Composed in China, Circulated in Asia: The Dissemination Landscape of the Apocryphal Scripture Bayang jing 八陽經 and the Causal Dynamics Behind It

Abstract

Copies of the Foshuo tiandi bayang shenzhou jing 佛説天地八陽神咒經 (Scripture of the Divine Spell of the Eightfold Yang of Heaven and Earth Spoken by the Buddha) (hereafter Bayang jing) recovered from Dunhuang, Turfan, Khara-Khoto, and other regions demonstrate that this scripture was one of the most popular Chinese compositions in Dunhuang and its surrounding areas during the Tang and Song dynasties (618–1279). Medieval manuscripts of the Bayang jing are also preserved in Japan, Korea, and Vietnam. By collecting and analyzing manuscripts of this scripture discovered in Dunhuang and the Central Plains, and material found in transmitted texts and folk sources, this paper supplements the understanding of the extensive circulation and profound influence of this scripture in China. The widespread dissemination of the Bayang jing is primarily attributable to four factors: its pragmatic adaptation to secular concerns, which addressed the needs of devotees; its translations and textual modifications, which enhanced its disseminative potency; its diversification of formats, which expanded transmission pathways; and its integration into ritual contexts, which sustained its vitality. The dissemination of this Chinese indigenous composition epitomizes the disseminative potency and vitality of Chinese Buddhism.

1. Introduction

The dissemination of Chinese Buddhist apocryphal scriptures across Asia represents a dynamic process of cross-cultural religious adaptation. Chinese Buddhist apocrypha, composed in China yet masquerading as translations of Indic Buddhist texts, permeated medieval Asian societies through ritual practices, manuscript circulation, and vernacular interpretations. These texts—often tailored to address local cosmological concerns, pragmatic needs, and socio-religious anxieties—functioned as vehicles for the Sinification of Buddhism while simultaneously facilitating its regional transmission. Within this broader landscape of adaptive textual production, the Foshuo tiandi bayang shenzhou jing 佛説天地八陽神咒經1 (Scripture of the Divine Spell of the Eightfold Yang of Heaven and Earth Spoken by the Buddha) (hereafter Bayang jing) (Takakusu and Watanabe 1924–1932, Taishō no. 2897, vol. 85) emerged as a paradigmatic example of how Chinese-authored apocrypha gained transnational currency.2

The Bayang jing is a popular apocryphal scripture composed by someone unnamed in China around the mid-eighth century.3 The full text contains one roll with over 4000 characters.4 Medieval Official Buddhist catalogues identified the Bayang jing as an apocryphal scripture at the very beginning. The Tang-dynasty catalogue Zhenyuan xinding shijiao mulu 貞元新定釋教目録 (Zhenyuan Newly Revised Catalogue of Śākyamuni’s Teachings) first documented this scripture in the year 800. Oda (2015a, p. 31) translates it as follows:

“Tiandi bayang jing, 1 roll. End title: Bayang Shenzhou jing. It differs completely in import from the Bayang Shenzhou in the official canon. It speaks of yin and yang, good and bad fortune, and methods of averting disaster and warding off calamity.”5

This description explicitly distinguishes the Bayang jing from the canonical Foshuo bayang shenzhou jing (T no. 428), in terms of doctrinal meaning. Similarly, the Tang-dynasty text Beishan Lu 北山録 (North Mountain Record) (T no. 2113), written by Shenqing 神清 (?—c. 820) in the year 806, also classifies the Bayang jing as doubtful and spurious. It states:

Scriptures such as the Divine Spells of the Seven Buddhas, the Puxian’s Testimony, the Measure of the Dharma-flower, the Eightfold Yang of Heaven and Earth, and the Extending Lifespan deviate from canonical texts and lack the essence of sacred teachings. They remain in [the category of] doubtful and spurious [scriptures], not worthy of discussion.

(They are all included in the catalogue of doubtful and spurious [scriptures].)6

Official Buddhist catalogues served as the primary basis for compiling the canon. Since the Bayang jing was identified as an apocryphal scripture in these catalogues, it was therefore excluded from all official Chinese Buddhist canons. It was not until the early twentieth century that Japanese canons—the Manji zokuzōkyō and Taishō shinshū daizōkyō—included the Bayang jing. This sutra is in X vol. 150 and T vol. 85, volumes including apocryphal scriptures.

Modern scholars have reached a broad consensus that the Bayang jing is an apocryphal composition originating in China.7 This consensus is primarily confirmed by analyzing the content of the Bayang jing.8 The content adopts the form of a Buddhist sūtra but primarily addresses Chinese secular concerns, such as settling households, military campaigns, childbirth, healing illnesses, and transcending death. The content also amplifies the merits of upholding the scripture. Such mixed and secular content clearly indicates that it is a scripture composed in China.

Although the Bayang jing is an apocryphal scripture and has been long excluded from Buddhist canons, excavated and transmitted evidence indicates its widespread circulation across Asia. This paper builds upon previous scholarship, and supplements newly identified manuscripts and related records of the Bayang jing from Dunhuang, Central China, and transmitted texts and folk sources. It comprehensively presents the dissemination trajectory of this scripture across Asia and analyzes the causal dynamics underlying its profound circulation. As a significant product of the Sinicization of Buddhism, mapping its dissemination aids in understanding the transmission and reception of Sinicized Buddhism.

2. Discussion on the Circulation of the Bayang jing

The circulation of the Bayang jing has been extensively analyzed by scholars. Former research addressed various topics, including versions discovered in different regions, translations in various languages, introductions to newly identified manuscripts, cataloguing of collections from particular locations, critical transcriptions of certain texts, and transmission lineages of specific versions. Oda (2015a, pp. 30–37, 284–86; 2015b) offers a comprehensive overview of its dissemination and proposes a hypothetical map of its transmission, while other scholars have contributed detailed studies on specific aspects of its circulation.

Regarding Chinese manuscripts from the Dunhuang library cave, Gen (2005, 2007, 2008) analyzes manuscripts like Zhedun 浙敦60, Pelliot (hereafter P.) 3915, and P.3759 and discusses the transmission routes of the Bayang jing. She infers the circulation of this scripture during the Song dynasty through references to the word “Bayang jing” in Yuan (1271–1368) dramas. Oda (2015a, pp. 284–85) submits that there are a total of 125 Dunhuang manuscripts of the Bayang jing, and divides them into manuscript A (124 manuscripts), manuscript B (the single fragment S.500), and the Chinese text in Tibetan script. Luo (2015) catalogues 251 identified manuscripts and identifies 127 fragments of the scripture. However, overall, Chinese manuscripts of the Bayang jing discovered in Dunhuang, especially information on this scripture’s dissemination contained therein, remain largely underexplored.

Additionally, Oda (2015a, p. 285) introduces an early Song-dynasty Chinese manuscript of the Bayang jing preserved in the Seikadō bunko 靜嘉堂文庫 in Japan, offering valuable physical evidence of the transmission of this text during the Song dynasty.

Fragments of the Uighur translations of the Bayang jing discovered in Dunhuang and Turfan have been the focus of scholarly research. Fragments of the Uighur translations of the Bayang jing have been identified by scholars worldwide, leading to numerous papers and several significant monographs on the subject. Previous studies, such as Oda (2015a, prologue, p. 7) and Mao (2024, pp. 11–20), have provided comprehensive reviews of former scholarship. To ensure a thorough and complete review, I will summarize the key findings based on their reviews and provide some additional information.

Haneda (1915a, 1915b, 1915c, 1915d, 1915e) publishes and studies the Kyoto manuscript (405 lines) and two fragments in Japan brought back by the Ōtani Expedition. Radloff and Malov (1928) have studied two Uighur fragments in the Russian collection and one fragment in the Berlin Turfan collection. Then, Bang et al. (1934) identify seventy-two fragments (including nine block-prints) in the Berlin Turfan collection, and provide a critical edition based on the most complete text, the London manuscript (466 lines) in the Stein Collection. Thereafter, Gabain (1954) identifies a folio in Brāhmī script; Feng (1955) introduces the Uighur block-print at the National Museum of Chinese History 中國歷史博物館. Yamada (1958) introduces the manuscript held by Ryukoku University in Japan. Oda (1978) studies the genealogy of the Uighur manuscripts and their religious thought. Shōgaito (1979) introduces four fragments from Nakamura Fusetsu’s collection. Oda (1983) introduces nine fragments of manuscripts and five fragments of block-prints preserved in the Ryukoku University. Zieme (1983, p. 143) edits three colophons of the Uighur fragments collected in the Turfan Documentation Center, and the folio copied in Brāhmī script that has been introduced by Gabain (1954). Hamilton (1986, pp. 331–50) edits the London manuscript, which is the most complete manuscript with 466 lines. X. Zhang (1988) investigates where this block-printed version, which was produced by Chen Ning, was carved. Barat (1990) introduces a folio preserved in Urumqi. Umemura and Zhang (1991) introduce the Uighur fragments at the Museum of Chinese History. Yuanchun Liu (1996) explores the cultural connotations in the Uighur translations of the Bayang jing. F. Yang (1995) introduces the Uighur fragments found in Dunhuang and the Western China. Niu (2000) introduces the Uighur fragments found in Dunhuang and Turfan. Röhrborn (2000) suggests the dualism of “good” and “evil” in the Bayang jing reveals the influence of Manichaeism on Uighur Buddhism. Umemura et al. (2002) catalogues almost all the fragments of the Bayang jing in the Russian collection. Yakup (2006; 2008, pp. 11–12, 53–75) introduces a fragment unearthed from the northern section of the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang; furthermore, he catalogues thirty-two block-printed fragments (Kat. Nrn. 29–59). T. Zhang (2010, 2011) introduces four block-prints unearthed from Bezeklik. Erdal and Raschmann (2012) and Raschmann (2022, 2024) edit a catalogue of the Uighur Bayang jing in the Berlin Turfan collection, piece together some fragments, analyze the versions of the fragments, and try to reconstruct the early Uighur scroll forms based on a case study on the preserved fragments of the Bayang jing. Kitsudō (2012) studies the translations of the Uighur scripts. After years of accumulation in the field of Uighur translations of the Bayang jing (Oda 1978, 1983, 1984, 1987, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2010a, 2010b), Oda (2015a, pp. 110–239) lists the Uighur Bayang jing, and then edits an English translation of the Uighur version and an English translation of the Chinese Original version. He also produces the critical edition of the Turkic Text. His work provides accessible and comprehensive understanding of the Turkic and Chinese text for English readers. After that, Li (2019) identifies another three Uighur fragments preserved at the Turfan Institute and two fragments in the Berlin Turfan Institute. Mi’erlamali (2022) introduces one fragment preserved at the National Library of China. Mao Xuan’s (Mao 2024) doctoral dissertation conducts a comprehensive study of the Uighur scripts of the Bayang jing. Mao’s (2025) new book addresses a new critical edition of the London manuscript. Among all the works above, Oda’s (2015a) work and Mao’s (2024) work stand as the synthesizers of this scholarly corpus.

On the basis of the above research achievements, I summarize the research regarding Uighur translations as follows. Over 400 pieces of the Uighur version of the Bayang jing survive (no complete text has been found yet) dispersed across Germany (310 pieces), Russia (67 pieces), Japan (37 pieces), France (11 pieces), China (8 pieces), and elsewhere, making it the most extant apocryphal scripture among Uighur Buddhist texts. The earliest Uighur translation was translated no later than the late tenth to early eleventh century; its manuscripts and block-printed editions span a considerable timeframe, with the latest copies extending to the mid-Yuan period. These materials exist in both manuscript and printed forms, exhibiting complex textual lineages and manuscript systems, even with different titles. This corpus reveals the remarkable prevalence of the Bayang jing in Uighur regions from the tenth century to the fourteenth century.

For the Tibetan manuscripts of the Bayang jing from the Dunhuang library cave, Spanien and Imaeda (1979, pp. 20–21) identifies twenty-two copies (S.458–S.463, and P.t.43, P.t.106, P.t.454, P.t.729, P.t.730, P.t.742–749, P.t.1258, P.t.2110, P.t.2206), while Nishioka (1981) adds two more (S.416, S.527), and categorizes them according to their physical forms, including concertinas, pothis, and scrolls. Xu (2000, p. 219) also introduces these texts. Cairang (2009; 2016, p. 505) identified an additional (P.t.12) and provided a brief description. In addition to the above twenty-five Tibetan manuscripts, Zhang and Luo (2016) identified two Tibetan-annotated Bayang jing fragments (Дх5672 and BD11616) that could be pieced together. There are also a few transliterations of the Bayang jing in Tibetan manuscripts.9 As Takata (1983) noted, the transliterations of the Bayang jing in Tibetan manuscripts are valuable to the study of Tibetan and Chinese phonology. Regarding the translation and dissemination of the Tibetan translation, Stein (2010, pp. 812–14) observed that the Chinese term xieshi 邪師 (Evil Mage) was translated as “bon-po” in the Tibetan version, reflecting the influence of Bon 苯教. Nishioka (1981) proposed that the original Tibetan translation, simplified based on the Chinese Bayang jing, predates 841, and can be categorized into three translation systems. Oda (2015a, p. 35; 2015b, pp. 57–64) and Cairang (2016, pp. 509–35) supported this view, offering detailed analyses of the differences between the old, new, and later translations, as well as their relationship with the Chinese text. In addition, Eimer (2002) reveals three transmitted editions of the Bayang jing. The first is transliterated by J. Weber and G. Huth, based on a text found in the northwestern Himalayas; the second is the Derge Kanjur edition; and the last is the early Eastern Tibetan Kanjur edition. Eimer points out that the three editions differ from one another, and these differences reveal how a frequently used and repeatedly copied text evolved over the course of transmission.

In terms of Mongolian translations of the Bayang jing, Ligeti (1971) highlights the influence of Uighur Buddhism on these translations by comparing the Mongolian and Turkic translations. Heissig (1976, pp. 300–22) has classified the genealogy of Mongolian block-prints into two branches: branch A, which is based on the Chinese text, and branch B, which exhibits differences in content. Serengowa (2006; 2024, p. 133) has identified a total of thirty-seven Mongolian versions of the Bayang jing and conducted a comparative analysis of the Mongolian translation with its Chinese and Tibetan counterparts. Oda (2015a, pp. 36–37; 2015b, pp. 55–57) suggests that the Mongolian manuscript was likely translated in the fourteenth century, and argued that although the eight bodhisattva names derive from Uighur sources, the translation itself probably was produced based on a Chinese version; he also points out that the inserted passages at the beginning and end of the Bayang jing were likely introduced from Tibetan.

Regarding the Tangut translation of the Bayang jing, Matsuzawa (2004) introduces fragments of the Tangut translation discovered in Dunhuang. Oda (2015a, pp. 286, 301–6) analyzes three Tangut manuscript fragments in comparison with other versions. Sun (2022, pp. 122–25) introduces the Foshuo ganlu jing 佛説甘露經 (Scripture of Sweet Dew Spoken by the Buddha), which represents a Tangut adaptation of the Bayang jing, and the Bamingman 八明滿 (Eight Buddhas),10 a Tangut translation based on the Tibetan version of the Bayang jing. The Bamingman also exists in block-printed fragments (J. Zhang 2024). These materials, especially the block-printed documents, demonstrate the extensive dissemination of the Bayang jing and its translations in Tangut society. The Tangut adaptation of the Bayang jing reflects an integration of this scripture with local cultural elements. Furthermore, Ma and Zheng (2016) present the Chinese manuscripts and block-printed fragments of the Bayang jing discovered in Khara-Khoto, shedding light on the dissemination of the Chinese version of the Bayang jing in Xixia.

Oda (2015b, p. 66) also notes the existence of unpublished fragments of the Sogdian translation. It is hoped that these fragments will eventually be made accessible by the hosting institutions.

Masuo Shinichirō, Gen Yukiko, and Satō Atsushi have mapped the preservation and circulation of the Bayang jing in Korea. Eighteen copies (edited from 1549–1908) of this scripture are found, often bound with other apocryphal works (Masuo 1997; Gen 2008, pp. 52–55; Satō 2023). Different versions of the scripture emerged after it was introduced to Korea, including a version with an added preface, a version with the “Bayang jing mizhuan” 八陽經密傳 (Secret Legend of the Scripture of the Eightfold Yang), and a version with Kyŏnghwa’s 敬華 (1786–1848) annotation (Satō 2020a, pp. 122–23). There is even a Korean proverb, “like a blind monk reciting the Bayang jing,” which describes incomprehensible muttering (Gen 2008). A text of the Bayang jing published in 1980 was found for sale in Seoul (Oda 2015a, p. 33). Even in twenty-first-century South Korea, this scripture ranks seventh among the scriptures recited by lay Buddhists (Satō 2020b, p. 251, n. 2). In addition, Oda (2015b, p. 54) notes textual parallels between the Korean version and the Turfan Chinese version (Ch366V, housed in Berlin), and reveals that frequent Liao–Korea exchanges facilitated its introduction to the peninsula, and the introduction of this scripture dates to the eleventh or twelfth centuries.

Regarding the dissemination of the Bayang jing in Japan, two documents in the Dai Nihon komonjo (vol. 16, p. 548; vol. 15, pp. 14–15), dated Tenpyō Hōji 天平寶字8 (764) and Tenpyō Hōji 5 (761), prove that the Bayang jing had reached Japan by the second half of the eighth century. The Sho ajari shingon mikkyō burui sōroku 諸阿闍梨真言密教部類總録 (T. 55, no. 2176: 1113c13), edited by Annen 安然 (841–?), records that the Bayang jing was among the works brought back to Japan from Tang China as a text of Shingon esoteric Buddhism. Japanese texts such as Shiku 師口 (T. 78, no. 2501: 867c13), Takushō 澤鈔6 (T. 78, no. 2488: 453b6), and Kakuzenshō 覺禪鈔 all mention the Bayang jing being read during the construction rites to pacify local guardian spirits. Fujiyoshi (1981, p. 55) infers that the Japanese Tendai monk Jōjin 成尋 (1011–1081) brought a copy of the Bayang jing back to Japan from Northern Song China. Masuo (1994) examines the reception of the Bayang jing in medieval Japan, transcribes relevant manuscripts, and confirms that three old manuscripts (the Kanchiin 觀智院 manuscript possessed by Tōji 東寺, the Hōshōin 寶生院 manuscript preserved by Shinpukuji 真福寺, the Onjōji園城寺 stamped manuscript kept by Takata Tokio) belong to the same textual lineage. Kashiwadani (1996) discusses the Bayang jing formerly preserved at Hōkodai 法鼓臺 of Kōzanji 高山寺 Temple. Oda (2015a, pp. 284, 287–312; 2015b, pp. 53–54) provides detailed descriptions of the three manuscripts mentioned by Masuo, and presents a comparative table highlighting their differences. In the early twentieth century, the Manji zokuzōkyō canon first included the Bayang jing. The Tōji Kanchiin manuscript is the base text, and a Korean edition preserved at Bukkyō University (present-day Ryūkoku University) is the collation text.

Sakurai (1979, pp. 106, 114) introduces two manuscripts of the Bayang jing (thiên 天7 and thiên 8) with Chữ-Nôm 字喃 as phonetic glosses on Chinese texts, preserved at the Jingfu Temple in Bangkok. This temple was built by Vietnamese immigrants. By analysing the colophons, taboo characters, and era names, Sakurai suggests that the thiên 7 may date to either 1885 or 1945. The verses in this manuscript are annotated with phrases such as “recite three times” (sancheng 三稱) and “three repetitions” (sanbian 三遍), indicating its potential use as a liturgical template for Buddhist ceremonies (Sakurai 1979; Shimizu 2022). Oda (2015a, pp. 34–35) references Sakurai’s catalogue and highlights that the presence of Chữ-Nôm annotations suggests that the Bayang jing was read and understood in Vietnam.

Studies mentioned above concern the discoveries of the Bayang jing manuscripts and block-prints across a wide geographical range, including Dunhuang, Turfan, Tibet, Khara-Khoto, Inner Mongolia, Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. These findings encompass numerous Chinese texts as well as translations in Uighur, Tibetan, Mongolian, Tangut, Sogdian, English, and Chinese manuscripts with reading marks like Chữ-Nôm. The extensive materials demonstrate the widespread of the Bayang jing and its transmittion from the 8th century to the present day throughout Asia. By transcribing and comparing the preserved texts, researchers have observed that cultural influences brought various changes to the texts during its circulation. These changes include translation, deletion, addition, and alteration, resulting in multiple distinct titles, texts, and textual lineages even within the texts of the same language. Overall, the Uighur, Tibetan, Mongolian, and Tangut translations, and the Bayang jing scripts preserved in Korea, Japan, and Vietnam have been extensively examined and discussed.

That said, investigations into its dissemination in Dunhuang and Central China remain incomplete. This gap stems from the incomplete publication of Dunhuang manuscripts, the exclusion of this apocryphal scripture from pre-Qing Chinese Buddhist canons, and the scarcity of extant materials of this scripture in Chinese temples and communities. Consequently, the trajectory of the Bayang jing in Central China remains obscure. To address this lacuna, this paper presents new materials unearthed from the Dunhuang and Central Plains, as well as those found in transmitted texts and folk sources. Based on the above material, this paper aims to elucidate the dissemination landscape of this scripture in Dunhuang and Central China.

3. Supplementary Perspectives on the Dissemination of the Bayang jing in Central China

Building upon prior surveys and research, I have collected new materials, including newly identified Dunhuang Chinese manuscripts of the Bayang jing, records referencing this scripture in transmitted texts, newly discovered manuscripts from Central China, and manuscripts related to this scripture collected from communities. I analyze these materials chronologically to reveal the dissemination patterns reflected in these new sources. These scattered textual fragments, as clues, demonstrate the extensive circulation and profound impact of the Bayang jing in Central China.

With the ongoing release of Dunhuang materials and manuscript updates, I have identified additional Dunhuang Chinese manuscripts of the Bayang jing. After a general survey of Dunhuang documents, I collected a total of 394 Dunhuang Chinese manuscripts of the Bayang jing. This number makes it numerically the most abundant apocryphal scripture in the Dunhuang corpus,11 indicating that the Bayang jing was once very popular in the Dunhuang area. In addition, according to Shen and Wu’s (2024) study, Bayang jing was also particularly popular among the Dunhuang scriptures commonly copied by novice monks. Therefore, a detailed examination of colophons, binding formats, and consecutive-copy patterns deepens our understanding of the circulation of this scripture in the contemporaneous society.

First, among these 394 manuscripts, I found eighteen colophons. These colophons identify diverse roles, for example, scribes, patrons, collators, and others, including monastics and lay people (common people and officials). For monastics, there are, for instance, Vinaya Master Suo 索 in BD1979, Haizi 海子, a śrāmaṇera of Sanjie Temple in BD111 (who read this scripture), a bhikṣuṇī in Hane 羽622 (who upheld, recited, and copied this scripture), and bhikṣu Yuanzhen 遠真 in Wulun 伍倫19 (who collated a copy of the scripture). There are also lay devotees, for example, common people such as Wu Gounu 吴苟奴 and Zhang Bao 張保 in BD210, Upāsikā Feng 馮 in BD5714, Linghu Fuchang 令狐富昌 in Stein (hereafter S.) 6667, Yin Xingtong 尹幸通 in Дх3172, Guo Yingshun 郭英順 in Hane636-1, Hua Baoyuan 畫寶員 in P.2098, practitioner Wang 王 in Taitu17, who all copied this scripture. There are officials as well, for example, Lu Anduo 盧安多, a Guazhou xingjun binma ducangcao 瓜州行軍兵馬都倉曹 (Commander of Granaries for the Guazhou Army) in Wulun19 (who copied, upheld, and recited the scripture), Military Commissioners Li Jishun 李吉順 and Kang Nuzi 康奴子 in BD102 (who copied this scripture). This diversity confirms the dissemination of this scripture across monastics, common people, and officials. In addition, I note institutional validation in some manuscripts, for instance, a “Sanjiesi cangjing” 三界寺藏經 (Sanjie Temple Collection) seal on the verso of the protective cover of BD111, which indicates that this scripture was actually included in the temple collection despite being excluded from the canons. All the colophons and the seal above prove the popularity of the Bayang jing among different groups of people.

Second, in addition to the common binding format scroll, some Dunhuang manuscripts of the Bayang jing were copied in special binding formats. One is the compact booklet format, such as P.3759-1, BD9159, BD9157, BD9152, BD9153-1, Дх1009-4, and Zhedun60; the other is the mini scroll, such as BD9188A, BD9187, and BD7925.12 Among them, P.3759 is an exceptionally mini booklet, which is smaller than half a palm, with each half-folio measuring merely 4.5 cm in width and 5 cm in height; each half-folio contains three lines, typically five characters per line (occasionally six). The first half of the booklet, P.3759-1, fully transcribes the Bayang jing, followed consecutively by P.3759-2, the Foshuo Molizhitian pusa tuoluoni jing 佛説摩利支天菩薩陀羅尼經 (Maricī Bodhisattva Dhāraṇi Scripture Spoken by the Buddha), which concludes:

If one can copy, recite, or uphold it—whether placing it in a topknot or within [garments]—carrying it while moving, all evils will retreat and scatter, none daring to oppose.13

This passage reveals that the compact booklet format was primarily designed for portability, enabling devotees to carry it in their hair or clothing to ward off evils. Similarly, other booklet-bound copies and the mini scroll copies would have facilitated easy carrying, serving a talismanic function. These binding styles reflect the adaptable dissemination methods of the Bayang jing and attest to the deep faith devotees held toward it.

Third, the Bayang jing was sometimes copied alongside other Buddhist texts consecutively in Dunhuang manuscripts. For instance, the aforementioned P.3759-1, the Bayang jing, is followed by P.3759-2, the Foshuo Molizhitian pusa tuoluoni jing. Additionally, P.3915, a pothi-format manuscript, contains nine texts copied consecutively: the Le rushan zan 樂入山讚 (Eulogy for Joyful Mountain Retreat), the Le zhushan zan 樂住山讚 (Eulogy for Dwelling Joyfully in Mountains), the Jin’gang bore boluomi jing 金剛般若波羅蜜經 (Diamond Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra) (T no. 235, vol. 8), the Miaofa lianhua jing Guanshiyin pusa pumen pin di nianwu 妙法蓮華經觀世音菩薩普門品第廿五 (Chapter Twenty-five, Universal Gateway of Bodhisattva [Who] Observes the Sounds of the World [i.e., Avalokiteśvara] of the Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Law) (T no. 262, vol. 9, 56c2–58b7), the Foshuo Amituo jing 佛説阿彌陀經 (Amitābha Sūtra Spoken by the Buddha) (T no. 363, vol. 12), the Foshuo bayang shenzhou jing 佛説八陽神咒經 (Sūtra of the Divine Spell of the Eightfold Yang Spoken by the Buddha) (T no. 428, vol. 14; a translated scripture), the Bayang jing, and the Baming pumi tuoluoni jing 八名普蜜陀羅尼經 (Scripture of the Eight-Named Universal Secret Dhāraṇī) (T no. 1365, vol. 21). Another example is found in Дх1009, where five texts were copied sequentially: a Qidao wen 祈禱文 (Prayer Text), the Shimen wenfan 釋門文範 (Liturgical Templates of the School of Śākyamuni), the Foshuo xuming jing 佛説續命經 (Scripture for Extending Lifespan Spoken by the Buddha) (T no. 2889, vol. 85), the Bayang jing, a Bianwen 變文 (Transformation Text), and the Wutaishan zanwen 五臺山讚文 (Eulogy for Mount Wutai). Further examples of the Bayang jing include: BD110v and BD276v with their recto being copied the Diamond Sūtra (T no. 235, vol. 8); BD14547v with its recto being copied the Da bore boluomi jing 大般若波羅蜜經 (Great Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra) (T no. 220, vol. 5); and P.2181-1 followed by P.2181-2, the Foshuo wuchang jing 佛説無常經 (Scripture on Impermanence Spoken by the Buddha) (T no. 801, vol. 17). Examination reveals that these consecutively arranged texts represent popular scriptures widely venerated within the contemporaneous communities. Notably, P.3915 and Дх1009 include liturgical texts such as eulogies, prayers, Buddhist liturgical templates, and transformation texts, which were likely used in ritual performances and recitations. It is conceivable that these composite manuscripts may have served as commonly used texts for specific Buddhist ceremonies.

In addition to materials found in Dunhuang, five newly discovered manuscripts of the Bayang jing provide the evidence of its dissemination in Central China during the Tang-Song period. In 1978, a well-preserved manuscript scroll of this scripture was excavated from a niche in a pagoda of Ruiguang 瑞光 Temple in Suzhou. Experts identify it as an early Northern Song (960–1127) manuscript, subsequently designate it as National Treasure No. 07190 in the Guojia zhengui guji minglu tulu 國家珍貴古籍名録圖録 (Register of National Precious Ancient Books) (Suzhoushi Wenguanhui and Suzhou Bowuguan 1979; Zhongguo Guojia Tushuguan and Zhongguo Guojia Guji Baohu Zhongxin 2012, pp. 50–51). In 2004, during restoration work on Shende 神德 Temple Pagoda in Yaozhou District, Tongchuan, Shaanxi Province, an unexpected cache of Buddhist scriptures from the late Tang, Five Dynasties, and early Song periods was discovered, including three manuscript scrolls of the Bayang jing catalogued as Y0015, Y0103, and Y0129-1 (Huang and Wang 2012). Furthermore, a Southern Song (1127–1279) manuscript preserved at Seikadō bunko in Japan was attributed to the scribe Xue Daoyin 薛道因 (1090–1167) by Matsumoto (1926, p. 176), based on the name “seng Daoyin” 僧道因 (monk Daoyin) found in its colophon. Although extant manuscripts of the Bayang jing found in Central China remain limited, these discoveries attest to the circulation of this scripture in Suzhou, Shaanxi, and other Tang-Song localities. The ritual enshrinement of four copies within pagodas further demonstrates that this scripture was formally venerated and worshipped during this period.

Although it is difficult to find more medieval copies of the Bayang jing, fortunately, the transmitted texts contain fragmentary records referencing the Bayang jing, providing collateral documentation of its dissemination in Central China. Among the Tang-dynasty transmitted texts, there is an interesting record about how the Bayang jing was used in the chuanqi 傳奇 (legend) “Wu Quansu” 吴全素14 as follows:

The household again had lamplight, with urgent whispers. Three śramaṇas recited the Bayang jing at the casement, preventing [the two bailiffs from the nether world] from approaching. Ascending the steps directly, they saw the hall door ajar. One bailiff thrust the elder into the hall—scarcely [the elder] reaching the bed when the newborn wailed.15

This narrative was set in Suzhou in the twelfth year of the Yuanhe 元和 (817–818) era of Emperor Xianzong’s reign during the Tang dynasty:

Wu Quansu, a native of Suzhou, nominated as a “Filial and Incorrupt [candidate]” yet failing the imperial examination five times, resided in Yongxing Ward in Chang’an in the twelfth year of the Yuanhe era.16

In this tale, two underworld bailiffs, with Wu, escort an elder to conduct a transmigratory implantation. Arriving at the parturient household, they intend to thrust the elder to the infant through the window, but hesitate upon encountering monks reciting the Bayang jing there. They instead thrust the elder through the hall door, resulting in successful childbirth. This account confirms the circulation of this scripture in the Tang-dynasty Suzhou, and its ritual application for parturition safety, chanted by śramaṇas during labor to invoke blessings. The bailiffs’ avoidance demonstrates their acknowledgment of the recitation’s thaumaturgic potency. Conversely, from the household’s perspective, the chanting demonstrably ensured auspicious delivery. Such narrative construction reflects contemporaneous popular perceptions—as represented by the author—regarding the merits accrued through reciting this scripture.

Among the Song-dynasty transmitted texts, an early record is found in the preface to the Linjian lu 林間録 (Forest Records) compiled by Song-dynasty monk Huihong Juefan 慧洪覺範 (1071–1128), which records that:

The Elder, Huitang (1025–1100), when seeing Chan practitioners lack discipline, jests, “Those monastics took reciters of the Bayang jing as their teachers—their knowledge surely stems from its profound source.”17

This account suggests Huitang’s critique of those monastics who do not understand much of Chan teachings. It also works as collateral evidence of the circulation of the Bayang jing during the Song dynasty. Moreover, it suggests this scripture served as an introductory text for Buddhist neophytes.

Another three records name it directly as “fabricated Bayang jing.” First, a ji 偈 (poetic verse) composed by Zhenru 真如 (fl. 1162) from the Song dynasty from Guanxi 關西 (present-day Shaanxi region) writes:

The fabricated Bayang jing,

which [Zhenru] has three thousand copies.

She loves flawed-rhyme poetry,

willfully ignoring syllable counts.18

Then, a poem composed by Shi Shaotan 釋紹曇 (d. 1297), a Southern Song monastic who was a native of Qingyuan 慶元 Prefecture (present-day Ningbo, Zhejiang), writes:

Daylong exertion followed by bright moonlight,

only to read the fabricated Bayang jing.

Though one reads through it until the dissemination chapter,

doubtful plantains ever bend to listen.19

Finally, a Yuan scholar Ye Yong 葉顒 (1296–?), a native of Jinhua 金華, writes in his Qiaoyun duchang 樵雲獨唱 (Songs the Woodcutter Sings Alone):

[As for] the fabricated Bayang jing,

[I have copied] no fewer than three thousand copies.

Being drunk, [I] splashed the ink disorderly,

with crude phrases tumbling with defiant candor.20

These materials confirm the popularity of the Bayang jing across Song-Yuan locales: Guanxi, Qingyuan, and Jinhua. Notably, monastics, naming it directly as “fabricated Bayang jing,” recognizing its apocryphal nature, continued copying and reciting it—even praising its unadorned language as embodying their pursuit of spontaneous authenticity.

Among the Yuan-dynasty transmitted texts, I found three records in the Yuan theater. First, Shi Junbao 石君寶 (1191–1276) writes in the “Hunjiang long” 混江龍 (River-Muddling Dragon), the first act of the Zhugongdiao fengyue ziyunting 諸宫調風月紫雲亭 (Palace Tunes: Wind-Moon Purple Cloud Pavilion):

What I sing first are the Records of the Three Kingdoms and the ten grand songs; my mother then adds the History of the Five Dynasties, supplemented with the Bayang jing.21

Then, an unnamed Yuan author, in the song “Mantingfang” 滿庭芳 (Full Quadrangle Blossoms), writes:

Like the History of the Five Dynasties, clamorous and noisy; like the Bayang jing, endlessly repetitive….22

Finally, Jia Zhongming 賈仲名 (1343–1422), a playwright from the end of the Yuan, in the song “Gun xiuqiu” 滾綉毬 (Rolling Silk Ball), the second act of the Jing Chuchen chongdui yushu ji 荊楚臣重對玉梳記 (Record of Jing Chuchen Rematching Jade Comb), writes:

Daily, the Bayang jing—even when scarce has three thousand copies; the History of the Five Dynasties—at its lightest counts two hundred bundles….23

These Yuan theater excerpts share a common trait: the Bayang jing is consistently employed in theatrical language as a metaphor for loquaciousness and tedious speech. Theater constitutes popular and mass art. The metaphorical usage of the Bayang jing in theatrical works accurately reflects the contemporaneous public’s consensus regarding its tediously repetitive chanting.

Among the Yuan-dynasty transmitted texts, Shi Honglian 釋洪蓮 (1366–1456) from the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) compiled the Jin’gang jing zhujie 金剛經注解 (Annotations on the Diamond Sūtra) (widely known as the Jin’gang jing wushisan jia zhujie 金剛經五十三家注解 [Fifty-Three Commentaries on the Diamond Sūtra]). When annotating the line from the Diamond Sūtra—

The so-called giving alms without dwelling on forms, and giving alms without dwelling on sounds, smells, tastes, tactile objects, or dharmas.24

—he cites a passage from the Bayang jing:

Moreover, the Scripture of the Eightfold Yang of Heaven and Earth writes, “The eye constantly sees limitless, endless forms the ear constantly hears limitless, endless sounds; the nose constantly smells limitless, endless fragrances; the tongue constantly distinguishes limitless, endless flavors; the body constantly feels limitless, endless tactile objects; the mind constantly ponders and discriminates among limitless, endless dharmas.”25

This demonstrates that Master Honglian was highly familiar with the Bayang jing and recognized its text as worthy of annotation.

At last, a Qing-dynasty manuscript of the Foshuo tiandi Bayang jingwen 佛説天地八陽經文 (Text of the Eightfold Yang of Heaven and Earth Spoken by the Buddha) from the fourth year of the Tongzhi era (1865) was discovered among folk collections in Guizhou. It bears the frontispiece title “Foshuo tiandi bayang baojing” 佛説天地八陽寶經 (Treasure Scripture of the Eightfold Yang of Heaven and Earth Spoken by the Buddha). Its content is largely the same as the Bayang jing, prefaced by the “Qixiang zan” 起香讚 (Incense-offering Praise), the “Jingshui ji” 浄水偈 (Pure Water Verse), the “Kaijing ji” 開經偈 (Scripture-opening Verse), the “Foshuo qitu bayang zhou” 佛説起土八陽咒 (Earth-disturbing Dhāraṇī of the Eightfold Yang Spoken by the Buddha), and appended with the “Pu’an zhou” 普庵咒 (Pu’an Dhāraṇī) and the “Bayang shenzhou” 八陽神咒 (Divine Dhāraṇī of the Eightfold Yang) (Yun Liu 2022, p. 4). This text was adapted into a liturgical text for dragon-pacifying and earth-thanksgiving rituals. According to Wu (2024), who gathered materials on these rituals, many texts bear “bayang” in their titles.26 The Bayang jing was incorporated into these rituals for pacifying the dragon and appeasing earth spirits of Pu’an worship post-Southern Song,27 either by appending the “Pu’an Dhāraṇī” to the Bayang jing, rewriting the content of the Bayang jing, or casting Pu’an as the expounder of Bayang-type texts (Wu 2024). Similarly, the dwelling-pacifying section of the Bayang jing was adapted into the Taishang laojun shuo anzhai Bayang jing, included in the Original Texts Section of the Dongshen Division in the Daoist canon (J. Zhang 2004, vol. 6, p. 169). The text’s compiler is unknown, likely dating to the Tang-Song period. In this scripture, Supreme Lord Laozi instructs the Taiji zhenren 太極真人 (Great Ultimate Perfected) on reciting this scripture in order to pacify dwelling. It claims that renovating dwellings disturbs dragon deities and violates malevolent astral forces; reciting this scripture can pacify these forces to prevent harm; reciting this scripture can also heal illnesses, strengthen the body, rectify and protect crops and silkworms, since it generates immeasurable merit (Hu 1995, p. 287). These adaptations reflect the pervasive circulation and dynamic vitality of the Bayang jing in popular contexts.

4. Reasons for the Spread of the Bayang jing in Asia

Why was the Bayang jing—authored in China and excluded from canonical catalogues and Buddhist canons—able to circulate widely among Asian communities for over twelve hundred years while sustaining enduring vitality? I summarize the primary reasons into the following four aspects.

Primarily, the Bayang jing could gain popular devotion and acceptance because its content aligned with the characteristics of Chinese religiosity. Z. Liu (1985, pp. 208–10) identified Chinese religiosity as serving practical needs and exhibiting a pluralistic and syncretic nature.

The Bayang jing adopts the format of a Buddhist sūtra, yet beneath this veneer, its content integrates diverse intellectual elements—including Buddhist, Daoist, Confucian, and occult practices—while being saturated with secular concerns (Yuanchun Liu 1996; Zheng 2004; Overmyer 1990, pp. 212–13). For example, Mollier (2008, p. 14) treats the Bayang jing as an example of Buddhist scripture deeply influenced by Daoism. When referring to the merit generated from revering this scripture for establishing a dwelling, this text writes:

If sons and daughters of virtuous families initiate active practices, first recite this sūtra thrice… After commencing work, halls and dwellings remain eternally secure; residences become firmly established, attaining wealth, nobility, and auspicious prosperity spontaneously.28

It addresses merit for distant travel or military service:

If journeying afar for military service or pursuing official posts for livelihoods, one achieves favorable outcomes.29

It mentions merit for childbirth:

Reciting this sūtra thrice during labor ensures easy delivery, supreme auspiciousness, innate wisdom, and merit-perfected blessings without premature death.30

It details merit for dispelling illness and transcending death:

All encounter virtuous mentors who recite the Bayang jing thrice; malevolent spirits are all eradicated, illnesses cured, and bodily strength fulfilled.31

Their children then recite this sūtra seven times, whereupon parents transcend hell-rebirth and ascend to heaven.32

Such passages focus on fulfilling aspirations related to the populace’s vital affairs and immediate interests in daily life. In this way, as Overmyer (1990, p. 220) points out, the Bayang jing demonstrates “a specific Buddhist approach to popular religion.”

According to Dunhuang colophons of the Bayang jing and records in transmitted texts, devotees revered this scripture primarily for cultivating merits in secular life. Examples include: its use for Dragon-pacifying and earth-thanksgiving rituals of Pu’an worship to ensure the construction work proceeds smoothly; colophons in manuscripts like Wulun19 and Beida D102 documenting distant campaigners—such as Lu Anduo, Li Jishun, and Kang Nuzi—copying this scripture to seek blessings; Tang-dynasty tale, “Wu Quansu,” recording laypeople inviting monks to recite this scripture during childbirth for safe delivery; and multiple manuscript colophons (e.g., S.1472, P.2098, Hane622) attesting to copying for transcending death or dispelling illness for relatives.

Second is the translation and adjustment of the content of the scripture to enhance disseminative efficacy. The Bayang jing maintained its disseminative reach across regions, constituencies, and eras largely because, during its geographical circulation and diachronic transmission, it underwent numerous translations and textual adjustments to adapt to varying socio-cultural contexts and applications.

To accommodate local languages, it was translated into Uighur, Tibetan, Tangut, and Mongolian. More than having been translated, it was also transliterated into Tibetan, Japanese, and Vietnamese. These translated and transliterated versions significantly accelerated local dissemination. As noted by Shen (2006, p. 29), Dunhuang Buddhist texts, Uighur Buddhist texts from Turfan, and Chinese and Tangut Buddhist texts from Khara-Khoto exhibit substantial typological parallels, with the Bayang jing ranking among the most prevalent apocryphal scriptures in these corpora.

To adapt to local cultures, the Bayang jing underwent content adaptations alongside translation. According to Sun’s (2022, p. 122) analysis of the Tangut Scripture of Sweet Dew Spoken by the Buddha adapted from the Chinese Bayang jing, the Tangut version is concise—barely over a thousand characters—recounting the Buddha’s teaching of the Scripture of Sweet Dew and the Eight Buddhas Dhāraṇi to the assembly; collation of extant portions confirms that its core content derives from the Chinese Bayang jing, with selected passages maintaining original sequence, even constituting an abridged version; the Tangut text selectively preserves the most comprehensible and pragmatically functional content, wholly omitting abstruse passages involving Buddhist doctrines. In other words, this editorial refinement retained only the content aligning with devotees’ expectations and needs, thereby enhancing cultural adaptability and facilitating local dissemination.

To attract devotees, the Bayang jing text further advocates the cultivation of merits through additions such as miracle narratives. As documented by Masuo (1997), Gen (2008, pp. 52–55), and Satō (2020a, 2023) regarding the preservation and circulation of this scripture in the Korean Peninsula, adaptations included prefatory prefaces and/or the “Bayang jing mizhuan” at the end of the text, after it was introduced to the peninsula. These added prefaces and the “mizhuan” comprise miracle-narrative texts emphasizing the merit and efficacy of revering and practicing the scripture, thereby serving to effectively attract devotees and facilitate dissemination.

Third is the diversification of formats to expand dissemination pathways. Analysis of extant materials reveals that the Bayang jing employed multiple transmission formats. These varied formats broadened its dissemination channels. Manuscript scrolls constituted the predominant carrier of the Bayang jing. Dunhuang corpus preserves 394 Chinese manuscript copies of this scripture, making it the most voluminous apocryphal scripture in the corpus, with 387 being scroll-form copies.

Additionally, seven compact booklet-style bindings are extant, such as P.3759 and P.3915, which facilitated portable carriage. In these booklets, several scriptures are copied successively, which Makita (1976, p. 340) identifies as “chain sūtra” (Ch. lianxie jing; Jp. rensha kyō 連寫經). Mollier (2008, p. 16) suggests that the scriptures copied in a chain (several scriptures, including the Bayang jing, arranged one by one in the same booklet or scroll) in Dunhuang manuscripts indicate how they were transmitted.

Block-printed documents also served as a format: surviving fragments include Chinese fragments (Ma and Zheng 2016), Uighur versions (Feng 1955; T. Zhang 2011), and Tangut Eight Buddhas fragments (translated from Tibetan versions) (Sun 2022; J. Zhang 2024). Whereas manuscript reproduction yielded individual copies, printed editions enabled mass replication upon carving. Thus, although extant printed fragments remain limited, they evidence widespread dissemination through printed circulation.

In addition, the Bayang jing states that eight bodhisattvas protect devotees through reciting the dhāraṇī (T no. 2897, vol. 85, p. 1424b5–8). These bodhisattvas were concretely visualized through polychrome paintings to facilitate circulation. As documented in the colophon of manuscript Nakamura114:

On the sixteenth day of the second month of the fifth year of the Tiancheng era, a gengyin year (930), lay disciple [of the Buddha], Yin Xingtong, devoutly painted nine images of bodhisattvas of bayang and Avalokiteśvara, while copying two scrolls of scriptures.33

Although, as Zheng and Hongxiang (2024) note, bodhisattvas of bayang were recorded in a lot of Buddhist scriptures, since the scribe Yin Xingtong copied Dunhuang fragment Дх3172 of the Bayang jing, it is reasonable to speculate that the bodhisattvas of bayang in this colophon refer to those bodhisattvas in the Bayang jing. The vivid medium of painting enabled broader dissemination and deeper devotion of this scripture among believers.

Manuscript scrolls facilitate individual copying, printed editions enable mass reproduction and dissemination, booklet-style bindings ensure portability, and illustrations convey concrete imagery. Though these diverse formats exhibit distinct transmission characteristics and possess distinct advantages, they collectively broaden the dissemination pathways for the Bayang jing through diversified forms.

Fourth is ritual integration to sustain vitality. The enduring vitality of the Bayang jing throughout its extensive and prolonged dissemination stems significantly from its proactive assimilation into ritual practices, maintaining relevance in communal life through practical utility.

As previously discussed, the Tang-dynasty tale “Wu Quansu” records the Bayang jing being used in childbirth blessing rituals. This scripture was also employed in the dragon-pacifying and earth-thanksgiving rituals of Pu’an worship (Wu 2024). Notes on the margin of the Vietnamese edition of the Bayang jing also reflect ritual usage. A verse section of this edition reads:

At that time, the World-Honored One, desiring to re-expound the sublime essential doctrine, proclaimed in verse: “Perfect features fully endowed, and to be born into a billionaire’s household…”34

Next to this verse, a note writes: “sancheng” 三稱 (three invocations) and “sanbian” 三遍 (three repetitions) (Sakurai 1979; Shimizu 2022). These marginalia demonstrate the use of this text in Buddhist liturgical chanting ceremonies, requiring triple recitation of this verse during rituals. Additionally, the Bayang jing was utilized in shamanistic rituals on the Korean Peninsula (Satō 2020a, p. 145).

5. Conclusions

Through integration into rituals deeply connected to communal life, such as childbirth blessings, dragon-pacifying and earth-thanksgiving ceremonies during construction projects, chanting ceremonies, and shamanistic rituals, the Bayang jing has maintained vibrant vitality in its dissemination across China and Asian communities.

This paper builds upon existing scholarship on the circulation of the Bayang jing in Dunhuang and its surrounding regions during the Tang and Song dynasties, as well as its dissemination throughout Asia, including the Korean Peninsula, Japan, and Vietnam. By integrating newly identified Dunhuang Chinese manuscripts, recently unearthed manuscripts from the Central Plain area, historical records, and materials from folk sources, it provides the first comprehensive account of the scripture’s extensive dissemination. Originating as an indigenous Chinese work, the Bayang jing has sustained its vitality for over twelve centuries, spreading from China to Asia and enduring from the Tang dynasty to the modern era. Its longevity can be attributed to four key factors: its responsiveness to lay concerns, its linguistic and content adaptation for broader dissemination, its diversification of transmission formats, and its integration into ritual practices.

The Bayang jing exemplifies the Sinicization of Buddhism as a dynamic process of cultural and religious integration. It highlights the scripture’s enduring significance, shaped by its adaptability to lay needs and ritual flexibility. This adaptability not only reflects the scripture’s capacity to address local exigencies but also underscores its role in fostering transregional frameworks for religious exchange. As such, the Bayang jing serves as a critical lens for examining the interplay between indigenous innovation and the pan-Asian dissemination of medieval Asian Buddhism.