Research on the Supreme Deity in Daoism from the Perspective of Ancient Chinese Celestial Studies

Abstract

The construction of Daoism’s pantheon is deeply intertwined with traditional Chinese celestial studies. From the Eastern Han to the Northern Wei dynasties, based on star worship and belief in Taiyi, Laozi was deified as the Great High Lord Lao. In the Eastern Jin, Ge Hong drew on the Huntian theory to shape Pangu (the Primordial Heavenly King) as a creator deity, yet his status declined due to the limited Daoist immortal realm within a finite spatial category that failed to align with Daoism’s boundless concepts. The infinite cosmology and Qi Theory of the Xuanye Theory provided new theoretical support for Daoism. Building on these, the Lingbao School created the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning and the Grand Canopy Heaven. Through subsequent integration and elaboration by various sects, the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning established his position as the supreme deity, and the Grand Canopy Heaven gained authority, transcending finiteness. This evolutionary process demonstrates the profound influence of traditional Chinese celestial studies on the construction of Daoism’s pantheon.

1. Introduction

During the reign of Emperor Gaozong (Li Zhi 李治, re. 649–683) of the Tang Dynasty, Pan Shizheng 潘師正 (586–684), a Daoist master, was summoned to preach Daoist doctrines to the Emperor on several occasions. The classic Daoist text Daomen Jingfa Xiangcheng Cixu 道門經法相承次序 (The Order of the Succession of the Daoist Scriptural Legacy), included in the Daozang 道藏 (Daoist Canon), detailed the core remarks made by Pan Shizheng in response to the emperor’s inquiries about Daoism. When discussing Laozi 老子 (570BCE–470BCE), the principal deity of Daoism, Pan Shizheng explicitly stated: “Yuanshi Tianzun 元始天尊 (the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning) is truly distinct from Laozi—not only do they differ in age, but also in their titles and positions” (Daozang 1988, vol. 24, p. 782), emphasizing the significant disparities between the two in terms of era, status, and designation. This view is consistent with the tradition of constructing a principal deity that gradually emerged within Daoism following the appearance of the Ancient Lingbao Scriptures 古靈寶經 at the end of the Eastern Jin Dynasty 東晉 (317–420), reflecting the Tang Dynasty Daoism’s inheritance and development of the deity system from previous generations.

Pan Shizheng’s deliberate emphasis on the differences between the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning and Laozi indirectly reflects the cognitive confusion prevalent both within Daoism and society at that time regarding their identities. As the core of Daoism’s doctrinal system, the construction of the supreme deity is directly related to the integrity and authority of Daoism’s belief system. It serves as a crucial link connecting the abstract ontological philosophy of Daoism with the specific religious practices of believers—its identity not only determines the ultimate orientation of Daoism’s cosmology but also profoundly influences believers’ religious identity and practice directions.

We cannot help but inquire further: Why did the core position of Daoism’s supreme deity gradually shift from Laozi to the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning? What was the specific historical process of this identity change, and what historical motivations and religious development needs lay behind it? To answer these questions, we need to conduct a comprehensive investigation considering multiple factors, such as the social background of specific historical periods, the need for Daoism to integrate its various sects, and interactions with other ideological and cultural traditions. John Lagerwey once stated that Daoism--the religion of the cosmos (Lagerwey 1987), and examining the inherent connection between traditional Chinese celestial studies and the construction of Daoism’s pantheon from the perspective of celestial studies holds irreplaceable value for clarifying the evolutionary context of Daoism’s supreme deity and revealing the underlying reasons for this identity shift.

2. Taiyi 太一 Laozi 老子, and the Great Clarity Heaven 太清天

The Chinese nation has a long tradition of star worship, in which the North Star holds the most revered position. During the Warring States period (475BCE–221BCE), Qu Yuan 屈原 (340BCE–278BCE) wrote Donghuang Taiyi 東皇太一 (Ode to the Eastern Emperor Taiyi) using Taiyi to express reverence for the Eastern Emperor (Guo 2014). Later, Song Yu 宋玉 (298BCE–222BCE) regarded Taiyi as the highest deity to be worshiped in Gaotang Fu 高唐賦 (Ode to Gaotang). Classics such as Tianxia in Zhuangzi 莊子・天下篇(The Tianxia Chapter of the Zhuangzi), Dayue in Lüshi Chunqiu 吕氏春秋・大乐篇 (The Great Music Chapter of Lüshi Chunqiu), Tianwen Xun in Huannai zi 淮南子・天文訓 (Huainanzi·Treatise on Celestial Studies), and Tianguan shu in Shiji 史記・天官書 (Grand Scribe’s Records: Treatise on Celestial Offices) also hold Taiyi in high esteem. Based on the North Star’s characteristic of “remaining stationary and fixed in position, “the ancient Chinese gradually endowed it with the sacred status of the pivot of heaven. “Modern research suggests that “the North Pole, a celestial phenomenon that cannot be directly observed, has no temporal or spatial location, is eternally motionless, and hangs high in the middle of the sky, could only be imagined and experienced with a sense of mystery and awe. The result of such experience may have been philosophized and abstracted, but the next step in imagination was undoubtedly deification. Thus, the North Pole gradually acquired a divine name symbolizing it—Taiyi” (Ge 2006, p. 26), and “in the documents of the pre-Qin and Han dynasties (770BCE–220CE), the North Pole (astronomy), Taiyi (mythology), Dao (philosophy), and Taiji (religion) can often be substituted for and interpreted by each other.” (Ge 2006, p. 3; Xin 2024, p. 13).

As an indigenous Chinese religion, Daoism’s pantheon construction is closely linked to traditional celestial studies. It is generally believed that the birth of the Wudoumi Dao 五斗米道 (Five Pecks of Rice Daoism) during the reign of Emperor Shun (Liu Bao 劉保, re. 125–144) of the Eastern Han Dynasty (25–220) marked the formal establishment of Daoism. In the Laozi Xianger zhu 老子想爾注 (Xiang’er Commentary to Laozi), a core text of the Five Pecks of Rice Daoism, the concept of One 一 is closely connected to Daoism’s core ideas. The interpretation “The One is Dao” equates One with Dao 道, essentially integrating and unifying “Dao” with “Taiyi”, Subsequent annotations such as “The One disperses its form as pneuma and gathers in its form as the Most High Lord Lao, whose permanent rule is on Mount Kunlun.” (Bokenkamp 1997) directly link “One” to the Great (Most) High Lord Lao—a deified religious transformation of the historical figure Laozi. It is evident that since Zhang Daoling 張道陵 (34–156) founded the Five Pecks of Rice Daoism in Shu蜀 at the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, Laozi has been deified as the sect’s principal deity, the Great High Lord Lao, which is undoubtedly closely related to the celestial connotations inherent in Taiyi itself. This religious tradition was later inherited by Kou Qianzhi 寇謙之 (365–448) of the Northern Wei Dynasty (386–543). Historical records state that Kou Qianzhi became interested in the Five Pecks of Rice Daoism at a young age. In the second year of the Shenrui reign of the Northern Wei Dynasty (415CE), he claimed that the Great High Lord Lao had bestowed upon him twenty volumes of Yunzhong Yinsong Xinkezhijie 雲中音誦新科之誡 (The New Commandments Revealed in Clouds and Echoes), and the entire text propagated Daoist teachings in the voice of “Lord Lao”. The New Heavenly Master Daoism 新天師道 advocated by Kou Qianzhi still regarded the Great High Lord Lao as its principal deity. Although there are no explicit celestial references in the surviving fragments of book, historical records of Kou Qianzhi’s cultivation experiences still reflect the connection between the New Heavenly Master Daoism and traditional celestial studies. It is recorded that Kou Qianzhi gained insight into the operational laws of the Seven Luminaries (Sun, Moon, and five planets) through the guidance of Cheng Gongxing 成公興 (fl. 363–?) while studying the Zhoubi Suanjing 周髀算經 (Arithmetical Classic of the Gnomon and Circular Paths of Heaven) (Wei 1974). Both Kou Qianzhi’s study of the Zhoubi Suanjing and his reverence for the Great High Lord Lao as the principal deity can be seen as the continuation of traditional celestial studies within Daoism.

Unlike the Five Pecks of Rice Daoism, which deified Taiyi as the Great High Lord Lao, the Taiping Dao 太平道 (the Daoist Sect of Great Peace), also active at the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, directly incorporated “Taiyi” into the name of its principal deity, calling it Zhonghuang Taiyi 中黃太乙 (Yellow Center Taiyi). According to Wudi Ji in Sanguo Zhi 三國志・武帝紀 (Annals of Emperor Wu in Records of the Three Kingdoms) quoting the Wei Shu 魏书 (Book of Wei), the Yellow Turban Rebels sent a letter to Cao Cao 曹操(155–220) stating: “In the past, when we were in Ji’nan, we destroyed sacred altars; the way is the same as that of Zhonghuang Taiyi, as if you understand the Dao” (S. Chen 1964). Taiyi 太乙 here is another name for Taiyi 太一. At this time, Zhonghuang Taiyi, as a deified personification of the Dao, essentially represented the worship of the Dao 道 and thus of Taiyi 太一, further confirming the close connection between Daoism’s core beliefs and Taiyi. The specific evolutionary path can be summarized as: “North Pole—Dao (Taiyi)—Laozi (Great High Lord Lao).”

As an important concept in ancient celestial studies and traditional beliefs, Taiyi not only played a crucial role in the construction of Daoism’s deities but also exerted a profound influence on the development of Daoist ideas concerning heavenly realms and divine abodes.

The Daoist idea of constructing abodes for deities was not an original creation but an inheritance and development of related concepts in pre-Qin and Han traditional culture. Historical records clearly link Taiyi to specific celestial regions, endowing it with a fixed “residence.” Tianwen Xun in Huannai zi states: “The Purple Palace is the dwelling-place of the Grand Monad.” (Major 1993), specifying Taiyi’s abode as the celestial region known as the Purple Palace; Tianguan shu in Shiji also notes: “In the central palace, among the celestial pole stars, the brightest one is where Taiyi permanently resides 中宮天極星, 其一明者, 太一常居也” (Sima 1963), directly indicating that the deity Taiyi dwells in the central palace region where the celestial pole star is located. Additionally, ancient Chinese divided the celestial region near the North Pole into three enclosures: the Purple Sublimity Palace 紫微宮, the Heavenly Market Enclosure 天市垣, and the Supreme Mystery Enclosure 太微垣, which, together with the Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions, constituted the traditional celestial structure of Three Enclosures and Twenty-Eight Mansions 三垣二十八宿. These celestial regions also became common abodes of immortals in later Daoist texts, with the Purple Sublimity Palace being the most revered. It is evident that the Daoist idea of constructing divine abodes is rooted in the traditional cultural understanding of celestial phenomena and divine concepts that “stars serve as residences.” This way of associating celestial regions with divine abodes existed long before the formation of Daoism; building on this foundation, Daoism further enriched and systematized the system of divine abodes, constructing a more complete picture of the immortal world.

Overall, the construction of Daoist doctrines is profoundly and intrinsically correlated with traditional astral beliefs. In particular, the star-worship centered on the North Pole not only provides a crucial basis for tracing the origins and hierarchizing the principal deities of early Daoism, but also plays an indispensable role in shaping the spatial layout of divine abodes. With the emergence of new astronomical theories, the supreme deities of Daoism underwent corresponding transformations. For instance, Pangu—the creator god depicted by Ge Hong in the Eastern Jin Dynasty—was closely associated with the Huntian Theory (the theory of the spherical heavens).

3. Huntian Theory 渾天說 and Pan Gu 盤古 (Primordial Heavenly King 元始天王)

The Huntian Theory (the theory of the celestial sphere enveloping the heavens. The heaven, like a spherical eggshell, encloses the spherical earth located at its center with the earth resembling the egg yolk), advocated by Luo Xiahong 落下閎 (156BCE–87BCE) in the Western Han Dynasty 西漢 (202BCE–8CE), was one of the most popular astronomical doctrines in ancient China.

Compared to the limitations of the Gai Tian Theory 蓋天說 (an ancient Chinese cosmic model holding that heaven is like a dome covering the square earth which relied on intuitive perception and simple calculations), the Huntian Theory accurately deduced the laws of celestial motion through more systematic celestial observations and precise measurements, thereby providing more reasonable explanations for various astronomical phenomena. Calendars formulated based on this theory achieved significantly higher accuracy and were more reliable in guiding agricultural activities. The core view of the Huntian Theory is: “The cosmos is like a chicken egg. The celestial body is round like a bullet, and the earth is like the yolk inside the egg, dwelling alone within it; heaven is large and the earth is small 渾天如雞子。天體圓如彈丸，地如雞子中黃，孤居於內，天大而地小” (Qu 2012)—a proposition that reflects a groundbreaking understanding of the cosmic structure by ancient Chinese astronomers. It broke away from the previous Gai Tian Theory’s view that “the earth is flat” and for the first time compared the earth to a yolk “dwelling alone within heaven”, indicating that both heaven and the earth are round and implying that the earth is an independent entity suspended in the sky.

The “chicken egg metaphor” of the Huntian Theory provided a theoretical blueprint for Daoism to construct a creator deity. During the Eastern Jin Dynasty (317–420), Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–363) skillfully integrated the Huntian Theory with creation myths1 to shape Pan gu—the first creator deity in Daoist history who separated heaven and earth and transformed his body into all things after death—filling the gap in Daoism’s system of creation deities2. Regarding the relationship between the Huntian Theory and Ge Hong’s Daoist cosmology, Sun Weijie 孫偉傑 has conducted in-depth discussions, summarizing that under the framework of the Huntian Theory, Ge Hong constructed a principal deity Great High Lord Lao distinct from that of traditional Heavenly Master Daoism and created a novel theological cosmology (Sun 2016). The author has specifically researched the evolutionary path of Pan gu’s divine nature, arguing that it went through two stages—from ancestor deity to creator deity—and that descriptions of his divine characteristics should partially derive from Indian Brahmanism (Lu 2018).

The True Scripture states: In ancient times, before heaven and earth were separated, all was dark, chaotic, and formless—heaven, earth, sun, and moon had not yet taken shape, and everything resembled a chicken egg, obscure and yellowish-black. Within this chaos existed the True Person Pan gu, the essence of heaven and earth, who titled himself the Primordial Heavenly King and wandered within… The Primordial Heavenly King resided above the center of heaven, in a place called Jade Capital Mountain. The palaces on the mountain were adorned with gold and jade; he constantly inhaled the Qi of heaven and drank the springs of earth. After another two kalpas, a Jade Maiden of Supreme Origin suddenly came into being… She was titled the Holy Mother of Supreme Origin. The Primordial Lord descended to meet her, united with her through Qi and conceived essence, then brought her back to his upper palace.

《真書》曰：昔二儀未分，瞑涬鴻蒙，未有成形，天地日月未具，狀如雞子，混沌玄黃，已有盤古真人，天地之精，自號元始天王，游乎其中…… 元始天王在天中心之上，名曰玉京山，山中宮殿，並金玉飾之，常仰吸天氣，俯飲地泉。複經二劫，忽生太元玉女…… 號曰太元聖母。元始君下游見之，乃與通氣結精，招還上宮.

(Daozang 1988, vol. 3, p. 269)

The above quotation is a description of Pan gu from Ge Hong’s Zhenzhong shu 枕中書 (The Scripture of the Pillow) marking the first mention of Pan gu (the Primordial Heavenly King) in Daoist texts and shaping him as a creator deity coexistent with heaven and earth (與天地同生). However, the anthropomorphic description of Pan gu (the Primordial Heavenly King) meeting the Holy Mother of Supreme Origin 太元聖母 and uniting with her through Qi and conceiving essence (通氣結精) weakened the transcendence of the creator deity. Furthermore, Pan gu’s divine characteristics posed a key challenge to the construction of Daoism’s pantheon: how to explain the status of Laozi, already recognized as the principal deity by Daoism and even widely accepted by society, and what connections and differences existed between him and Pan gu’s creative nature.

Historical records about Laozi’s life are extremely scarce. Although the Shi Ji 史記(Grand Scribe’s Records) three accounts of Laozi’s life, it provides vague information about core details such as his lifespan and final whereabouts, interspersed with numerous legendary elements—providing room for later generations to deify him. The deification of Laozi reached its peak during the reign of Emperor Huan (Liu Zhi 劉志, re. 146–168) of the Han Dynasty. In the first year of the Yongxing 永興 reign (153 CE), Wang Fu 王阜wrote the “Shengmu Bei” 聖母碑 (Epitaph of Laozi’s Holy Mother), explicitly stating: “Laozi is Dao 老子者, 道也”(Li 1960, p. 2), and describing him as “born before formlessness, arising prior to the Great Beginning, moving through the primal chaos, wandering in the six directions, entering and exiting the dark realms, observing the undifferentiated chaos, and peering into the unseparated clarity and turbidity 生於無形之先，起于太初之前，行於太素之元，浮游六虛，出入幽冥，觀混合之未別，窺清濁之未分” (Li 1960, p. 2)—directly equating Laozi with the core Daoist concept of Dao. Additionally, the Southern Song Dynasty (1127–1279) text Hunyuan Shengji 混元聖紀 (Annals of the Sage of Undifferentiated Beginning) records that Bian Shao邊韶, the governor of Chen during Emperor Huan’s reign, was ordered to write the “Laozi Ming” 老子銘 (Inscription of Laozi), which also states: “Laozi unites and separates with the chaotic Qi, existing from the beginning to the end with the sun, moon, and stars… He serves as a teacher to sages throughout the ages 離合於混沌之氣，與三光為始終…… 世為聖者作師” (Hong 1985), further enhancing his divine nature. In the eighth year of the Yanxi 延熹reign (165 CE) of Emperor Huan, first sent a palace eunuch to worship Laozi in Ku County, Chen Commandery”(Fan 1973, p. 3188); in the eleventh month of the same year, he “sent the palace eunuch Guan Ba to worship Laozi in Ku County” (Fan 1973, p. 316); and in the ninth year of the Yanxi reign (166 CE), he “personally worshiped Laozi at Zhuolong Palace濯龍” (Fan 1973, p. 317)—indicating that Laozi’s status was recognized by the supreme ruler of the time. As mentioned earlier, Laozi and Dao can be mutually interpreted in certain contexts, and his description as “existing from the beginning to the end with the sun, moon, and stars 與三光為始終” clearly reflects traces of early celestial studies.

Notably, the Huntian Theory advocated by Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139) predates the Epitaph of Laozi’s Holy Mother and the Inscription of Laozi by several decades. The phrases “peering into the unseparated clarity and turbidity 窺清濁之未分” and “unites and separates with the chaotic Qi 離合於混沌之氣”in the latter two texts subtly reflect the influence of the Huntian Theory. Following this logic, combined with the need to construct a hereditary deity in Daoism, Laozi could have been incorporated into the ranks of creator deities by later Daoists, just like Pan gu. However, in reality, Laozi was not endowed with creative attributes.

The primary reason for this, we argue, lies in the shaping of the Mother Li 李母 image in Han Dynasty historical records. Relevant records indicate that the Temple of Mother Li was located two miles north of the Temple of Laozi, and the stone tablet on the left side of the temple gate, titled Laozi Shengmu Lifuren Bei 老子聖母李夫人碑 (Epitaph of Lady Li, Holy Mother of Laozi), states that Laozi “first rode a white deer down to earth, entered the womb of the Li family, and after seventy-two years, was born in Quren Village, Laoxiang, Ku County, Huaiyang, Chu State 始起乘白鹿，下托于李氏胞中七十二年，產于楚國淮陽苦縣瀨鄉曲仁裡” (Li 1960, p. 1663). Dunhuang manuscript S.2295, an uncollected text from the Daoist Canon titled Laozi Bianhua Jing老子變化經 (Scripture of Laozi’s Transformations), contains similar descriptions, claiming that Laozi “entered a woman’s womb and was born after seventy-two years… transforming his form, faking death and being reborn, wandering the four seas… fools do not know that he dies and is reborn 入婦女腹中七十二年乃生…… 變易身形，托死更生，周流四海…… 愚者不知死複更生” (Editorial Committee of the Institute of History et al. 1991). This mythological narrative of “being born from a mother’s womb” implies that Lord Lao was born in the same way as ordinary humans, contradicting the characteristic of creator deities as “existing before heaven and earth.” Thus, instead of elevating Laozi’s divine status, it solidified his identity as a “non-celestial deity非先天神靈.” It is possible that Ge Hong, recognizing this contradiction, chose to create a new celestial deity.

Historical records also confirm that in Ge Hong’s writings, Laozi never possessed the attributes of a celestial deity. Dui Su 對俗 (Responses to Common Questions) states: “In the case of Old P’eng, however, we are still dealing with mere men, not with creatures of a different species. It was through attaining the divine process that they enjoyed unique longevity, not through what they were by nature.”3 (Ware 1966), directly positioning Laozi as a person who attained the Dao. This idea was continued in the Southern Song Dynasty Hunyuan shengji, which further explained the reason: “If we say Laozi was a person who attained the Dao, then people will strive to emulate him; if we say he was a celestial being, then he cannot be learned from 若謂老子是得道之人，則人又勉力競慕，若謂是神靈，則非可學也” (Daozang 1988, vol. 17. p. 786), further reinforcing the notion that Laozi was not a celestial deity. Nevertheless, the Hunyuan shengji still deeply links Laozi to traditional celestial studies. Volume 3 states: “Within the Big Dipper, there are four stars known as the Heavenly Principles, which govern all things; Lord Lao resides there, as stated in the Hunyuan Shengde Fu 混元聖德賦 (Ode to the Holy Virtue of the Undifferentiated Beginning): ‘Sometimes shining in Gouchen, sometimes concealing his light in the Heavenly Principles.’ The Pleiades are the lunar mansion in the due west 鬥中有天理四星，主統理萬物，老君居焉，故《混元聖德賦》云：或耀魄于勾陳，或韜光于天理是也。昴星，正西方之宿也” (Daozang 1988, vol. 17, p. 811),—another typical example of the connection between Laozi and traditional celestial studies.

However, the creator deity Pan gu constructed by Ge Hong (here referring only to Pan gu; the Primordial Heavenly King later gradually separated from Pan gu) did not hold a prominent position in later Daoist scriptures. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties (420–589), core Daoist texts such as the Zhenling Weiye Tu 真靈位業圖 (Table of the Ranks and Functions in the Pantheon) and Wushang Miyao 無上秘要 (The Essence of the Supreme Secrets) did not include Pangu in their pantheons; although Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850–933) of the late Tang Dynasty mentioned in his Luyi Ji 录异记 (Records of Strange Things) that “in Guangdu County, there is a Temple of Pan gu Sanlang, which is quite efficacious” (Li 1961, p. 2487), he did not elaborate further on Pangu’s other divine attributes. The Northern Song Dynasty (960–1127) text Yunji Qi Qian雲笈七籖 (Cloudy Bookcase with Seven Labels) (Volume 3) records: “When Lord Lao descended during the Kai Ming Xian Kalpa, he was reborn in the Jade Emperor’s Heavenly Palace of Fusang Taichang, and transmitted the Dharma to the Great Emperor of Fusang, titled the Supreme Lord of the Ultimate Dao, also known as the Highest True One True Person, and also as the Supreme Void Sovereign Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning… At that time, the True Person Pan gu, having accumulated merits, was summoned to heaven. Pan gu knelt and bowed to the Void Sovereign Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning, requesting to receive the 375 volumes of the Lingbao Inner Scripture 老君至開冥賢劫之時，托生浮桑太常玉帝天宮，以法授扶桑太帝，號曰無極太上大道君，亦號曰最上至真正一真人，亦號曰無上虛皇元始天尊……爾時盤古真人，因立功德見召於天中。盤古乃稽首元始虛皇道君，請受《靈寶內經》三百七十五卷” (Daozang 1988, vol. 22, p. 16)—portraying Pan gu as a deity who could only receive scriptures from Lord Lao after accumulating merits.

The Southern Song Dynasty Hunyuan Shengji describes: “During the Heavenly Sovereign era, Lord Lao was titled the Mysterious Great Dharma Master, also known as the Heavenly Master of Penetrating Mystery… During the Earthly Sovereign era, he was titled the Ancient Great Master… During the Human Sovereign era, he was titled Master Pan gu, and issued the twelve volumes of the Dongsheng Jing 洞神經 (Scripture of the Cavernous Spirits), teaching people the Dao of peace and inaction 老君在天皇時，號玄中大法師，亦曰通玄天師……在地皇時，號有古大先生……在人皇時，號盤古先生，出《洞神經》一十二部，化人以太平無為之道” Daozang 1988, vol. 17, p. 797)—merely regarding Pan gu as an incarnation of Lord Lao during the Human Sovereign era. The Yuan Dynasty 元代 (1271–1368) Daoist text Lishi Zhenxian Ti Dao Tongjian歷世真仙體道通鑒 (Comprehensive Mirror of Immortals Who Embodied the Dao through the Ages)also adopted this view. Additionally, the Yunji Qi Qian contains two other distinct accounts of Pan gu. One states: “After 360,000 years, the Divine Human emerged. The Divine Human was born with an extraordinary appearance, like the True Person Pan gu, and also titled himself Pan gu—he is the one from whom all beings and things of countless kalpas descend 經於三十六萬歲後，神人氏興焉。神人氏出生，其狀神異，若盤古真人，而亦號盤古，即是無劫蒼生萬物之所承也” (Daozang 1988, vol. 22, pp. 16–17).

The other states: “Lord Lao descended and transmitted the scripture to the Divine Human, who then brought the scripture to the mortal world and divided heaven and earth into regions according to the scriptures and diagrams. The True Person of the Highest Rank from the previous kalpa renewed the creation of heaven and earth, so the merits of the sages of earlier sovereigns were obscured, hence the need for a new beginning. However, when people gather, they only know of this Pan gu—how could they understand that there was another Pan gu at the very beginning before this era? Thus, this Pangu ruled the world with the Dao for 19,999 years, ascended to immortality in broad daylight, went to Mount Kunlun, entered the Great Clarity Heaven, and was titled the Primordial Heavenly King 老君下降，授神人氏，得斯經下世，則按經圖分畫天地名。前劫高上真人更新開乎造化時事，故昧前皇聖人功用，所以於此而為更始。但世人相聚，只知有此盤古，豈明今天前始之初複有盤古者哉？所以自斯盤古，以道治世萬九千九百九十九載，白日升仙，上昆侖，登太清天中，授號曰元始天王” (Daozang 1988, vol. 22, p. 17).

As a highly symbolic model of immortality in Daoism, “ascending to immortality in broad daylight 白日升仙” holds particular significance here—its underlying implication that Pangu was an immortal who attained the Dao through cultivation, rather than a creator deity, is self-evident. Regarding the two Pan gu figures with different natures, Wang Ka 王卡 explained: “There are two Pan gu figures: one is the Pan gu from the era of the Void Sovereign Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning before the Three Sovereigns of the Upper Age, and the other is the Pangu known as the Divine Human before the Three Sovereigns of the Lower Age (also the teacher of the Queen Mother of the West, the Primordial Heavenly King)… The first Pan gu from the Void Sovereign era was added by Daoist priests during the Northern and Southern Dynasties” (K. Wang 2007)—neither “Pangu from the Void Sovereign era” nor “Pan gu the Divine Human” possessed the attributes of a creator deity.

It is evident that later Daoist scriptures did not emphasize Pang u’s ability to separate heaven and earth or transform his body into all things, and his lack of attention from mainstream Daoism is highly noticeable. The Yuan Dynasty text Xuanjing Yuanzhi Fahui玄經原旨發揮 (Dissertation on the Original Meaning of the Mysterious Scripture) by Du Daojian 杜道堅 (1237–1318) records: “Pan gu is the ancestor of all things. Alas, the theory of Pan gu is indeed rather absurd 然則盤古萬物之祖也。噫，盤古之說，固近於迂” (Daozang 1988, vol. 12, p. 761)—a direct denial by a Daoist of Pan gu’s role as a creator deity who separated heaven and earth and transformed his body into all things.

It should be noted that although Ge Hong incorporated the core tenets of the Huntian Theory and constructed a Daoism-tinged creationism system centered on Pan gu (the Primordial Heavenly King), his exposition of the universe’s primordial state as “being like a chicken egg, a chaotic mixture of black and yellow” did not break through the inherent framework of traditional Chinese celestial beliefs. Instead, he persisted in interpreting the origin and primal form of the universe by analogy with concrete entities. This theoretical limitation directly gave rise to a crucial flaw in his doctrine: while it clearly delineated the evolutionary trajectory of the universe from chaos to order from a generative perspective, the metaphor of “being like a chicken egg” essentially confined the Daoist immortal realm within a finite spatial category, which is obviously incompatible with the core Daoist tenet of infinity and eternity.

In conclusion, although Ge Hong shaped Pan gu (the Primordial Heavenly King) as the first Daoist creator god, the image of Pan gu as a creator deity that he constructed did not receive mainstream recognition in later Daoist scriptures; instead, its status gradually diminished and was even repudiated. After the Xuan Ye Theory, which advocates the infinity of the universe, was absorbed into Daoism, the religion reconstructed a new supreme deity accordingly.

4. Xuanye Theory 宣夜說, Da Luo Tian 大羅天, Yuanshi Tianzun 元始天尊

According to the Tianwen Zhi in Jin Shu 晉書・天文志 (Book of Jin: Treatise on Celestial Studies): “In ancient times, there were three schools of thought on heaven: first, the Gai Tian Theory; second, the Xuanye Theory; third, the Huntian Theory 古言天者有三家，一曰蓋天，二曰宣夜，三曰渾天” (Fang 1974, p. 278). For later generations, the Gai Tian and Huntian theories are relatively well-known. As Cai Yong noted, the Xuanye Theory “had no surviving teaching tradition” and only a few records remain in the Tianwen Zhi in Jin Shu:

Heaven has no substance. When we look up at it, it is lofty and boundless; our eyes grow blurred and our spirits exhausted, so it appears blue… The sun, moon, and countless stars float naturally in the void, their movements and stillness all dependent on Qi. Hence, the Seven Luminaries (Sun, Moon, and five planets) may move or stand still, advance or reverse direction, appear or disappear irregularly, and proceed at different speeds—precisely because they are not attached to anything, each behaves uniquely. Thus, the North Pole Star remains permanently in its place… Their varying speeds and arbitrary movements make it clear that they are not bound to anything. If they were attached to a celestial body, they could not behave so freely

天了無質，仰而瞻之，高遠無極，眼瞀精絕，故蒼蒼然也…… 日月眾星，自然浮生虛空之中，其行其止皆須氣焉。是以七曜或逝或住，或順或逆，伏見無常，進退不同，由乎無所根系，故各異也。故辰極常居其所…… 遲疾任情，其無所繫著可知矣。若綴附天體，不得爾也.

(Fang 1974, p. 279)

Scholars have conducted in-depth research on the Xuanye Theory, arguing that its core proposition—“heaven has no substance”—directly negated the traditional belief that heaven has a fixed form, broke free from the constraints of celestial sphere concepts such as “heaven is round” or “heaven is an arch” and clearly proposed that heaven is a vast, colorless, and formless space. By defining the universe as Wuji 無極 (boundless), it further established the fundamental characteristic of cosmic infinity (Zhou 1990, p. 19; B. Chen 2015). Meanwhile, the Xuanye Theory is deeply intertwined with Qi Theory—a core logic closely aligned with Daoism’s understanding of the origin of humans and all things. Taiping Jing 太平經 (Scripture of the Great Peace) states: “When humans are first born, they are called spirits. They share authority, form, spirit, essence, Qi, affairs, occupations, and dwellings with heaven and earth. Thus, there are three realms: one Qi constitutes heaven, one Qi constitutes earth, one Qi constitutes humans, and the remaining Qi permeates all things 人本生時，乃名神也，乃與天地分權，分體分形，分神分精，分氣分事，分業分居。故為三處，一氣為天，一氣為地，一氣為人，餘氣散備萬物” (Daozang 1988, vol. 24, p. 380)—explicitly advocating that humans and all creatures originate from Qi, a traditional core view and fundamental stance of Daoism’s theory of cosmic generation. It is evident that the Xuanye Theory’s explanation of cosmic origin—holding that the sun, moon, and stars float naturally in the void, their movements and stillness sustained and driven by Qi without the need for physical support, enabling them to move and change freely—aligns closely with the core Daoist philosophical logic that “Qi transforms into all things 氣化生萬物. “This cosmology, which takes Qi as the origin of all things, essentially deconstructed the concrete implications of the Huntian Theory and further emphasized the transcendent nature of the cosmic origin. Unfortunately, despite its affinity with the “Qi-based origin theory 氣化起源論, “ the Xuanye Theory “failed to propose an independent ideological system or measurement methods for formulating calendars” (Zhou 1990, p. 20), thus failing to achieve sustained development in ancient Chinese celestial studies and ultimately becoming lost.

As a religion, Daoism’s heavenly realms and deities are interdependent: a deity’s status determines its heavenly abode, and the heavenly realm in turn reflects the deity’s status. As discussed earlier, influenced by traditional star worship, Daoism absorbed and transformed beliefs in the North Pole, regarding Laozi as an incarnation of the North Pole and shaping the divine image of Taiyi. When the Huntian Theory flourished, Ge Hong drew on it to create Pangu (the Primordial Heavenly King), the first creator deity in Daoist history. However, since Pangu did not hold a prominent position in later Daoist scriptures, a question arises: Did Daoism construct other deities to replace Pangu as the creator deity, and did these deities have a celestial basis? We believe the answer is yes. The Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning is a new supreme deity constructed by Daoism based on creationist doctrines, with its celestial imagery more profoundly embodied through the Da Luo Tian 大羅天 (Grand Canopy Heaven).

The divine title “Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning” first appeared in the Yuanshi Wulao Chishu Yupian Zhenwen Tianshu Jing 元始五老赤書玉篇真文天書經 (Scripture on the True Writs of the Five Ancients of the Primordial Beginning, Red Writings in Celestial Script on Jade Tablets)—a core text of the ancient Lingbao scripture system in the Eastern Jin Dynasty. This scripture systematically constructed a pantheon centered on the Yuanshi Tianzun 元始天尊 (the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning), assisted by Yuanshi Wulao 元始五老 (the Five Ancients of the Primordial Beginning), laying an important foundation for the development of Daoism’s supreme deity system in later generations. The ideological origin of the divine structure of the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning and the Five Ancients can be traced back to the “Six Heavens Theory 六天說” proposed by the Han Dynasty Confucian scholar Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200). The “Six Heavens Theory” centered on a “five assisting one 以五輔一” structure: the “five” refers to the Five Emperors—principal deities corresponding to the east, south, west, north, and center in ancient beliefs, representing an integration of traditional directional deity worship; the “one” inherits the worship of the Heavenly Emperor since the Shang 商 and Zhou 周 dynasties(1600BCE–256BCE), specifically referring to the supreme Heavenly Emperor who rules over the four directions. Since ancient China long regarded the North Pole Star as the abode of the Heavenly Emperor, the “one” (Heavenly Emperor) in the “Six Heavens Theory” inherently carries distinct celestial connotations—symbolizing the Heavenly Emperor’s supreme authority through the positions and operational laws of celestial bodies. It can thus be inferred that the divine system of the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning and the Five Ancients, derived from the “Six Heavens Theory, “ must also inherit and incorporate relevant celestial content.

Meanwhile, the Yuanshi Wulao Chishu Yupian Zhenwen Tianshu Jing records: “The Primordial Beginning unfolded the cosmic diagram, revealing twelve spiritual auspicious omens above and issuing twenty-four responses below. At that time, there was no heaven or earth, only darkness and obscurity; the spiritual texts were dim, without ancestors or origins. They evolved spontaneously, serving as the root of all Qi—empty yet condensed into truth, Qi rising to form the vast covering of heaven, suddenly emerging from the profound void 元始開圖，上啟十二靈瑞，下發二十四應。一者是時無天無地，幽幽冥冥，靈文晻藹，無有祖宗，運推自來，為萬氣之根，空洞結真，氣清高澄，成天廣覆，儵欻自玄”(Daozang 1988, vol. 1, p. 774). This passage indicates that the “Six Heavens” structure composed of the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning and the Five Ancients transcended the previous limitation of locating divine nature with reference to specific celestial bodies (such as the North Pole Star). The Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning was shaped as an absolutely supreme deity born before heaven and earth, evolving with the cycles of cosmic kalpas, and transcending all concrete things—much like the Xuanye Theory, which broke through traditional cosmic space assertions, surpassed finite entities, and endowed Daoism’s principal deity with infinity in both time and space.

However, the shaping of the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning’s divine nature encountered certain obstacles due to the similarity in names between him and the Primordial Heavenly King. Both are revered deities in Daoism, and the latter once possessed the characteristics of a creator deity who separated heaven and earth. Consequently, some later Daoist scriptures conflated the two. For example, such confusion appears in Wushang Miyao無上秘要 (Essence of the Supreme Secrets), compiled during the Northern Zhou Dynasty (557–581). Commissioned by Emperor Wu (Yuwen Yong 宇文邕, re. 560–578) of the Northern Zhou Dynasty, this Daoist encyclopedia attempted to consolidate Daoism’s status by integrating Daoist classics and reconciling sectarian differences. The text mentions the Primordial Heavenly King’s crown and robes twice, but the descriptions differ significantly:

The first one: From Zhongsheng Guanfu Pin 眾聖冠服品 (Collected Categories of Sages’ Crowns and Robes), quoting Dongzhen Taiji Jinshu Shangjing 洞真太極金書上經 (the Supreme Scripture of the Golden Book of the Cavernous True Taiji): “The Lord of Dao’s crown and robes: The Primordial Heavenly King wears the Crown of the Boundless Cave Heaven, drapes the Nine-Colored Lush Luo Cape, dons the Robe of Flying Frost Pearls, wears the Sword of Chenguang Riling Yuyan at his waist, carries the Huoluo Tally on his left, and the Golden Truth Tally on his right 道君冠服：元始天王，建無極洞天之冠，披九色離羅之帔，飛森霜珠之袍，帶晨光日鈴育延之劍，左佩豁落，右佩金真” (Daozang 1988, vol. 25, p. 38).

The second one: Also from Zhongsheng Guanfu Pin, quoting Dongzhen Bianhua Qishisifang Jing 洞真變化七十四方經 (the Cavernous True Scripture of Seventy-Four Transformations): “The Primordial Heavenly King wears the Crown of Nine Flowing Qi and Condensed Purple Radiance on his head, dons the naturally formed tiger skin skirt with seamless nine-colored red spots, and wears the Taishan Fire Jade Belt around his waist 元始天王，頭建九氣流精紫曜之冠，衣九色無縫赤斑自然虎裙，腰帶太山火玉” (Daozang 1988, vol. 25,p. 38).

The fact that the same divine name corresponds to two distinct descriptions of crowns and robes, combined with the similarities in their names and divine natures during the Northern and Southern Dynasties, suggests that the first description actually refers to the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning.

Nevertheless, from the ancient Lingbao scriptures and related texts compiled by Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 (406–477), we can see that as early as the late Eastern Jin Dynasty, the Lingbao School had consciously distinguished the identities and statuses of the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning and the Primordial Heavenly King. Taishang Dongxuan Lingbao Zhutian Lingshu Duming MiaoJing 太上洞玄靈寶諸天靈書度命妙經 (the Most High Miraculous Book of Salvation in the Numinous Writing of the Numerous Heavens)—a text from the ancient Lingbao scripture system—records the Heavenly Worthy (of the Primordial Beginning) stating: “In the Dragon Han Kalpa of the past, together with the Primordial Heavenly King and the Highest Jade Emperor, I encountered the True Lingbao Script atop the Floating Luo Empty Mountain in this land 我昔龍漢之年，與元始天王、高上玉帝，同於此土遇《靈寶真文》，出於浮羅空山之上” (Daozang 1988, vol. 1, p. 801);—indicating that the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning and the Primordial Heavenly King jointly witnessed the revelation of the True Lingbao Script. Additionally, the ancient Lingbao text Taishang Dongxuan lingbao Zhenwen Yaojie Shangjing 太上洞玄靈寶真文要解上經 (Supreme Scripture with Essential Explanations on the Most High Lingbao Writs) states: “The Great Dao of the Most High 太上大道君 said: In the past, I received this from the Primordial Heavenly King… It is transmitted once every forty thousand kalpas 太上大道君曰：吾昔受之于元始天王…… 四萬劫一傳” (Daozang 1988, vol. 5, p. 904). The “transmission once every forty thousand kalpas 四萬劫一傳” rule is a hallmark of Lingbao scriptures—core texts such as the Lingbao Wuliang Duren Shangpin Miaojing 靈寶無量度人上品妙經 Most Excellent and Mysterious Book of the Marvelous Jewel That Saves Innumerable Human Beings, the Dongxuan Lingbao Yulu Jianwen Sanyan Weiyi Ziran Zhenjing 洞玄靈寶玉籙簡文三元威儀自然真經 (Tablets of the Jade Register, for the Ceremonial of the Three Principles), and the Yuanshi Wulao Chishu Yupian Zhenwen Tianshu Jing explicitly designate it as the specific time limit for Daoism’s principal deities, led by the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning, to appear and transmit scriptures during each kalpa.

Combined with the record that the Primordial Heavenly King and the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning jointly encountered the True Lingbao Scriptures, it is clear that the Great Dao of the Most High receiving the scripture from the Primordial Heavenly King fully aligns with the Lingbao scriptures transmission logic—namely, the model identified by Wang Chengwen 王承文 in which the “Primordial Heavenly King” transmits the Dharma to the “Great Dao of the Most High” under the authority of the “Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning” (C. Wang 2017, pp. 571–77). This view is corroborated by relevant records in the Taishang Dongxuan Lingbao Shouduyi 太上洞玄靈寶授度儀 (Ritual for the Transmission of the Lingbao Scriptures) compiled by Lu Xiujing. It records that when a master transmits the Dharma and scriptures to a disciple, he prays: “To the Highest Primordial Heavenly King: On this auspicious day and pure hour, at this mysterious altar (or sacred mountain), I vow to transmit the mysterious scriptures. I beg you to instruct the Five Emperors and the sacred mountains to witness my oath, granting me immortality soon, so that I may ride a flying chariot and ascend to the Imperial Star 高上元始天王，今日上願八會，日吉時清，謹于玄壇（或雲嶽）。盟度玄經，乞丐告下五帝靈山，監臣盟誓，早賜神仙，得乘飛軿，上升帝晨” (Daozang 1988, vol. 9, p. 843);—with deities led by the Primordial Heavenly King “witnessing the master’s oath 监臣（法师）盟誓” to ensure the ceremony’s legitimacy and sacredness. The same text also mentions the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning: first, the master informs the disciple that the scriptures being transmitted were compiled and organized by the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning, who then transmitted them to the Immortal Lord. Subsequently, the disciple, as the recipient of the scriptures, prays to the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning to express gratitude and reverence.

Notably, the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning does not personally appear during the ceremony, and there is a clear hierarchy between the Primordial Heavenly King’s role of “witnessing the oath” and the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning’s role of “compiling the true texts and organizing the wonderful scriptures… which were later transmitted to the Immortal Lord during the Red Bird era 敷演真文，結成妙經…… 逮於赤鳥，降授仙公靈寶妙經” (Daozang 1988, vol. 9, p. 852). This indicates that the Lingbao School recognized the inconvenience caused by the similar names and deliberately constructed a transmission model centered on the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning to emphasize his supreme status.

When Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536) of the Southern Liang Dynasty (502–557) compiled the Zhenling Weiye Tu, he for the first time placed the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning in the supreme position of “Upper First Central Rank 上第一中位, “while the Primordial Heavenly King was placed in the left position under the “Fourth Central Rank 第四中位” and given a new identity: “The Primordial Heavenly King, teacher of the Queen Mother of the West 元始天王，西王母之師” (Daozang 1988, vol. 3, p. 276). This is the first explicit text in Daoist history distinguishing the identities and statuses of the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning and the Primordial Heavenly King.

From the above analysis, it is clear that the compilers of the Lingbao scriptures were fully aware of the differences between the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning and the Primordial Heavenly King, and strengthened the former’s supreme status by constructing a scripture transmission system. Tao Hongjing, who lived shortly afterward, also understood the Lingbao School’s intentions, accepted and incorporated the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning into a complete hierarchy of deities.

Furthermore, the designation of the abode of the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning within Daoism further underscores his supreme status. The Lingbao Wuliang Duren Shangpin Miaojing 灵宝无量度人上品妙经 Most Excellent and Mysterious Book of the Marvelous Jewel That Saves Innumerable Human Beings, another text from the ancient Lingbao scripture system, constructed the “Grand Canopy Heaven 大羅天” above the “Three Realms 三界”, stating: “Above the Three Realms lies the distant and lofty Grand Canopy Heaven 三界之上，眇眇大罗”. Daomen Jingfa Xiangcheng Cixu continues this view, stating: “Above the Three Pure Realms is the Grand Canopy Heaven, where the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning resides 三清之上，即是大罗天，元始天尊居其中” (Daozang 1988, vol. 24, p. 784)—positioning the Grand Canopy Heaven as the supreme heavenly realm beyond the Three Pure Realms4 and highlighting its transcendent authority as “beyond the universe. “ As the ruler of the Grand Canopy Heaven, the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning’s supreme status was correspondingly strengthened.

Notably, the essential difference between the Grand Canopy Heaven and the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning is evident: the former is an boundless abstract spatial carrier, while the latter is a religious deity endowed with anthropomorphic characteristics. This naturally raises a core question: Should the fundamental tenet of Daoism—the “Dao”—be manifested through the Grand Canopy Heaven or concretely expressed through the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning? In other words, which of the two better represents the essence of the “Dao”? When Lin Yidu 林疑獨 (fl. 1085–1097) of the Northern Song Dynasty annotated the Xiaoyao you in Zhuangzi 莊子・逍遙遊 (The Xiaoyao you Chapter of the Zhuangzi), he stated: “All things with form, no matter how distant or vast, cannot escape the laws of Yin 陰 and Yang 陽—hence, when in motion, they follow the number nine, and when at rest, the number six” (Daozang 1988, vol. 15, p. 177). Here, “things with form 有体之物”, even if boundless and capable of transformation, are still confined by the laws of Yin and Yang. This assertion echoes the record in the Daomen Jingfa Xiangcheng Cixu: “The unchanging and indestructible heaven divides into the Nine Pure Realms and condenses into a single Qi. Beyond this single Qi is called the Grand Canopy Heaven—the immutable abode of the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning 湛然常住不壞之天，分即為九清，凝然謂之一炁。一炁外稱為大羅天，即是元始天尊不動之所”. (Daozang 1988, vol. 24, p. 796). The “unchanging and indestructible heaven” and “Qi” in the text are precisely the “things with form” referred to by Lin Yidu, while the Grand Canopy Heaven beyond the “Qi” is a “formless thing” transcending physical constraints. This “formless” nature makes it boundless and beyond all limitations, fully aligning with the Dao’s attributes of being formless, imageless, and transcending all things. Thus, from the perspective of Daoism’s “Dao,” the boundlessness of the Grand Canopy Heaven is more consistent with the Dao’s inclusiveness and primacy, and can more profoundly embody the Dao’s ultimate connotation. In contrast, as the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning’s image was continuously enriched and solidified, he acquired increasingly distinct anthropomorphic characteristics and tangible forms—meeting the concrete needs of religious belief but naturally becoming increasingly distant from the Dao’s abstract essence.

The British science historian Joseph Needham explicitly stated the Xuanye system “has a distinctly Taoist flavour” (Needham 1959). Through an examination of the concept of the “Grand Canopy Heaven” in Daoist cosmology, it is evident that the Daoist nature of the Xuanye Theory was manifested through the Grand Canopy Heaven—in other words, the cosmic vision of the Grand Canopy Heaven is highly consistent with the theoretical connotations of the Xuanye Theory. Since the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning is the only deity residing in the Grand Canopy Heaven, it is not difficult to discern the celestial imagery embodied by the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning from this perspective.

In summary, from the perspective of the relationship between Daoism’s supreme deity, the Grand Canopy Heaven, and the Xuanye Theory, the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning can be regarded as a religious construction transcending celestial bodies or cosmic space. This cosmological theory that breaks through cosmic boundaries aligns with Daoism’s religious need to construct a supreme deity. However, later Daoists’ descriptions and reverence for deities were mostly rooted in religious practice. In particular, as the anthropomorphic characteristics of Daoist deities became increasingly prominent, the inherent celestial implications were obscured.

5. Conclusions

Cosmic origin, cosmic structure, and the pantheon are core components of Daoist doctrine. Ancient Chinese celestial studies exerted a profound influence on the construction of Daoism’s pantheon. The establishment of Daoism’s supreme deity reflects Daoism’s unique interpretation of celestial studies.

Building on the absorption of traditional star worship (such as beliefs in the Big Dipper and the North Pole), Daoism deified Taiyi as the Great High Lord Lao, and gradually shaped core deities such as the Primordial Heavenly King (Pangu) and the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning based on cosmological theories such as the Huntian Theory and the Xuanye Theory. The belief in Taiyi provided a theoretical basis for the creation of Daoism’s principal deity (such as the Great High Lord Lao), but due to its reliance on specific celestial bodies as references and Laozi’s prominent anthropomorphic characteristics, its transcendence was not sufficiently obvious, leading it to gradually lose the conditions to become the supreme deity. In the Eastern Jin Dynasty, Ge Hong constructed Pangu (the Primordial Heavenly King), Daoism’s first creator deity, by drawing on the “chicken egg metaphor” of the Huntian Theory and traditional myths. However, the finite cosmology it presented was incompatible with Daoism’s core concept of infinity and eternity. Consequently, in later Daoist scriptures, Pangu’s creative characteristics were weakened, and his divine status declined accordingly. The infinite cosmology of the Xuanye Theory, deeply aligned with Qi Theory, prompted Daoism to shape the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning as an ultimate deity transcending celestial bodies and all things, and to construct the Grand Canopy Heaven as an abstract spatial carrier of the “Dao.” The former meets the needs of religious belief through an anthropomorphic image, while the latter aligns with the formless essence of the “Dao” through infinite space. Thus, it can be said that the Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning and the Grand Canopy Heaven, constructed based on the Xuanye Theory, not only laid a theoretical foundation for the religious practice of Daoism’s pantheon but also demonstrated Daoism’s profound speculation on the cosmic origin. A systematic investigation into the historical evolution and core connotations of the construction of Daoism’s pantheon from the perspective of traditional celestial studies precisely addresses the most fundamental proposition of Daoist doctrine—the relationship between the Dao and deities. Daoism’s series of explorations in constructing a supreme deity were not arbitrary religious inventions but profoundly reflected Daoism’s inherent religious needs to reconcile the abstract nature of the Dao with the concrete nature of deities, adapt to the core of its doctrine and the demands of belief, and improve the hierarchical order of its pantheon.

Through a systematic examination of Daoist deity construction practices in different historical periods, combined with core elements of traditional celestial studies such as cosmic models, celestial cognition, and star worship, we can clearly sort out the evolutionary context of Daoism’s pantheon, restore the profound influence of astronomical thought on the shaping of Daoist divine images, the positioning of divine nature, and the creation of heavenly realm structures, thereby deepening the overall understanding of the core of Daoist doctrine, belief logic, and cultural characteristics. This provides a new academic perspective for the expansion and deepening of Daoist studies.