important source for the formation of the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative while simultaneously continuing to spread and be adapted across Japan, becoming a widely popular story type throughout the country, significantly influencing the development of Japanese folktales. According to Okada Mitsuhiro’s research, stories of the “traveler’s horse” type can be further classified into five categories, and he argues that the B-2 subtype of “traveler’s horse” tales circulating in Yamanashi Prefecture preserves the earliest narrative structure of this story (Okada 2019, pp. 284–89). Although Okada does not explicitly discuss a direct connection between “traveler’s horse” stories and the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative, a comparison suggests that the B-2 “traveler’s horse” stories from Yamanashi are strikingly similar to the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative. In both cases, the perpetrators lure their victims into places that appear safe and comfortable through deception; they harm the victims by tampering with food; the protagonists are monks; the truth is discovered secretly; and ultimately escape is achieved through prayers to deities or Buddhas. As Okada Mitsuhiro observes, “It can be seen that after the highly fantastic tale of Banqiao Sanniangzi was first introduced into Japan, it circulated domestically in incomplete forms: what was transmitted were certain episodes adapted according to the interests of the transmitters, and these fragments, combined with elements of other ancient stories, gave rise to new narratives” (Okada 2019, p. 289). In this sense, the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative may likewise be understood as a new story created by integrating certain episodes and fragments of the “Banqiao Sanniangzi” story with elements from the account of Ennin’s journey to Tang China.

In summary, the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative is actually a complex story formed on the basis of synthesizing similar types of stories from various countries and regions across Eurasia, rather than being influenced by a single or a few texts. Additionally, Ikegami Junichi believes that the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative draws material from the Japanese “Fat Extractor” story (Ikegami 2001, p. 316). The “Fat Extractor” mainly tells of a lazy young man who hears about a wealthy household where one can eat delicious meals every day without working. So he goes to that household and indeed enjoys lavish hospitality daily. However, one day, the young man is warned not to look into a certain room. Unable to resist his curiosity, he peeks into the room. As a result, he sees a person hanging upside down, being roasted over a fire, with fat being slowly squeezed out. The young man is terrified out of his wits and flees. At that moment, the owner of the house (actually an oni) discovers him and gives chase. At the critical moment, the young man runs into a temple, where a monk hides him, and he ultimately escapes under the monk’s protection (Inada 1993, p. 414). As mentioned above, the plot of extracting fat from humans in “Fat Extractor” had already appeared in the Chinese story “Northern Official Liang” 北齊仕人梁 from Ming Bao Ji 冥報記 (It was probably compiled between 650 and 655 CE) and also influenced the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative. Other similar plots, such as secretly observing and discovering the truth through a room, people being hung upside down, etc., are also very similar, but this is not sufficient to prove a clear lineage relationship between the two. As statistics from the Nihon Mukashibanashi Meii show, stories similar to the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative and “Fat Extractor” appear in various parts of Japan. Therefore, it is more likely that the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative, “Fat Extractor” and other similar story types did not necessarily influence each other. Instead, they were all story types with local Japanese characteristics formed under the influence of Chinese stories like “Northern Official Liang”, “Banqiao Sanniangzi”, “Lu Han”, and Japanese works related to Buddhist hell beliefs at the time. It is highly possible that they emerged and spread successively in different parts of Japan during the same period.

3. The Demonization of Emperor Wuzong of Tang’s Image and the Origin of the “Jiaoxiecheng” Narrative

Regarding the ideological and cultural origins behind the compilation of the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative in Japan at that time, Ikegami Junichi, Guo Xueni, and others believe it is related to factors such as the emphasis on the persecution of Buddhism in China in tale collections under the background of the “Eastward Spread of Buddhism” 佛法東漸 ideology in Japan, and the promotion of Japanese Buddhist superiority consciousness. As Guo Xueni stated: “The narrative of Ennin encountering the persecution of Buddhism and escaping into ‘Jiaoxiecheng’ during his entry into the Tang Dynasty underwent an evolution from non-existence to existence. This evolution was closely related to the late Heian period ideology of Buddhism protecting the state and the interdependence of royal power and Buddhism… The creation of the narrative of Ennin being harmed upon entering the Tang Dynasty is related to the generation and transmission methods of Buddhist tales in the late Heian period. That is, the tale compilers used common mystical realm motifs in Buddhism to fabricate a ‘Jiaoxiecheng’ that did not actually exist in China, condensing the unknown and unease towards China into a symbolic sign, vividly outlining the psychological distance between the intellectual class to which the tale compilers and transmitters belonged and China.” (Guo 2018, p. 87). Admittedly, the formation of the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative is inextricably linked to the rise of national consciousness, such as the “Eastward Spread of Buddhism” within Japan at that time. However, since we acknowledge that the term “Jiaoxie” originates from the Chinese “jia xie”, we cannot ignore the influence of Chinese factors behind the formation of this story.5 In fact, Higashimoto Sawako has already noted that the plot of the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative is related to Ennin’s descriptions of some cruel scenes in China in his Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law. She also believes that the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative should have been influenced by works related to Sino-Japanese hell beliefs, but unfortunately, she did not further develop a full explanation (Higashimoto 1998, pp. 62–63).

To thoroughly address this issue, it is first necessary to clarify the nature of the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative. Setting aside the fantastical and exaggerated plots, one finds that the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative is actually a reflection of some bloody events and the oppressive social atmosphere in China under the background of Emperor Wuzong’s suppression of Buddhism. For example, the record dated the fifteenth day of the seventh month of the fourth year of Huichang (844) describes a bloody incident in which soldiers slaughtered civilians within the city of Chang’an:

“The troops sent to attack the Army of Lu Prefecture could not enter the other realm, and were therefore stopped at the border. Repeated imperial edicts urged them onward, yet there was no news of any progress. ’Conscription had gone on for a long time, why has there been no report to the emperor of any punitive campaign against the enemy?’ The soldiers, terrified, seized cattle herders and farmers at the border and sent them to the capital, falsely claiming that they had captured rebels. An imperial order was issued to unseal the execution sabers, and the prisoners were cut into three pieces in the public streets, surrounded by troops from both armies. Such prisoners were sent in continuously, with an unending stream of soldiers. On ordinary streets, the bodies of the executed lay everywhere, filling the roads; blood flowed and soaked into the ground, turning the earth into mud. The streets were packed with onlookers. From time to time the Son of Heaven came to inspect the scene, where banners and spears crisscrossed in chaos. It was said that those who were brought in were not Tang rebels at all, but merely cattle herders and farming folk from the border, wrongly seized and sent to the capital. In truth, the imperial troops had never entered the other realm; fearing blame from the ruler, they had recklessly captured innocent people and sent them to the capital instead. After each execution, strong soldiers from both armies cut out the victims’ eyes and flesh and ate them. People throughout all the wards said, This year, people in Chang’an have taken to eating other people.”6 打路府兵入他界不淂、但在界首、頻有勅催、恠無消息、征兵多時、都不聞征罰者何。彼兵眾驚懼、捉界首牧牛兒、耕田夫等、送入京、妄稱捉叛人來。勅賜封刀、於街衢而斬三段。兩軍兵馬圍著殺之。如此送來相續不絶。兵馬尋常街裏。被斬屍骸滿路、血流濕土為泥。看人滿於道路。天子時時看來、旗鎗交橫遼亂。見說被送來者、不是唐叛人、但是界首牧牛、耕種百姓、枉被捉來。國家兵馬元來不入他界。恐王恠無事，妄捉無罪人、送入京也。兩軍健兒每斬人了。割其眼肉喫。諸坊人皆云、今年長安人喫人。

(Ono 1969, vol. 4, pp. 70–71)

This passage mainly describes the situation in the early stage of Emperor Wuzong of Tang’s Huichang 會昌4 campaign to quell the rebellion in Lu fu 路府 Prefecture. According to this record, at that time, the imperial army, responding to Emperor Wuzong’s repeated edicts urging action, captured cowherds, farmers, and other commoners from the border areas and sent them to the capital, falsely claiming they were rebels. This resulted in a large number of innocent commoners being killed, turning the prosperous Chang’an city into a hell on earth where “corpses filled the roads, blood flowed and soaked the soil into mud.” 被斬屍骸滿路、血流濕土為泥。 Even more shockingly, after killing people, soldiers would cut out their eyes and flesh to eat them, leading to commoners in Chang’an saying, “This year, people in Chang’an are eating people.” 今年長安人喫人。

In addition to depicting the brutality of soldiers, the Record from Huichang 4 also emphasizes Emperor Wuzong’s apparently unrestrained promiscuity, bloodthirst, and partiality towards Daoism. For example, an entry dated to mid-August of the fourth year of the Huichang era places particular emphasis on Emperor Wuzong’s licentious behavior:

“Moreover, Empress Xiao, who resided in the Hall of Yiyang, was the present emperor’s aunt and was very beautiful. The emperor summoned her and took her as a consort, but the Empress Dowager refused to approve it. The Son of Heaven then drew a bow and shot her; the arrow pierced her chest, and she died.” 又義陽殿皇后蕭氏是今上阿嬢。甚有容。今上召納為妃。而太后不奉命。天子索弓射殺。箭透入胸中而薨。

(Ono 1969, vol. 4, p. 88)

An entry dated the third day of the third month of the fifth year (845) of the Huichang era depicts Emperor Wuzong’s bloodthirst:

“The emperor proclaimed: ‘The pit from which earth was taken is extremely deep and frightening to behold. I wish to have it filled in. On the day the ritual platform is to be erected, have a temporary road opened and a feast prepared in celebration of the platform. Gather all the monks and nuns from the two main avenues and bring them into the Left Army camp, cut off their heads, and use them to fill the pit.’ After an investigation, the Privy Councilor Shu Bu submitted a secret memorial, saying: ‘Monks and nuns are in fact subjects of the state. If they are ordered to return to lay life and each pursues a livelihood, it will benefit the country. I beg that they not be seized and brought in. I request that Your Majesty order the relevant offices to strictly enforce their return to secular life, send them back to their native places, and register them for corvée labor.’ The emperor nodded and, after a long pause, said: ‘Let it be done as proposed.’ When the monks and nuns in the various monasteries heard of this, they were utterly terrified, their souls seemingly departing from their bodies, not knowing where to turn.” 皇帝宣云、般土之坑極深。令人恐畏不安。朕欲淂填之。事須祭臺之日、假噵設齋慶臺、惣追兩街僧尼、集左軍裏。斬其頭、用填坑者。撿樞卜密奏云、僧尼本是國家百姓。若令還俗、各自營生、於國有利。請不用追入。請仰本司盡勒還俗、遞歸本貫、宛入色伇者。皇帝點頭良久。乃云、依奏者。諸寺僧尼亦聞斯事、魂魄失守、不知所向。

(Ono 1969, vol. 4, p. 119)

An entry dated the twenty-seventh day of the eighth month of the fifth year of the Huichang era describes Emperor Wuzong’s favoritism toward Daoism:

“An edict was issued to ban single-wheeled carts throughout the land. After the regulations were promulgated, anyone found using a single-wheeled cart would be executed on the spot. This was because the emperor adhered to Taoist beliefs, and the single-wheeled carts were damaging the central path of Taoism, likely causing unease among the Taoist priests. Another edict prohibited the raising of black pigs, black dogs, black donkeys, and black cattle, as Taoist priests wear yellow robes, and it was feared that the prevalence of black might suppress the yellow, leading to its decline. Additionally, coastal prefectures were ordered to submit live otters, though the reason for this remains unknown. Recently, an edict was issued demanding that various regions offer the hearts and gallbladders of fifteen-year-old boys and girls—this, too, was a result of the emperor being misled by Taoist priests.” 有敕斷天下獨角車。條流後有人將獨角車行者、當處決殺。緣天子信道士教、獨腳車擔破道中心。恐道士心不安歟。有勑斷天下豬·黑狗·黑驢牛等。此乃道士着黃、恐多黑色、厭黃令滅歟。令近海州縣、進活獺兒。未知其由。近有勑、令諸道進年十五歲童男童女心膽。亦是被道士誑惑也。

(Ono 1969, vol. 4, p. 234)

If we consider the above records of Tang society under the persecution of Buddhism and the personal image of Emperor Wuzong, the Tang realm at that time was essentially a “Jiaoxiecheng”, perhaps even more terrifying than the fictional one. According to research by Liang Ruorong, Guo Xueni, and others, similar records overwhelmingly originated from persecuted monks, nuns, and believers during the persecution period, deliberately vilifying Emperor Wuzong and were not factual (Liang 1978, pp. 239–41; Guo 2016, pp. 70–75). A typical example is the record of Emperor Wuzong wanting to take Empress Xiao, consort of Emperor Muzong, as his concubine and killing her with an arrow when she refused. According to the Tang Huiyao 唐會要 (It was compiled in 961 CE): “Empress Xiao was enfeoffed as Empress Dowager in the third month of Baoli 3rd year (827). She died on the 15th day of the 4th month of Dazhong 1st year (847). In the 8th month of that year, she was posthumously honored as Zhenxian Empress Dowager” 皇后蕭氏，寶曆三年三月冊為皇太后，大中元年四月十五日忌，其年八月上尊諡曰貞獻皇太后, indicating that Empress Xiao lived until the 15th day of the 4th month of Emperor Xuanzong’s Dazhong 1st year, and the incident of Wuzong shooting her did not happen. Moreover, Empress Xiao was the birth mother of Emperor Wenzong 文宗. According to the Old Book of Tang 舊唐書 (It was compiled in 945 CE), Emperor Wenzong “was born on the 10th day of the 10th month of Yuanhe 4th year (809).” From Yuanhe元和4 to Huichang 4 was nearly 35 years; Empress Xiao would have been at least around fifty years old at that time, so the claim that she was favored by Emperor Wuzong because of her beauty is not convincing.7

Judging from the stories circulating in society at the time that portrayed Emperor Wuzong of the Tang dynasty in a negative light, Buddhist monks, nuns, and lay believers were depicted as victims under the rule of a tyrant, and the causes of the suppression of Buddhism were attributed to Emperor Wuzong’s brutality and the instigation of Daoism, while the problems and abuses within Buddhism itself at the time were left entirely unaddressed. In fact, with regard to the true image of Emperor Wuzong of the Tang dynasty, both the Old Book of Tang, an officially commissioned history compiled by Liu Xu 劉昫 and others in the Later Jin 後晉, and the New Book of Tang 新唐書 (It was compiled in 1060 CE), an officially commissioned history compiled by Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修, Song Qi 宋祁, and others in the Northern Song 北宋, contain relevant accounts. Overall, the New Book of Tang offers a very concise evaluation of Emperor Wuzong, stating only:

“In the past, Wu Ding 武丁 gained Fu Yue 傅說 and became King Gaozong of the Shang 商高宗; Wuzong employed Li Deyu 李德裕 and thus accomplished his achievements.” 昔武丁得一傅說，為商高宗。武宗用一李德裕，遂成其功烈。

This suggests that, although Emperor Wuzong did achieve certain accomplishments, these were attributed primarily to his employment of Li Deyu and do not indicate exceptional personal wisdom on his part; the assessment is therefore not particularly high. The New Book of Tang also records the Huichang suppression of Buddhism 會昌法難 in only a single sentence:

“On the renwu day of the eighth month, Buddhist temples were massively destroyed, and monks and nuns were returned to lay status.” 八月壬午，大毀佛寺，復僧尼為民。

As for the reasons for the suppression, it concludes:

“Yet his vigorous and resolute removal of the Buddhist teachings was extreme, and he personally received Daoist registers and consumed elixirs in pursuit of longevity. From this it can be seen that he was not a clear-minded and unconfused ruler, but simply one whose likes and dislikes differed.” 然其奮然除去浮圖之法甚銳，而躬受道家之籙，服藥以求長年。以此見其非明智之不惑者，特好惡有不同爾。

This indicates that the New Book of Tang attributes Emperor Wuzong’s suppression of Buddhism to his private preference for Daoism, a rather negative evaluation. By contrast, the Old Book of Tang provides a more detailed account of Emperor Wuzong himself and of the Huichang suppression of Buddhism. According to the Old Book of Tang, although Emperor Wuzong came to place excessive trust in Daoism in the later years of his reign, overall he was still a ruler of considerable accomplishment. The Old Book of Tang, “Annals of Wuzong” 舊唐書·武宗本紀, states:

“During the Kai Cheng 開成 era (836–840), the imperial house gradually declined, and state affairs fell under the control of eunuchs. When the time came for the imperial robes to change hands, the position of crown prince was abruptly altered. Emperor Wuzong, standing alone yet firmly guarding the realm, assumed the throne as the rightful heir. With bold strategies and decisive actions, he restored authority that had been lost; through careful planning and diligent efforts, he promoted exceptionally talented individuals. At a time when foreign powers were in disarray and rebellious forces in Luzhou took up arms, he remained unswayed by the numerous opinions at court, instead adopting the counsel of his senior ministers. Once the war chariots were deployed, the turmoil was quelled; discipline was reinstated, and the empire’s prestige revived. His achievements were sufficient to follow in the footsteps of Emperor Xianzong’s military campaigns and carry on the legacy of the Yuanhe era’s pacification of rebellions.” 開成中，王室寖卑，政由閽寺。及綴衣將變，儲位遽移。昭肅以孤立維城，副茲當璧。而能雄謀勇斷，振已去之威權；運策勵精，拔非常之俊傑。屬天驕失國，潞孽阻兵，不惑盈庭之言，獨納大臣之計。戎車既駕，亂略底寧，紀律再張，聲名複振，足以蹈章武出師之跡，繼元和戡亂之功。

This shows his achievements in reviving the dynasty were highly acknowledged. As for the real reasons behind the persecution of Buddhism, besides the incitement of Daoism, the most important factors were the excessive expansion of Buddhist power challenging imperial authority and the huge burden it placed on normal social functioning.8 For example, an edict concerning the abolition of Buddhism issued in the 8th month of Huichang 5, recorded in the Old Book of Tang, states:

“Throughout the mountains and plains of the nine regions, and within the capitals of both the eastern and western domains, the community of monks grew daily, and Buddhist monasteries became increasingly grand. Labor was exhausted in construction projects, and wealth was seized to adorn temples with gold and treasures. Devotees abandoned their sovereign and parents to follow religious teachers, and separated from their spouses to adhere to monastic precepts. In terms of undermining laws and harming people, no practice surpassed this. Moreover, if a single man does not till the land, someone will go hungry; if a single woman does not tend silkworms, someone will suffer from cold. Today, the number of monks and nuns across the land is beyond count, all depending on farmers for food and on weavers for clothing. Temples and monasteries know no bounds, each built with towering structures and ornate decorations, rivaling imperial palaces in extravagance. …Consequently, over 4600 monasteries across the land were dismantled, and 260,500 monks and nuns were returned to secular life, becoming taxable households. More than 40,000 hermitages and small temples were demolished, and tens of millions of acres of fertile land were reclaimed. Additionally, 150,000 temple slaves were registered as taxable households.” 洎於九州山原，兩京城闕，僧徒日廣，佛寺日崇。勞人力於土木之功，奪人利於金寶之飾，遺君親於師資之際，違配偶於戒律之間。壞法害人，無逾此道。且一夫不田，有受其饑者；一婦不蠶，有受其寒者。今天下僧尼，不可勝數，皆待農而食，待蠶而衣。寺宇招提，莫知紀極，皆雲構藻飾，僭擬宮居。……其天下所拆寺四千六百餘所，還俗僧尼二十六萬五百人，收充兩稅戶，拆招提、蘭若四萬餘所，收膏腴上田數千萬頃，收奴婢為兩稅戶十五萬人。

From this edict, we can see that the number of monks and nuns forced to return to lay life reached over 260,000, the number of destroyed monasteries, viharas, and hermitages combined reached 40–50,000, and the slaves owned by these monks, nuns, and monasteries alone numbered 150,000, with tens of millions of qing of rich farmland.9 The number of monks and nuns and the extravagance of monasteries had reached an extreme. Yet, regarding these abuses within Buddhism itself, the Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law completely omits them.10

According to the Old Book of Tang, the negative discourse directed at Emperor Wuzong by monks, nuns, and lay believers during the period of the suppression of Buddhism was, in essence, a manifestation of the strong influence and power that Buddhism wielded in the Central Plains at the time. As stated in the Old Book of Tang:

“Moreover, the religion that came from the west of India has been spreading for nearly a thousand years. The ignorant masses have become so accustomed to it that they fear its teachings more than the laws of the state and rejoice in joining its ranks as if ascending to immortality. In regions where tattooing and ritual hair-cutting are practiced, people have long been accustomed to these customs and no longer recognize their absurdity. Tricks like fire-spitting and sword-swallowing are immediately regarded as divine wonders by those who witness them for the first time. How can such practices be rectified with the elegance of ancient music or regulated by the robes of Confucian rites? Furthermore, flatterers like Ze Rong 笮融 and He Chong 何充 have never been in short supply throughout the ages. Without virtuous men like Xunzi 荀子 and Mencius 孟子, who would rise to uphold righteous principles? If, one day, the golden statues of Buddha were to be destroyed and foreign scriptures burned, it would provoke resentment among the devout and stir anger in the mouths of the vulgar.” 況身毒西來之教，向欲千祀，蚩蚩之民，習以成俗，畏其教甚於國法，樂其徒不異登仙。如文身祝發之鄉，久習而莫知其醜；以吐火吞刀之戲，乍觀而便以為神。安可正之以鹹韶，律之以章甫。加以笮融、何充之佞，代不乏人，非荀卿、孟子之賢，誰興正論。一朝隳殘金狄，燔棄胡書，結怨於膜拜之流，犯怒於鄙夫之口。

According to the Old Book of Tang, against the backdrop of the widespread veneration of Buddhism in the Central Plains at the time, Buddhism had even come to occupy a position above state law. Wuzong’s persecution of Buddhism was bound to incur retaliation from monks, nuns, and believers, the so-called “provoke resentment among the devout and stir anger in the mouths of the vulgar.” 结怨于膜拜之流，犯怒于鄙夫之口。 Compared with the New Book of Tang, the Old Book of Tang was compiled earlier and draws on more original source materials, bringing it closer to historical reality. More importantly, the Old Book of Tang extensively preserves imperial edicts and official documents from the Tang dynasty, whereas the New Book of Tang abridged and deleted many of these primary sources. This is also one reason why the New Book of Tang provides relatively brief accounts of Emperor Wuzong and the Huichang suppression of Buddhism. In addition, in contrast to the Old Book of Tang, evaluations of historical figures in the New Book of Tang often depend heavily on the personal preferences of its compilers. This tendency was questioned soon after the work’s completion. For example, the Northern Song historian Wu Zhen 吳縝 composed Corrections of Errors in the New Book of Tang 新唐書糾謬 (It was compiled in 1089 CE), in whose preface he explicitly criticized the New Book of Tang, stating that its compilers:

“did not understand the essentials of revision and each followed private preferences … when facts were not yet clear, they merely engaged in praise and blame and literary embellishment, thereby failing both as a coherent book and as proper history. The defect of the New Book of Tang lies precisely here” 何謂刊修者不知刊修之要，而各徇私好。……若乃事實未明，而徒以褒貶、文采爲事，則是既不成書，而又失為史之意矣。新書之病，正在於此。

These criticisms demonstrate that the New Book of Tang indeed suffers from the problem of neglecting historical facts and indulging in subjective evaluations. For this reason, the contemporary historian Huang Yongnian has likewise argued that:

“once one understands the respective strengths and weaknesses of the Old and New Books of Tang, it becomes clear that priority should be given to reading the Old Book of Tang, since it preserves more original historical materials and has not been extensively altered, unlike the New Book of Tang.” 弄清楚新舊《唐書》的優劣，自然知道要以閲讀《舊唐書》爲主，因爲《舊唐書》保存的史料較爲原始，不像《新唐書》那樣大肆改竄過。

(Huang 2025, p. 26)

Accordingly, we have good reason to believe that, compared with the New Book of Tang, the Old Book of Tang offers a more objective and fuller evaluation of Emperor Wuzong and the Huichang suppression of Buddhism. In other words, the statement in the Old Book of Tang that Wuzong “provoke resentment among the devout and stir anger in the mouths of the vulgar” should be understood as the true reason for the deeply negative image of Emperor Wuzong found in The Record of a Pilgrimage to Tang China in Search of the Law.

We have reason to believe that the vilification of Emperor Wuzong and his Tang dynasty in the Record was not fabricated by Ennin himself but was his truthful record of the rumors circulating in society at that time. However, by recording them without reflection or judgment, he already demonstrated strong personal emotional inclination and bias. Unbeknownst to him, this record would spread in Japan following his return, influencing the development of Japanese literature then and later. As Guo Xueni stated: “Ennin’s personal experience, within the context of ninth-century East Asian cultural exchange, eventually evolved into a kind of historical memory and became a collective unconscious, entering the literary creation of Japan’s Heian and Kamakura periods. And Emperor Wuzong’s extensive persecution of monks undoubtedly influenced the image of Chinese monarchs in Japanese literature.” (Guo 2016, p. 74). In fact, this influence extended beyond the image of the monarch to the perception of the social environment of the Tang dynasty in Japanese literature. It was precisely under this perception that Buddhist narratives like the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative which depicted the Tang realm as a terrifying demon city that killed people for their blood to dye cloth, were born.11 Furthermore, the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative later appeared in Story 18, “About Jikaku Daishi’s Entry into Tang” 慈覺大師入唐間事 in the Uchigikishū 打聞集 (It was probably compiled around 1134 CE) and Story 10 in Volume 13, “Jikaku Daishi Enters Jiaoxiecheng” 慈覺大師入絞纈城事 in the Uji Shūi Monogatari 宇治拾遺物語 (It was roughly compiled in the late 12th to early 13th century). Compared to the Konjaku Monogatarishū, the latter two even more intensely dramatized the terrifying atmosphere of the Tang realm, demonstrating the profound influence of the descriptions of Emperor Wuzong and his Tang dynasty in the Record on Heian and later literature. This influence did not originate from Japanese creation; it precisely came from Chinese monks, nuns, and believers, only to be continued and further developed in Japanese Buddhist narratives.

4. The “Jiaoxiecheng” Narrative and the Homesickness of Japanese Monks Who Sought the Law in Tang

The “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative is considered an expression of Japanese national consciousness not only because of its descriptions of the miserable and absurd scenes within the city but also for another important reason: Ennin’s eventual escape is attributed to his prayers to the Japanese Three Treasures 三寶 and the Bhaiṣajyaguru 藥師佛 of his home temple, as depicted in the story:

“After seeing what was written there, the Master was struck with terror and completely lost his composure. Nevertheless, he returned to his original place. Someone then brought him food. When he looked at it, he saw that it contained something like sesame seeds, just as he had been instructed. Pretending to eat it, he slipped it into his sleeve and threw it away outside. After the meal, someone came and questioned him, but he merely groaned and did not speak. Seeing this, the person seemed to think, ’Now it has worked’ and went away. After that, they repeatedly made him take various drugs meant to make him grow fat. While the people were away, the Master faced the direction of the northeast, joined his palms in prayer, bowed in worship, and said: ‘Yakushi Buddha of the Three Jewels of my native land, please save me and grant that I may return to my homeland.’ At that moment, a large dog appeared and seized the sleeve of the Master’s robe, pulling him along. The Master followed where the dog led him, and there was a water gate through which it seemed impossible to pass; from there the dog drew him out. Once outside, the dog vanished from sight. The Master wept with joy, and from there ran in the direction his feet carried him, crossing distant fields and mountains until he finally reached a human settlement.” ト書タルヲ見テ後、大師心肝失テ、惣テ不思ヘ。然レドモ、本ノ居所ニ返ス。人食物ヲ持来タリ。見レバ、教ヘツル様ニ胡麻ノ様ナル物盛テ居へタリ。是ヲ食フ様ニシテハ懷ニ差シ入レテ、外ニ棄テツ。食物ノ後、人来テ問フ事有リト云ヘドモ、ウメキテ物不云ハ。『今ハシ得タリ』ト思ヘル気色ニテ去ヌ。共後ハ、可肥藥ヲ種々ニ令食ム。然ル間、人ノ立去タル程ニ、大師丑寅ノ方ニ向テ掌ヲ合セ、礼拜シテ云ク、『本山ノ三宝藥師佛、我レヲ助テ古郷ニ返ル事ヲ令得メ給へ』ト。其時ニ、一ノ大ナル狗出来ヌ、大師衣ノ袖ヲ食テ引ク。大師犬ノ引ニ随テ行クニ、可通出クモ無キ水門有リ。其ヨリ引キ出シツ。外ニ出ヌレバ、犬ハ不見成ヌ。大師泣々ク喜テ、其ヨリ足ノ向ク方ニ走ルニ、遥ニ野山ヲ越テ人里ニ出ヌ。

Maeda Yoshiyuki argues that the plot in which Ennin, on the verge of death in the City of Dye Vats, is saved by praying to the “Three Treasures and Bhaiṣajyaguru of Mount Hiei” 比叡山 reflects a narrative where Japanese Buddhism rescues Ennin from suffering in China. This storyline, therefore, constructs a context suggesting the superiority of Japanese Buddhism over Chinese Buddhism (Maeda 1999, p. 127).

In reality, our understanding of Ennin should not solely be from the perspective of a Buddhist high monk or a holy figure, but more from the perspective of a traveler drifting in a foreign land. Especially in the ninth century, an era with extremely difficult and isolated living conditions and transportation, the attachment and longing for one’s homeland—these extremely subtle emotions—must have existed for Ennin as a real, flesh-and-blood historical figure. From the moment he departed Japan for Tang China, Ennin and his disciples faced constant life-threatening risks. A typical example is Ennin’s disciple I-kyō 惟曉, who died in the Great Tang on the 24th day of the 7th month of Huichang 3 (843). At that time, Ennin did not even have the money to buy a burial plot for himself.

If we consider the historical context and the mindset of travelers living far from their homeland during that era, we can gain a deeper understanding of why Ennin turned to the Medicine Buddha of his native land in a critical moment. In reality, this act was more a natural expression of his attachment and longing for his homeland, rather than a manifestation of national consciousness or a sense of superiority. In the Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law, examples of Japanese envoys to Tang seeking protection from Japanese gods and Buddhas in times of crisis are not uncommon, and most of them received respect and support from the Chinese people. For example:

“(November 29, 838) At the hour of Shen, Monk Kesī, a lecturer on the Śataśāstra from Chang’an, came for a visit. Also, the assistant envoy of the first ship, Fujiwara no Sadatoshi, who had been suffering from a prolonged illness, made a vow to commission paintings of the Sudṛṣṭa 妙見菩薩 and the Caturmahārājāḥ 四天王.12 On this day, he sent Awata no Yatsutsugu, an attendant of the ambassador, to this temple to arrange the location for the paintings. On the morning of the 30th, the painting of Sudṛṣṭa and the Caturmahārājāḥ commenced in the Kapila Deity Hall. “ (開成三年十一月廿九日)申時。長安講百論和尚可思來相見。又第一舶判官藤原朝臣貞敏、從先、臥病辛苦。殊發心、擬畫作妙見𦬇·四天王像。仍以此日、令大使傔人粟田家繼、到此寺、定畫佛處。（十一月）卅日。早朝。於迦毘羅神堂裏、初畫妙見𦬇·四天王像。

(Ono 1964, vol. 1, pp. 301–7)

The background of this narrative is the 29th day of the 11th month of Kaicheng 3 (838), when Ennin and other Japanese envoys were staying at the Kaiyuan Temple 開元寺 in Yangzhou 揚州. On that day, the Assistant Envoy of the First Ship, Fujiwara no Sadatoshi 藤原朝臣貞敏, having been ill earlier, prayers and offerings were made to images of Myōken Bodhisattva and the Four Heavenly Kings, who were highly popular local Buddhist icons in Japan at the time.13 Fujiwara no Sadatoshi’s request was quickly fulfilled by the Chinese people; the very next morning, the painting of Myōken Bosatsu and the Four Heavenly Kings began inside the Kaiyuan Temple’s Kapila Deva 迦毘羅神 Hall.

Another record states:

“(June 5, 839) At dawn, we set sail and proceeded. By afternoon, we reached the western side of Mount Chi. Due to the adverse tide, we paused briefly before soon continuing. As we gradually entered the southern foothills, clouds suddenly gathered, and a fierce headwind arose. The sails were swiftly adjusted, and in the moment they were lowered, a black bird flew over, circling the ship three times before returning to the island. The crew was astonished, all believing it to be an omen from the spirits. Deciding not to attempt landing, we turned the ship around and moved farther from the mountain, anchoring in the open sea. Then, thunder rumbled from the north, accompanied by lightning striking through the clouds. The officials on board grew terrified, suspecting it to be a sign of displeasure from the underworld deities. Together, they made vows and performed purification rites. They prayed to the thunder god on the ship and made offerings to the great deity Sumiyoshi enshrined aboard. They also pledged vows to the major deities of Japan, such as Hachiman, the dragon king of the sea, and the mountain and island gods of Deng Prefecture, among others. Gradually, the thunder subsided, and winds began to blow from the east and west. We dropped anchor and remained moored.” (開成四年六月)五日。遲明。懸帆進行。午後。到赤山西邊。潮逆暫停。俄爾之頃、又行、漸入山南。雲聚忽迎來。逆風急吹、張帆頓變。下帆之會、黑鳥飛來、遶舶三㢠、還居嶋上。眾人驚恠、皆謂是神靈、不交入泊。㢠舶卻出。去山稍遠、繫居海中。北方有雷聲。掣雲鳴來。舶上官人驚怕殊甚。猶疑冥神不和之相。同共發願兼解除、祈祠舩上霹靂神。又祭舩上住吉大神。又為本國八幡等大神及海龍王、並登州諸山嶋神等、各發誓願。雷鳴漸止、風起東西。下矴繫居。

(Ono 1966, vol. 2, p. 47)

This record describes how on the 5th day of the 6th month of Kaicheng 4 (839), Ennin’s party encountered a storm and the strange phenomenon of a black bird circling their ship while sailing to Wendeng 文登 County, Dengzhou 登州 (in present-day Weihai 威海, Shandong 山東). They had to worship deities seeking protection, and eventually the storm subsided under divine protection. Among the deities they worshipped, Sumiyoshi Great God 住吉大神, Hachiman Great God 八幡大神, and others were Japanese native deities.

From the above two records of praying for protection from Japanese native gods and Buddhas, like Ennin praying to the Three Treasures and Medicine Buddha of his home temple to escape in the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative, they belong to the typical cases mentioned by Maeda Masayuki where Japanese gods and Buddhas save Japanese people suffering in China. However, it is difficult to detect Japanese national consciousness or a sense of superiority therein. What is more evident is the worship of Japanese native divine beliefs by the Japanese people, and behind this lies the deep attachment to the homeland felt by travelers drifting abroad. This is similar to the story of Prince Shinnyo 真如親王 (son of Emperor Heizei 平成天皇, designated crown prince during Emperor Saga’s reign, deposed in Daidō 大同5 (810) due to the Kusuko Incident 藥子之變, ordained in Kōnin 弘仁13 (822), one of Kūkai’s 空海 ten great disciples) recorded in the Honchō Shinsenden本朝神仙傳 (It was probably compiled around 1098 CE.):

“He later renounced secular life to become a disciple of the Great Master. He studied the teachings of esoteric Buddhism extensively and subsequently traveled to Tang China, intending to journey further to India in pursuit of Buddhist teachings. He sent a letter to the Great Master, which stated: ‘Though there may be many eminent teachers, none surpass the Great Master; though there may be many lofty halls, none surpass the Hall of Supreme Harmony.’ From this, it becomes evident that he regarded the people of our land as surpassing even those of India or China.” 後出家為大師弟子。太朗真言。後入唐朝更向印土。為求法也。送書於大師曰。雖多明師不過大師。雖多高閣不過大極殿云云。爰知作吾土之人。猶過於月氏漢家之人。后出家为大师弟子。

The line “Though there may be many eminent teachers, none surpass the Great Master; though there may be many lofty halls, none surpass the Hall of Supreme Harmony” 雖多明師不過大師。雖多高閣不過大極殿 is clearly a depiction of Prince Shinnyo’s longing for his homeland. Although this sentence does not appear in the earliest biography of Prince Shinnyo, Tōda Shinnō Nittō Ryakki 頭陀親王入唐略記 (It was probably compiled in the latter half of the 9th century), and is rendered in the Fusō Ryakki 扶桑略記 (It was compiled after 1094 CE) only as:

“Among the worthy figures of the Han realm, many lack depth in doctrinal learning; after extensive inquiry, none equaled my master. As for esoteric teachings, there were indeed those with whom one might converse.” 漢家諸德，多乏論學，歷問有意，無及吾師。至於真言，有足共言焉。

Similar statements appear repeatedly in later narrative literature. For example, the Shiyōshū 拾要集 (It was probably compiled in the latter half of the 12th century) records that when Prince Shinnyo passed by Qinglong Monastery 青龍寺 before traveling to India in search of the Dharma, he left the verse:

“Though my body sinks amid the western waves of the vast sea, my soul is surely bound to return to my native land, this realm of Japan.” 身雖沒長海之浪。魂定帰故郷之本朝。

(Kōbō Daishi Sho-deshi Zenshū, vol. 2, 1927, p. 65)

In the Hōbutsushū 寶物集 (It was probably compiled between 1177 and 1181 CE), there appears the passage:

“When Prince Shinnyo traveled to Tang China, he sent word back to Japan, saying: Though there are many temples, none equals our realm’s Tōdaiji 東大寺; though there are many teachers, none equals my master, Kōbō Daishi.” 真如親王ノ入唐シ給ヒタリケルガ。日本へ雲ツカハシタリケルハ。寺ハ多ケレ共。我朝ノ東大寺バカリノ寺ハナカリケリ。師ハ多カレ共。我師ノ弘法大師バカリノ師ハナカリケルト宣（ヒシ）ゾカシ。

Many similar accounts can be found as well. Although these records are not necessarily historically reliable, they at least demonstrate that the idea that travelers in foreign lands, such as Prince Shinnyo, harbored deep feelings of longing for their homeland was widely accepted. According to an imperial edict issued in the tenth month of Genkei 5 (881) recorded in the Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku 日本三代實錄, Prince Shinnyo:

“With a profound aspiration for ultimate (absolute) truth, he early departed the secular world; his zeal for seeking the Dharma led him far beyond foreign lands. In Jōgan 貞觀4 he bade farewell to our realm and traveled west to Tang China in search of the Way. Once embarked, his flying staff never returned. Recently, a report submitted by the monk Guan in Tang states that the Prince passed through the land of Zhendian and intended to cross the shifting sands; it is rumored that he reached the kingdom of Luoyue, where he died at a roadside inn.” 志深真諦早出塵區。求法之情不遠異境。去貞觀四年自辭當邦。問道西唐。乘查一去。飛錫無歸。今得在唐僧中瓘申狀稱。親王先過震旦。欲度流沙。風聞到羅越國。逆旅遷化者。 The same work also records that in Jōgan 15, officials memorialized the throne, stating, “Since the Prince entered Tang China, many years have passed; the time for his return has long elapsed, and it is difficult to determine whether he is alive or dead” 親王入唐後。多歷年序。歸朝之期已過。存亡之分難決, to which the court responded with an edict: “The Prince perished on the road; our spirits are drawn to him for half a month. Once he was a crown prince of a thousand chariots; now he has become the wandering soul of a lone traveler.” 觀王身殞途中。神馳半月。昔為千乘之皇儲。今作單子之旅魂。

From this record, we know that Prince Shinnyo entered Tang in the Japanese Jōgan 4 (862) to seek the Law, later wished to go to India, and ultimately died in the land of Luo Yue (in the Malay Peninsula), never returning to his homeland, Japan.14 As the text says, “Once the imperial heir of a thousand chariots, he is now a lonely traveler’s soul in a foreign land.” 昔為千乘之皇儲。今作單子之旅魂。 Although Prince Shinnyo was a member of the Japanese imperial family, he nevertheless had to endure the hardships of life as a traveler in a foreign land in his quest for the Dharma, even paying for it with his life. From the perspective of his experience as an expatriate sojourner, we can better understand why works such as the Honchō Shinsen-den, the Shūyōshū, and the Hōbutsushū contain so many passages expressing Prince Shinnyo’s longing for his homeland. In fact, this is no longer merely sympathy for Prince Shinnyo as an individual, but rather an expression of emotional resonance with the broader group of monks who traveled to Tang China in search of the Buddhist Law. As Ōe no Masafusa 大江匡房 remarks at the end of the passage, “From this, it becomes evident that he regarded the people of our land as surpassing even those of India or China” 爰知作吾土之人。猶過於月氏漢家之人 a statement that likewise conveys deep compassion for expatriate travelers represented by Prince Shinnyo. Thus, we can better understand the profound nostalgia Ennin, a Japanese monk who had resided in Tang China for nearly a decade, harbored for his homeland—especially during that historical period marked by the persecution and suppression of Buddhism.

5. Discussion and Conclusions

Based on the foregoing analysis, this article argues that although the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative is a literary work reflecting Japanese imaginings of Tang society and culture in the Heian period, its origins, composition, and subsequent development constitute a highly complex process. Similar episodes can be found in many narratives that circulated across the ancient Eurasian world, from which one may discern the trajectories of intercultural interaction and intellectual exchange between the East and West within the broader context of Tang-dynasty cultural exchange. Moreover, through a comparative analysis of the depictions of the atmosphere of terror in Tang China found in The Record of a Pilgrimage to Tang China in Search of the Law and the portrayals of Emperor Wuzong of the Tang dynasty and the Huichang suppression of Buddhism in the New Book of Tang and the Old Book of Tang, it can be shown that the descriptions of terror in The Record of a Pilgrimage to Tang China in Search of the Law are not historically accurate. Nevertheless, as the text circulated in Japan, these descriptions ultimately influenced the narrative conception of the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative. Finally, in the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative, Ennin’s eventual escape from the city is achieved through his prayer to Bhaiṣajyaguru of Japan. This motif of seeking protection from indigenous deities or buddhas in moments of crisis appears not only in the “Jiaoxiecheng” narrative but also in other narratives concerning Japanese envoys and monks who traveled to Tang China. In essence, it represents a narrative expression of the homesickness and attachment to the homeland felt by Japanese travelers to China. However, few previous studies have examined homesickness in connection with Nara and Heian period narratives of journeys to Tang China in search of the Dharma, and this is precisely where the present study is most distinctive.